May I be Allowed, Mr. President, to present to you my congratulations and to all Members of the General Assembly my sincere wishes for fruitful debates.
26. The participation of so many Heads of Government and leading statesmen of countries and nations in the deliberations of the General Assembly at its fifteenth session is undoubtedly an unusual event in the history of the United Nations. How can it be explained? It reflects above all the seriousness of the international situation; which, so far as the problem of the maintenance of peace is concerned, has deteriorated since the last session of the General Assembly.
27. This event is also a manifestation of the fact that many countries including Poland, do attach great importance to the United Nations, to the purposes and functions it ought to perform in. solving the paramount issue of our times, that of securing lasting peace.
28. This is the first time that I have had the honour of taking a direct part in the work of the General Assembly, and I wish to declare on behalf of my country that the Polish delegation will do its utmost to achieve the results expected of the present session both by the people of Poland and by all the peoples of the world. I am also deeply convinced that the interests of my country are consistent with those of all other nations on all the basic issues which we are here to solve, on all the problems so closely linked to preserving and strengthening lasting peace.
29. The same deep concern for the future development of the international situation, so that it may favour the cause of peace and the manifest desire to shape and further friendly relations between States of different social systems, has been displayed by all the socialist nations. That is why they have placed at the head of their delegations their State and political leaders. A large number of other countries have acted likewise.
30. All the more regrettable, therefore, are the discriminatory practices of the United States authorities, reminiscent of cold-war tendencies and aimed at delegations of various socialist countries as well as at the delegation of Cuba. It is also difficult to believe that various excesses against certain delegations could have taken place without the tacit consent of the authorities concerned. No one has any intention here of blaming the American people, for whom the Polish delegation and undoubtedly all other delegations harbour feelings of warm friendship. All those acts of petty chicanery cannot influence the attitude of the delegations against which they are directed or hinder the constructive work we are resolved to pursue at this session. Nevertheless, the question raised here as to whether in such circumstances the City of New York should continue to be the seat of the Headquarters of the United Nations seems fully justified.
31. The General Assembly has done well to admit into our ranks, at the very outset of our deliberations, a large number of States established on the ruins of the colonial system. This act symbolizes the recognition by the United Nations of the irreversible process of the liquidation of the colonial system. This is indeed a process which shapes our era. We trust that other countries of Africa, and in the first instance Algeria and nations of the eastern part of that continent, will soon regain their independence and the right to decide freely their own destinies, a right which is due to them.
32. The majority of the new Member States are countries of the African continent. For the first time in their history they enter the road of independent existence, gaining the possibility of using the vast riches of that continent for the benefit of their own people and of playing the part which is due to them in international relations. There may still be difficulties ahead on the road towards full emancipation from economic dependence on their former rulers and colonizers, on capitalist concerns. There is no doubt, however, that nothing and no one will be able to revive the colonial system either in its old or its new forms. Any attempt to put the clock back will meet with the resistance of the newly liberated nations, which no longer stand alone. For on their side there are powerful forces. On their side are all those to whom the cause of peace and freedom is dear, countries which are building a new socialist order, nations which have experienced colonial oppression and exploitation.
33. The future of the new States is inseparably linked with the cause of peace. Only under conditions of peaceful co-operation of nations will the new countries be able to strengthen their sovereign existence and build an enduring basis for the independent development of the economy, of their culture, of their Statehood. That is why we are convinced that their contributions to the solution of the most pressing problems of our day, such as disarmament, the liquidation of the colonial system and the most broadly conceived international co-operation in all fields of human activity, will be of the utmost value.
34. It is being suggested here frequently that assistance is to be rendered to the newly liberated nations and newly created States. Such assistance will be an equitable and necessary act of historical justice only if it corresponds to the interests of those peoples, only if it really favours the development of countries which, through no fault of their own, but because of the actions of others, have been kept in a state of backwardness . Such assistance can be rendered directly, within the framework of bilateral relations, as well as through the machinery of the United Nations.
35. But we should be on guard lest the motion of "assistance" and the United Nations flag be abused, as was true so recently in the Congo, with the intent of interfering in internal affairs in a way which by no means serves the strengthening of the political and economic sovereignty of this newly established African republic. It is contrary to the purposes and principles of the United Nations to cover up colonial interests with the flag of this Organization. This fact cannot be concealed by the "righteous indignation" of representatives of certain Powers in the face of the criticism, fully shared by the Polish delegation, of the Secretary-General’s actions. In analysing the policy of the Secretary-General, one can only rely on its true meaning viewed objectively, on the evaluation of its effects. It not only failed to help the lawful Government of Prime Minister Lumumba, but, what is more, it was directed against him.
36. I could mention here, as an illustration of methods used by the colonialists, the unfounded accusation made by Belgian authorities against my Government concerning an alleged shipment of arms to the Congo destined for Premier Lumumba. Moreover, this mythical ship was supposed to have been dispatched a few days prior to the proclamation of the independence of the Congo. That is how fictitious evidence was offered as to the "communist plot" in the Congo. Even the Polish Government's official denial did not immediately stop this cheap insinuation.
37. We have also witnessed here the same methods being applied by those who defend, support and justify the colonizers. The method is insinuation, distortion and demagogy. They try to find colonialism and imperialism in their antipodes, in the socialist States. For instance, could Mr. Diefenbaker, Prime Minister of Canada, indicate which of the socialist countries exploits other nations, enriches itself by their labour, seizes their raw materials and plants, lives at their expense? No such socialist State exists, nor can it exist. For the essence of colonialism is the subjection of other nations for the purpose of exploiting their labour and seizing their wealth.
38. There is no need to recall here how Belgium, for instance, used to obtain hundreds of millions of dollars of colonial profits every year from the Congo. Is there any need now, after the speeches of the representatives of Africa, to remind Mr. Diefenbaker of the labour camps in Angola and Mozambique, the reservations and inhuman racial policy of the Union of South Africa? In an attempt to justify colonialism, to divert the attention of public opinion from what is a shameful page of the history of the twentieth century, the Prime Minister of Canada assumes a hypocritical role of a defender of freedom of social nations.
39. Our countries, too, were exploited by foreign capital until our nations gained control of our lands, the nations of our region work now for their good. They enjoy true independence and are in no need to be protected by the colonizers and their defenders.
40. With your permission, I wish to address myself to the representatives of States newly admitted to our Organization, that they convey to they people and their Governments the warm congratulations and heartfelt wishes of the Polish people for successful development on the new road of their independent, national existence. They will meet, both on our part as well as on that of all peace-loving nations, with full support in their efforts for the strengthening of their independence and sovereignty.
41. While welcoming the happy event of the growth of our Organization which enhances its standing and effectiveness, I cannot help expressing our regrets and our protests because of the continued absence in this hall of the representatives of the great Chinese people. The time has come to put an end to the fiction according to which major problems of the contemporary world can be solved without the participation of the Chinese People’s Republic.
42. If on this obvious question the United Nations meets with the firm resistance of the Western Powers, particularly the United States, this is so because they are inclined to employ the United Nations as an instrument of the cold war waged against the Chinese People's Republic and all socialist States, because they intend to use the United Nations for their own purposes and do not intend to reconcile themselves to the idea that the United Nations should reflect faithfully the existing relationship of forces in the world and should implement the concept of peaceful co-existence in practice. Such attempts, so contrary to the United Nations Charter and its principal purposes, create the greatest danger to our Organization. At the same time, when we object to these attempts, when we express our anxiety to eliminate this danger, world, and in particular American public opinion is being intimidated by raising the spectre of an alleged crisis in the United Nations.
43. The United Nations, if it is to play its proper part in shaping world affairs, has to serve the interests of all nations; it cannot oppose the aspirations if peoples towards achieving complete freedom from colonial dependence. That is how, in our view, one should interpret Premier Khrushchev’s idea concerning the transformation of the executive organ of the United Nations into a body of three persons representing the three major groups of States within our Organization.
44. The executive organ so constituted should provide safeguards for equitable and impartial interpretation and implementation of the United Nations decisions. No such safeguards are provided for within the present structure. This structural change in the Secretariat is of particular importance in connexion with the problem of police forces and of the forces which are to be established in the process of implementing complete and general disarmament. The Polish delegation gives its support to this, suggestion which aims at improving the situation within and at strengthening the United Nations. The responsibilities confronting the Assembly are greater than ever before.
45. A year ago the Prime Minister of the Soviet Union presented from this rostrum a most consistent proposal, the implementation of which could secure enduring peace to all nations: a plan for general and complete disarmament. On 20 November last year, the General Assembly unanimously adopted a historic resolution [1378 (XIV)] incorporating this idea. Nations were entitled to expect practical steps to follow this resolution which opened a new era in relations between nations, between East and West, an era of peaceful coexistence and peaceful competition for the benefit of mankind. The year that has passed since has frustrated these hopes.
46. The much desired relaxation of tension between East and West did not materialize. The Summit Conference was wrecked by the provocative actions of cold-war forces, culminating in the flight of the spying plane over the territory of the Soviet Union. The armaments race, so threatening to the cause of peace, continues, consuming enormous material resources unproductively.
47. In various parts of the world colonialists, old and new alike, are fanning the flames of new conflicts, trying to maintain the dependence of nations who rid themselves of the colonial dependence and are determined to make their own decisions as to their future destinies.
48. The situation in the Federal Republic of Germany constitutes a particular threat to the peace of Europe and that of the world. The rearmament of the Bundeswehr and the revisionist campaign by German revanchists has reached new heights. In this situation, in view of the breakdown of the Ten-Nation Committee on Disarmament, the Soviet Union, with the support of other socialist countries, has again placed the problem of complete and general disarmament before the General Assembly.
49. We represent here our nations and their deep-rooted desire for peace. We should do our utmost to resume disarmament negotiations in a better atmosphere and move towards the implementation of complete and general disarmament. I should like to express my sincere satisfaction that President Eisenhower, like the leaders of socialist countries, acknowledges that: "Men everywhere want to disarm. They want their wealth and labour to be spent not on war but for food, for clothing, for shelter, for medicines, for schools.” [868th meeting, para. 74.] I could also subscribe to the following words expressed by President Eisenhower after the cold-war elements had caused the failure of the Par is Summit Conference: "All of us know that, whether started deliberately or accidentally, global war would leave civilization in a shambles... In a nuclear war there can be no victors, only losers."
50. From these statements one could draw but one and only one logical conclusion: all nuclear arms and all weapons of mass destruction should be eliminated as speedily as possible and we should all join in serious efforts and show maximum goodwill in order to implement the Soviet proposal on complete and general disarmament. Why then did the Western Powers, contrary to the peaceful intentions of their nations and aware of the dangers of nuclear war, cause the breakdown of the work of the Ten-Nation Committee on Disarmament?
51. The very reason for the failure of disarmament negotiations which have been conducted hitherto lays in the dangerous and fallacious theory that peace can be only an outcome of the so-called balance of terror between the East and the West, that is, between socialism and capitalism. This theory determines the policy of the Western Powers.
52. "Recognition of this mutual destructive capability is the basic reality of our present relations." That is how President Eisenhower defined some months ago the essence of the United States policy towards the Soviet Union.
53. The theory of peace based on strength is by no means a contemporary invention. It is a repetition of the old Roman principle, si vis pacem para bellum. The whole history of mankind up to our times has shown that the policy based on the principle, "if you desire peace prepare for war", has never secured nations a peaceful life, but has always led to war.
54. The United Nations, the supreme goal of which is to preserve nations from the horrors of a new war which would result in an unprecedented catastrophe, is bound to be aware that the policy of the so-called balance of terror as preached and practised by the Western Powers leads inevitably to a new conflict. This is no communist propaganda; it is the truth in all its dangerous implications, clearly seen by communists. All Heads of all States and leaders of all nations should also be aware of it.
55. The disarmament negotiations conducted hitherto could not produce any results because the representatives of the Western Powers were guided by the concept of the balance of terror, so detrimental to the cause of peace. From it derives, logically and consistently, the attitude of the West. It amounts in reality not to controlled disarmament, but only to the control of the existing armaments on both sides.
56. The Western Powers have rejected all specific disarmament proposals put forward by the Soviet Union and supported by other socialist States, proposals which envisaged the gradual reduction and later complete elimination of armaments under effective international control. Instead of controlled disarmament, the Western Powers have put forward the plan of control over armaments, or, in other words, of control without disarmament. This attitude cannot be accepted. It is not only that control of armaments fails to create conditions for disarmament; it encourages at the same time the armaments race and, therefore, increases the danger of war.
57. We have heard the statements by the United States on its readiness to subject itself to all forms of international inspection on the condition that it will be effective and reciprocal. It is my deepest conviction that should such an inspection really be capable of safeguarding peace, all socialist countries would open wide to it their entire territory. But military experts of both sides are fully aware of the fact that even if inspectors were stationed at every existing launching site of weapons of mass destruction, this would not only fail to reduce the danger of a surprise attack but would even increase such danger, for at any moment launching-pads could be set into motion, time could be gained, and the adversary caught unawares. Control without disarmament therefore cannot eliminate mutual distrust among States; it can only increase it.
58. Against this background I would like to say a few words on the proposal for a universal plebiscite which was put forward from this rostrum a few days ago, a plebiscite in which every individual in “the world could freely express himself on whether he wants to avail himself of the right to govern his own country.
59. There are various concepts of government by the people, that is, of democracy. It finds its fullest expression under conditions when work establishments become national property, that is, under conditions of socialism. This rostrum is not the place for arguing with those who think that the system based upon private ownership of means and tools of production is superior. Leaving aside, therefore, the question of the form of government, I favour the idea of asking the opinion of all peoples on problems most closely linked with their right to govern their own countries and to decide their own destinies. In accordance with this right, I would like the United Nations to support the idea of a universal plebiscite in which nations would answer the following questions: Do you want your country to possess nuclear weapons? Do you want launching sites for missiles to be situated on the territory of your country? Are you in favour of eliminating all weapons of mass destruction? Are you in favour of general and complete disarmament?
60. If all Governments would agree to the holding of such a plebiscite and would comply with the desires of peoples expressed in it, then, in conformity with the will of nations, the basic problem of our times — the elimination of the threat of war — would have been solved. For there can be no doubt as to what would be the answer of the peoples of the world to the questions put before them. The Government of the Polish People's Republic, and I am sure of all socialist States, is ready to agree immediately to the holding of such a plebiscite if the Western Governments would do likewise.
61. Nuclear arms in their latest development infringe upon the very principles of democracy. Solemn declarations by the United States that these weapons will be applied only in case of retaliation, that is, in case of an enemy attack, do not diminish the threat of war. Even if we were to assume that those pledges would not be broken — and there is no guarantee that this could not happen — nuclear war could be brought about by miscalculation, by false data and wrong assessment or by a desire to prevent an attack which in reality was not being prepared for. The decision on retaliation has to be taken at a moment's notice, and then it can turn out that a supposed retaliation became in reality an attack. War can break out in spite of the will of both sides, and there can be no return. Against such errors, control and inspection constitute no safeguards. Exact knowledge as to the location of forces on both sides can only incite the potential aggressor to embark upon an attack in the hope that surprise action would give him an advantage over his adversary.
62. In this situation, the life and death of hundreds of millions of people depend on a few individuals empowered to order retaliatory steps. Not the peoples, not parliaments, not even the governments, nor the councils of military blocs, but only a few individuals are vested with the right to set in motion the machinery of mass destruction — individuals who, like all human beings, can easily make mistakes and be swayed by false alarm or succumb to hysteria.
63. In these circumstances, what is left of the sovereignty of States which do not possess atomic weapons — and rightly so — or which rather formally belong to the so-called atomic club and at the same time are members of the military blocs? Although they belong, for instance, to the North Atlantic Treaty they have no voice whatsoever in the most important issue — the question of the life or death of their citizens. The lives of millions in these countries are in the hands of an individual representing the leading Power of this bloc, the United States, an individual who keeps his finger on the small button which can bring about a nuclear catastrophe.
64. It is being said that in the United States only the President can give orders to push this ominous button. Without going into details as to the personal responsibility and powers in this respect in the United States and in the Soviet Union, let us assume that in the USSR the right to give such an order has been vested in the Chairman of the Council of Ministers. It is immaterial, for the sake of argument, whether President Eisenhower or Premier Khrushchev really have this right. The point is that with the actual state of readiness of nuclear weapons neither can the decision on their retaliatory application be taken collectively nor can there be 100 per cent certainty that the decision, if taken, would be the correct one. Indeed, it must be taken in less than an hour. Missiles with solid fuel do not leave more than ten-minutes' time.
65. This is the situation in which the nations of the world now find themselves. In the world, divided as it is today into two opposing social systems — socialism and capitalism — a struggle is being waged on various issues of greater or lesser importance. Anticommunism is blinding certain groups, certain leaders and statesmen and is preventing them from seeing that among all major questions the greatest and the most important for all the nations is the question of the elimination of weapons of mass destruction, of disarmament and of the creation of conditions which make for enduring peace,
66. The problem of choosing between communism or capitalism does not concern inter-State relations. This is an ideological and social problem. Therefore, the question of the superiority of one or another social system has to be decided by the people, who themselves will express their opinion as to which social system best represents their interests and guarantees to them a better, freer and happier life. He who desires peace and a "détente", who identifies the future of the world with the progress of economy, culture and freedom of the individual, should discard the policy of anti-communism and choose the peaceful coexistence of States irrespective of their social systems.
67. As long as the Western Powers do not take such an attitude, disarmament negotiations will not produce positive results. The socialist States approach the disarmament negotiations with a sincere desire to reach an agreement. Their representatives will certainly do everything within their power to bring the negotiations to a successful conclusion. It is, however, important that the composition of the Ten-Nation Committee on Disarmament be extended by the inclusion of five new States, in accordance with the principle of geographical distribution. In this respect, we support the proposal of the Soviet Union on that subject [A/45'09].
68. The main source of conflict between East and West and the greatest danger spot of the "cold war" continues to be the situation in Germany. One can have no doubts whatsoever that a military conflict in that part of Europe would inevitably degenerate into a world conflagration. It is not the division of Germany which is the basic reason of this peril to peace. The basic reason is, first and foremost, the revival of German militarism in the Federal Republic of Germany. For the third time in our century, imperialist forces in Germany are making an attempt to dominate Europe. This time they are acting together with their Atlantic allies under the slogan: "the defence of the West against danger from the East".
69. Poland — which was the first victim of Nazi aggression and which lost, during the Second World War, six million of its inhabitants and 38 per cent of its national wealth — has, more than any other country, the right and duty to voice from this rostrum a warning against the mounting danger of West German militarism for the peace and security of nations. If anybody had any doubts as to the reality of this threat, the Course of events in recent years, and especially in 1960, has left no illusion whatsoever in this respect,
70. The provisions of the Potsdam Agreement, on the basis of which German militarism was to have been uprooted, were disregarded and violated. Limitations envisaged in the subsequent agreements of the Western Powers concerning the armaments of the Federal Republic of Germany are being done away with step by step.
71. Ten years ago the Bonn Government and the Governments of the Western Powers offered assurances that there would be no West German army. Today we are faced with the Bundeswehr, several hundred thousand strong, which is equipped with the latest weapons and to be expanded in the near future.
72. Under the protocol signed in Paris in 1954, the equipment of the Bundeswehr was limited to conventional arms only, with the exclusion of atomic, biological, chemical and other modern weapons. This obligation was entered into by the Government of the Federal Republic of Germany and the Western Powers. Today the Federal Republic of Germany engages in mass production for the Bundeswehr of rockets and guided missiles of various types, thousand-ton submarines and large naval vessels, long-range bombers and other types of armaments. The armaments industry of West Germany rebuilt by the same concerns which used to finance Hitler, has become not only a partner but a competitor in the armaments industry of the Western Powers.
73. Three years ago the Western Powers and the Government of the Federal Republic of Germany solemnly declared that the Bundeswehr would never be equipped with atomic weapons. Today the Bundeswehr has at its disposal weapons for carrying nuclear warheads, while the Government and the Parliament of the Federal Republic of Germany, in their resolutions, as well as the General Staff of the Bundeswehr in a recently published memorandum categorically demand that nuclear weapons at least of the same effectiveness as the weapons of the enemy be put at their disposal. Without those weapons — blackmail the Bundeswehr generals — the free world will have no choice but to surrender to international communism. Characteristically enough, this memorandum bears the signature of Admiral Ruge, the very same man who, twenty-one years ago, issued orders to shell the Polish coast, thus opening the hostilities of the Second World War.
74. Considering all this, one is bound to ask what value there is in assurances that the United States will not deliver to the Bundeswehr nuclear warheads or other types of nuclear weapons.
75. International agreements between the Powers of the anti-Nazi coalition concluded after the war have outlawed in Germany propaganda of war and revanche as well as the activities of militarist and fascist organizations. Today we witness in the Federal Republic of Germany war and revanchist propaganda, racist and fascist excesses, as well as repeated demonstrations by militarists and forces preaching revenge.
76. The Federal Republic of Germany is the only country in Europe which officially, in documents of its Government, in the statements of its leaders, and in published maps, advances territorial claims against Poland, Czechoslovakia and other European countries.
77. Until recently, public opinion in the West was being assured that the revisionist campaign was waged by small irresponsible groups of little importance. But in July this year. Chancellor Adenauer declared publicly that former East Prussia, which constitutes an integral part of the Polish Peopled Republic, would be restored to Germany if it stood faithfully and firmly by its allies. In August this year Vice-Chancellor Erhardt, in an inflammatory and bellicose speech, with even greater audacity- claimed Polish Upper Silesia. At the same time the President of the Federal Republic of Germany, Herr Luebke, also publicly claimed the Polish; Western territories, which constitute one third of Poland and are inhabited by more than one fourth of its population, a population which is exclusively Polish. The present frontiers of Poland, established at Potsdam as a result of an agreement between the victorious Powers of the anti-Hitlerite coalition, Herr Luebke thought fit to describe as an illegality on the basis of which no lasting peace could be built.
78. German militarism has always violated law and international treaties whenever they constituted an obstacle to its aggressive schemes. Similarly, today the Federal Republic of Germany refuses to recognize the Potsdam Agreement, concluded in accordance with international law by the Powers of anti-Nazi coalition after Germany had signed the act of unconditional surrender.
79. The State leaders of the Federal Republic of Germany have unleashed a revisionist campaign under a slogan invented by them namely the "Right to fatherland" for the Germans resettled from Polish territory and from, other countries. This revisionist "Right to fatherland" they try to identify with the right of peoples to self-determination, thus distorting its very meaning For on Polish territory there is no German population.
80. German imperialism, whose heirs are the spokesmen of West German revisionism, has repeatedly trampled over and destroyed the independence of entire nations. The Nazi occupants have exterminated and tortured to death more Polish citizens than the number of Germans resettled from Polish territory on the basis of the Potsdam Agreement.
81. Facts indicate that revisionism has become an official programme of the Government of the Federal Republic of Germany, a programme which that State propagates in an ever more persistent way, while rebuilding its military power. The demand for nuclear weapons by the general staff of the Bundeswehr aims at the implementation of that programme.
82. It is nothing but cynicism when official spokesmen of the Bonn Government make solemn proclamations that this programme is expected to be realized solely by peaceful means, without the use of force. I think it is easier for Chancellor Adenauer to determine the sex of angels than to answer the question of how he intends to cut Poland’s throat without using a knife. Poland’s frontiers are sufficiently guaranteed. There is no problem of frontiers; there is only the problem of peace.
83. The remilitarization of Germany and its policy constitute a serious danger to peace. On behalf of the Polish people I wish today to utter from this rostrum a solemn warning. The Atlantic policy of the allies of the Federal Republic, of Germany, with the United States of America at their head, carries with it dangers of incalculable consequences. The Western Powers return to Locarno and Munich under a new guise. They are equipping the Bundeswehr with modem weapons, training its atomic units, offering their own territory for Germany military bases, and developing Germany’s military potential — all this to use as an argument for their policy from the "position of strength" directed against the socialist countries. Revived German militarism is the real and greatest peril endangering peace in Europe. It can lead Western Germany’s Atlantic allies further than they themselves perhaps would like to go.
84. It is time to reverse those processes in Western Germany. It is necessary to turn the page of the last world war and sign a peace treaty with Germany. The present state of affairs favours German revisionism and militarism. The moment has come to enter upon the road of constructive solutions in the interests of peace.
85. First of all, one has to recognize facts. One has to recognize the existence of the two German States. One has to do away with the fictitious notion of the non-existence of the German Democratic Republic — a State which is developing and gaining in strength, which has liquidated on its territory all sources of aggressive German imperialism, which has renounced all territorial claims and which is conducting a policy of peace evidenced by its plan for the disarmament of both parts of Germany addressed recently to the Secretary- General.
86. It is on this and on a broader platform that Poland is linked with the German Democratic Republic by friendly co-operation, which is a telling proof that Poles and Germans can live together in peace and harmony. I am convinced that the time will come when the people of Poland will live in peace and friendship with the whole German nation.
87. It is high time that those States signatories of the Potsdam Agreement which have not done so up until now confirmed the final character of the present Polish frontiers as an irrevocable fact and recognized as final all the existing frontiers of Germany. The time has come when all interested States should finally conclude a peace treaty with both German States. Such a treaty also would solve the abnormal situation in West Berlin and dispel the illusory but dangerous hopes of the forces of revanche and would contribute to the stabilization of peace.
88. I should like to hope that this problem will be solved jointly with the Western Powers and with other States concerned. Failing this we would have to conclude, together with Powers ready to do so, a peace treaty with the German Democratic Republic.
89. The stabilization of peace in Europe will create ever better conditions for a rapproachement and cooperation of the two German States and will facilitate the peaceful solution of the German problem, which should be the responsibility of the German people themselves.
90. In turn I wish to deal with specific proposals which the Polish delegation intends to submit for the consideration of the General Assembly at the present session.
91. It is of the utmost importance that mankind be fully aware of the dangers inherent in modern warfare. We have no right to conceal from the nations the truth about the real effects of nuclear arms and of weapons of mass destruction. On the contrary, we are in duty bound to spread this truth in order to make it easier for all nations to join their efforts in the struggle against the threat of war and for general and complete disarmament.
92. It is the view of the Polish delegation that, under the auspices of the United Nations, a special committee should be set up to study and to report, on the basis of available scientific data, on the effects of the use of nuclear weapons on human life and health, on the world economy and on the cultural heritage of mankind. The committee should be composed of eminent Scientists from various countries. Its report should be widely circulated by all Governments among citizens of their respective countries.
93. We have listened with great interest to the proposal submitted by the President of Ghana [869th meeting] concerning the establishment of a committee of experts to study the possibilities which would be offered by the utilization for peaceful purposes of all those sources of energy and technology which are now used for armaments.
94. Should both these proposals be accepted the United Nations would have presented to mankind a scientifically prepared outline of the basic issue of our time. This would constitute yet another important incentive for the intensification of our efforts for the cause of general and complete disarmament.
95. Negotiations with a view to achieving this goal cannot be conducted in an atmosphere of tension poisoned by cold war moves. For there should be no illusion that, without specific steps being taken the international climate would improve per se and could favour the conducting of disarmament negotiations. Such positive steps ought to be taken without further delay with a view to relieving international tension, reducing mutual distrust and arresting the absurd armaments race, thus facilitating entry upon the road leading towards complete, general and controlled disarmament.
96. In order to solve those great problems we should begin with issues which are less difficult and more ripe for solution. First of all, we should settle finally the already advanced and all too ripe problem of the cessation of nuclear tests. The United Nations should ask the States concerned to overcome the remaining differences and to conclude the relevant agreement within a given period of time. If the prescribed time limit were not kept, the problem should be brought before a special session of the General Assembly. It should be understood that until such a decision is taken by the General Assembly no nuclear tests will be conducted. That is the first step.
97. The Government of the Polish People's Republic considers as urgent and indispensable the necessity to put an end simultaneously to the spreading of the arms race and, especially, of nuclear and missile weapons, to new countries and to prevent new "faits accomplis” in this field. May I recall that the Polish delegation raised this problem at the last session of the General Assembly. Our voice has not remained without response.
98. First, we, should call upon the States possessing nuclear weapons not to transfer them to other States or to help them in starting their own production of those weapons. All States which do not as yet possess nuclear weapons should be asked not to accept them from other States and not to manufacture or prepare for the manufacture of those weapons either on their own territory or on the territory of other States.
99. Second, we should call upon States on whose territories there, are no installations for missile launching to refrain from establishing them. They should also abstain in the future from building their own launching installations and not allow the building of such installations on their own territories by other States. A particular threat to world peace and especially to the security of the countries most directly concerned are foreign military bases. This has been clearly demonstrated by the events of the year that has passed. Without the agreement of nations and even without the knowledge of their Governments, ostensibly defensive foreign bases can be transformed into bases for aggression. Thus sovereign States can be drawn into aggressive acts against other countries and, therefore, be exposed to all the resulting consequences.
100. Third, the United Nations should therefore call upon all States not to establish any new military bases on the territories of other States or permit the establishment of new foreign military bases on their own territories.
101. The Polish delegation reserves its right to submit to the General Assembly at its fifteenth session the relevant proposals concerning the questions I have just mentioned.
102. I should like to draw attention to yet another aspect of military bases on foreign territories. Their existence already within their present dimensions constitutes a read limitation to the sovereignty of the interested nations and a serious threat to their security. Problems of such basic importance ought to be decided by the whole nation. Every citizen should express his opinion, cast his vote on an issue upon which may well depend his life. The existence of the foreign military bases is a problem which, above all, should be made dependent on the decision of peoples as expressed by way of a referendum. This right should be claimed by all nations.
103. Among the steps to be taken with a view to assuring successful negotiations on complete and general disarmament, measures aimed at arresting and reducing armaments at the meeting-ground of the two opposing military groups are of great import. This concerns especially areas in which complex and dangerous political situations prevail, fraught as they are with possibilities of incidents with incalculable consequences. I have particularly in mind the area of Central Europe.
104. As you will no doubt recall, the Polish Government already proposed from this rostrum, in 1957 [697th meeting], and later directly to the States concerned, the establishment in Central Europe of an atom-free zone. Within it, States would undertake to refrain from the manufacture, maintenance, storage and introduction for their own purposes of all types of nuclear weapons and no installations or equipment for servicing those weapons including launching-pads, should be located in their territories. The proposed area was to comprise Poland, Czechoslovakia, the German Democratic Republic and the Federal Republic of Germany. Our proposals envisaged also an obligation on the part of the Powers concerned not to use nuclear and missile weapons against the zone.
105. In our desire to meet the views of some Governments and of a part of Western public opinion, we expressed our readiness to divide the implementation of our plan into two stages. The first stage envisaged prohibition of the manufacture of nuclear weapons in the above-mentioned countries and an obligation to discontinue nuclear armament. The second stage provided for the reduction of conventional forces simultaneously with the complete denuclearization of Central Europe. Both in the first and in the second version of our plan we envisaged the establishment of an effective and broad system of ground and aerial control and inspection.
106. Had the proposal of the Polish Government been adopted and implemented at that time, the situation in Central Europe would by now have been radically changed. Instead of an increase in armaments and threats, instead of an aggravation of the German problem, we would have had, no doubt, an atmosphere of relaxation and a well-founded feeling of security. Besides, we would have gained precious experience in the implementation of disarmament plans and the functioning of a control system. However, in spite of broad support from public opinion and from various political quarters in Europe — and not only in Europe — the Polish initiative met, first of all with resistance on the part of the Governments of the Federal Republic of Germany and the United States.
107. I wish to draw your attention to the fact that ideas for creating an atom-free zone in the Balkan area have been put forward by the Government of the Romanian People’s Republic, and quite recently by the Government of the People's Republic of China with relation to the Far East and the region of the Pacific. We have also heard the President of Ghana make an analogous proposal with regard to Africa.
108. The denuclearization of Central Europe would be of great practical importance. First of all, it would reduce the risk of the outbreak of nuclear-missile war in this sensitive area and consequently, also, the danger of the use of weapons of mass destruction on a global scale. It would contribute to a “détente" and to the creation of an atmosphere conducive to the implementation of complete and general disarmament. The Polish Government maintains its proposal for the creation of a denuclearized zone in Central Europe.
109. The initiative taken some time ago by the British Prime Minister concerning a non-aggression pact between the opposing military groups existing in Europe has been met with interest on our part. Should such a pact include Central Europe, this would contribute effectively towards increasing security especially if it coincided with the establishment of a denuclearized zone.
110. The specific proposals which I have had the honour to submit to you aim at the relaxation of international tension, at the elimination of danger spots and the creation of an atmosphere conducive to the solution of basic problems of peace. It is not our purpose to substitute them for general and complete disarmament. On the contrary, they aim at paving the way toward the implementation of this noble idea.
111. Poland gives its full support to the Soviet disarmament proposals submitted at this session. We favour their discussion at the plenary meetings of our Assembly.
112. I have presented to the Assembly on behalf of the Polish people our considered views concerning the major problems of the international situation.
113. The people of Poland have experienced the scourge of war to the fullest possible extent and have linked their destinies with socialism, which defends in a most consistent way the cause of peace and of the sovereignty of peoples. Our daily toil serves these noble goals.
114. We are proud that we form part of the socialist camp forging a better future for humanity. We feel ourselves close to all those who desire peace and who work for it, irrespective of their political convictions and beliefs, irrespective of the social systems they have chosen.
115. Peaceful coexistence is a historical necessity. The more quickly this truth is grasped by all and proper conclusions are drawn from it, the better for humanity, the easier it will become to solve problems now confronting nations and the sooner we shall be able to make human life on. earth completely free from fear and want.
116. The United Nations must become an instrument of peaceful coexistence and co-operation of all States, With the exclusion of the use of force and the threat to use it, and must envisage ever close economic, cultural and scientific ties between all countries irrespective of their social systems. The Organization ought to serve exclusively constructive solutions corresponding to the principles of the Charter of the United Nations. Service to all nations, service to the common and supreme good of humanity, Peace — that is what people of all countries of this globe expect from the United Nations. This is also what the people of Poland expect from it. It is in this spirit that the Government of the Polish People’s Republic will continue to develop its constructive share in the work of the United Nations.