Nikita Khrushchev

, is only a transient and superficial one. It will not do to depend on a "balance of power" or a so-called "balance of terror" for maintaining peace. Khrushchev's brainchild that peaceful coexistence is the only alternative in this nuclear age is a hypocritical lie. If the Soviet Union took this stuff serious

as a whole," and that it was "indeed of historic importance for all mankind". They have their motives for so eulogizing the Agreement. One may recall Khrushchev's famous remarks: "Even a tiny spark can cause a world conflagration" and "We" — that is, the Soviet Union and the United States-"are the strongest c

ve said this not from drawing abstract, political conclusions but also and above all by drawing our conclusions from the hostile policy of the Soviet Khrushchevian revisionists who have sought to occupy our ports and turn Albania into an arsenal for their own ends. But the Albanian people have unhesitatingly

ir legitimate struggle for liberation from the imperialist, colonialist and racist yoke. But following the usurpation of power in that country by the Khrushchev clique, the situation changed completely, and the struggle of the Soviet Union against American imperialism and its allies was replaced by the holy a

we are well acquainted with the Soviet revisionists and their schemes, and we, as well as the Arab leaders, know how these were threatened by Nikita Khrushchev in his time. May they never trust his disciples, for these, under the cloak of their so-called assistance, hide a dagger! 59. In Latin America the So

he Security Council took off a great deal of the heat which had been generated, and thus made it possible for both the late President Kennedy and Mr. Khrushchev to come to a compromise solution. The history of the world might have been different if this incident had happened without the United States or the S

h the Indian policy is expounded. The reality behind the verbal façade is very different. We got a glimpse of the reality when, after the fall of Mr. Khrushchev and the resumption of Sino-Soviet contacts, there was alarm and despondency in India over the possibility of the stoppage of Soviet military aid. The

and complete disarmament, a programme for which was proposed four years ago from this rostrum by the head of the Soviet Government, Nikita Sergeevich Khrushchev [799th meeting]. The thoughts of hundreds of millions of people are now turned towards the implementation of this programme. 8. The whole world knows

orld —and of the Soviet Union in particular— have not tried to deceive us; we must read once again the definition given by Mr. Gromyko, following Mr. Khrushchev, in his speech the other day in this very hall, of what he considers peaceful coexistence to be. He said: "The Soviet people are imbued with the unsh

I might also quote the words spoken by Mr. Khrushchev to the Communist Party Congress on 17 October 1961: "From the bottom of our hearts we wish success to those who are struggling for their liberty and

try has welcomed with enthusiasm the signature of the Treaty of Moscow, and my President, Joao Goulart, in his message to President Kennedy, Chairman Khrushchev and Prime Minister Macmillan, expressed Brazil's gratification at the constructive spirit in which the United Kingdom, the United States of America a

e test-ban treaty a sign and a symbol of the will of the Soviet Union and the Western Powers for peaceful coexistence. President Kennedy and Chairman Khrushchev looked into the abyss and stepped back from it. We are told that there are no possibilities of coexistence in the ideological field. Nevertheless, as

of nuclear power and space exploration, has been demonstrated most fully and convincingly in the speeches of the head of the Soviet Government, N. S. Khrushchev, including the speech he delivered here at the United Nations, The importance of this policy, which is in the interest of each State individually and

ce whenever called upon to make a contribution to the cause of peaceful understanding. The Sunday in June 1961 on which President Kennedy and Premier Khrushchev met in Vienna for the first time stands out as one of the great days in our recent history. 128. The most important task of Austrian foreign policy i

cerity of President Kennedy's call for a mutual reexamination of attitudes between the United States and the USSR proved fruitful, and so did Premier Khrushchev's firm stand for peace in the Sino-Soviet argument, coupled with his specific proposals for phased disarmament measures. The agreement on a direct co

If that is so, the reason for it is very largely this. Mr. Khrushchev has said time and again in recent months, and declared on behalf of the Government of the Soviet Union, that in modern conditions to interpret the co

There, he announced the agreement with the Head of the Soviet Government, Mr. Khrushchev, and the Head of the United Kingdom Government, Mr. Macmillan, for the initiation of high-level talks in Moscow with a view to producing this Treaty.

ut a brake on further intensification of the arms race. 50. The Soviet Union —as has been frequently stated by the head of the Soviet Government, Mr. Khrushchev— is prepared to take further steps towards reducing international tension. The United States of America, for its part, apparently also wishes to emba

of mutual trust Is being used to replace mutual distrust, hatred and suspicion. 40. We therefore extend congratulations to President Kennedy, Premier Khrushchev and Prime Minister Macmillan for their efforts in achieving this essential first step, which my Government regards as one of the most important event

ited Nations today. 150. In recalling this, we should like to refer to the words of the Head of the Government of the Soviet Union, Nikita Sergeevich Khrushchev, who, speaking at the World Congress on General Disarmament and Peace, on 10 July 1962 said: "The ominous situation dictates the need for creating a

to the Conference — and this is significant — by the President of the United States, Mr. Kennedy, and by the Prime Minister of the Soviet Union, Mr. Khrushchev. And both the Soviet and United States scientists subscribed to a declaration affirming that the principal goal of the Conference was to find ways of

rom this rostrum on, more than one occasion. Twice, in 1959 and 1960, the General Assembly Hall has been the scene of statements by Nikita Sergeevich Khrushchev, the Head of the Soviet Government [799th and 869th meetings], in which the foreign policy of the Soviet Union was set forth in detail. These stateme

rtunity go by to make a supreme effort to ease the dangerous situation prevailing in these areas. It would be more desirable if a meeting between Mr. Khrushchev, and Mr. Kennedy could shortly be arranged, preferably at the United Nations while the Assembly is in session. Such a meeting could pave the way for

to be not only desirable but necessary if agreement is to be reached on this grave problem, the solution of which admits of no further delay. Premier Khrushchev's prospective visit here during the coming two months, which has been rumoured, would be an excellent occasion for such a summit meeting, which could

. I shall refer to some of them. 3. The Secretary-General points out the lack of progress With regard to the problem of disarmament. Now, as Chairman Khrushchev has stated in this hall — and rightly stated, for once — the question of disarmament is the question of questions, and one has to admit that in respe

the world”, is concerned, its propagandist nature has been unmasked on various occasions by the Soviet Union and other socialist countries. Mr. N. S. Khrushchev, the Head of the Soviet Government, emphasized once more from the lofty platform of the World Congress for General Disarmament and Peace that "the po

nist world has in the past few years proposed at least two ideas to which the West has perhaps not attached sufficient importance. I believe that Mr. Khrushchev should be commended for having partly based his foreign policy on two ideas which he now considers to be essential: that war is no longer inevitable

international control. 15. The programme for general and complete disarmament put forward by the Head of the Soviet Government, Mr. Nikita Sergeevich Khrushchev, at the fifteenth session of the General Assembly of the United Nations [869th meeting] is today of even greater significance for the preservation of

Khrushchev and I agreed at Vienna — to those of Cambodia and Burma. 84. But now the negotiations over Laos are reaching a crucial stage, the cease-fire is at be

other reason and that is the spectre of the development, as a result of test explosions, of new and even more terrible weapons, for example, Chairman Khrushchev's one hundred megaton bomb, which might be called the Armageddon bomb. The fact that the leaders of this great nation of the Soviet Union are even th

It is true that quite recently Mr. Khrushchev himself drew a very idyllic picture of peaceful coexistence. "What is peaceful coexistence?" he asked. "In its simplest form it means the renunciatio

Let us take for example the questions of disarmament and Germany. 8. During the fifteenth session of the General Assembly, Mr. Nikita Khrushchev, Prime Minister of the Soviet Union, submitted a proposal for general and complete disarmament [ 869th plenary meeting]. 9. Although the question of

Soviet Union and all our socialist countries call upon the Western Powers to do. In the words of the Head of the Soviet Government, Nikita Sergeevich Khrushchev: "We want to clear away the remnants of the Second World War, to cleanse the atmosphere in Europe and so throughout the world, in Order that all peop

Powers to the serious nature of the existing danger. This was referred to by the Chairman of the Council of Ministers of the USSR, Nikita Sergeevich Khrushchev, at his recent meeting in Vienna with Mr. Kennedy, President of the United States of America. 65. There is, in the world today, no place where there

d its allies has increased or not, our answer is that the resumption of tests is regrettable, is a setback to peace. A little later I shall quote Mr. Khrushchev on this, which is perhaps the right thing to do. 161. It has been said—it was said by the Secretary of State the other day—that the fact that these t

arding the structure and organization of the United Nations. Those conclusions were expounded at the fifteenth session of the General Assembly by Mr. Khrushchev the Prime Minister of the Soviet Union [869th meeting, paras. 275-285] and are unreservedly supported by Poland, 110. We know that there are Powers w

en eliminated. Together with all the socialist countries, the Bulgarian Government fully supported the proposals made over two years ago by Mr. N. S. Khrushchev, Chairman of the Council of Ministers of the USSR, that an end should be put to the abnormal situation in which the lack of a peace treaty enables th

e Soviet Union, it should have become dear by this time, is not really interested in disarmament; it is interested only in scoring propaganda points. Khrushchev's grandiose proposal of "general and complete disarmament", unaccompanied as it is by any adequate system of controls or any workable plan by which i

a resistance to the policy of threats and war preparations. 14. It was in this spirit that we sent a special message to President Kennedy and Premier Khrushchev — leaders of the two greatest Powers, on whom the general state of international relations so largely depends — asking them to resume contact in orde

and complete disarmament has gained ground all over the world beyond all expectations. When the Head of the Soviet Government, Mr. Nikita Sergeyevich Khrushchev, surprised—in the pleasantest sense of the word— the fourteenth session of the General Assembly, and world opinion in general, with the idea of gener

t year, at the Assembly's fifteenth session, we listened with deep attention to the historic statement by the Head of the Soviet Government Mr. N. S. Khrushchev [869th meeting], a statement imbued with an ardent desire to safeguard the most valuable thing on earth- lasting peace throughout the world. The prog

to conciliation. 150. For example, at this session of the General Assembly the leaders of the two great Powers Mr. Eisenhower (868th meeting] and Mr. Khrushchev (869th meeting], have both subscribed to the view that the era of colonialism is at an end, and that the new nations which are now emerging into a ne

way of life and to decide for themselves the course they wish to follow and if, of course, they all respected their commitments. 4. Others, like Mr. Khrushchev, the Chairman of the Council of Ministers of the USSR [869th meeting], propose quite simply that all colonial countries, Trust or Non-Self-Governing

part of the last war. Today, the Soviet empire is bigger than it was under any Tsar. We support the complete abolition of colonialism preached by Mr. Khrushchev. Let him set an example for the world by liquidating Soviet colonialism. Let him practise what he preaches by restoring freedom and independence to E

rds the reduction of tension and publicly to declare my belief in negotiation. My visit to Moscow, when I had long and important discussions with Mr. Khrushchev, led to a series of interchanges of visits between the statesmen of the protagonist countries. These visits seemed about to fructify in the Summit Co

ce to our relations with the Balkan States and make consistent efforts to consolidate peace in the Balkans. 91. We supported the proposal made by Mr. Khrushchev, Chairman of the Council of Ministers of the USSR, for the transformation of the Balkans and the Adriatic into an atom and rocket-free area. We also

oppose the aspirations if peoples towards achieving complete freedom from colonial dependence. That is how, in our view, one should interpret Premier Khrushchev’s idea concerning the transformation of the executive organ of the United Nations into a body of three persons representing the three major groups of

Khrushchev had urged so convincingly when he submitted his plan. 108. This was not all. Mr. Khrushchev was here on an extended visit to the United States as an

are badly tilted one way or the other, the neutrals are not only out of business, but war then becomes inevitable. 95. I quote from the speech of Mr. Khrushchev on 3 October 1960: "The real situation in the world today is that the strength of the two greatest Powers — the Soviet Union and the United States —

se of the Congolese people and of its legitimate Government. The delegation of the People’s Republic of Albania endorses the opinion expressed by Mr. Khrushchev in his speech [869th meeting], concerning the Secretary-General’s activity and that of his staff, and supports the proposal that the post of Secretar