52. Mr. President, on behalf of my delegation I wish to congratulate you on your election to this high office and hilly to associate my delegation with the warm appreciation of your rare qualities and accomplishments so widely expressed in this Assembly. We are happy that our deliberations here; will be under your wise guidance.
53. I also wish to express our appreciation of the successful conduct of the proceedings of the last session by the President; Mr. Mongi Slim, and for his constructive suggestions for expediting the work of the General Assembly.
54. My delegation will not in this debate take time to re-state its position on problems on which its stand has already been made clear on previous occasions. Our President, Archbishop Makarios, in his statement to the General Assembly on 7 June 1962 [1107th meeting], fully defined the attitude of Cyprus, and re-affirmed its consistent and steadfast policy of non-alignment. My delegation will, therefore, confine its remarks mainly to the United Nations itself and to certain matters connected with the over-all problem of war and peace.
55. A useful aspect of the general debate in reviewing the international situation is to assess the progress and development of the United Nations, to take stock of its achievements and its shortcomings in an effort to see how the latter could be remedied and the former extended. This aspect acquires particular significance now, because of, a growing awareness of the urgent need "for a stronger and more effective United Nations to meet the threatening challenges of our time.
56. My delegation attaches paramount importance to the United Nations, for we believe the course of all major problems largely depends upon this Organization and its development not only as a forum of world opinion, but also as an effective instrument of international security and peace.
57. I will not weary the Assembly, particularly at this late stage of the debate, with any elaborate stocktaking. However, looking at last year’s session, we find that in-a quiet way no little has been achieved by the United Nations in maintaining peace and in promoting freedom. Its own crisis over, the office of the Secretary-General found a happy solution in arrangements preserving the independence and international character of that office, as provided in the Charter, through the unanimous election of U Thant as Acting Secretary-General.
58. Through the United Nations, strife-torn Rwanda emerged to peaceful independence, while Burundi peacefully attained its sovereign statehood.
59. An agreed solution in Algeria, putting an end to seven years of war and bloodshed by recognizing the self-determination and independence of the heroic Algerian people, was broadly based on last year’s resolution of the General Assembly.
60. A growing crisis in the Congo, heading for parcellation of the territory and threatening international peace, was effectively kept in check by the positive action of the United Nations. We fully appreciate the constructive and resolute part played by the Acting Secretary-General in the Congo. We endorse his reconciliation plan preserving the integrity of the territory, and we support his proposal for economic sanctions.
61. On the problem of West Irian, the United Nations, through the mediation of the Acting Secretary-General, proved highly effective in achieving agreement between the Netherlands and Indonesia on a just solution under the aegis of the United Nations and with its actual participation. It is significant that the exercise of temporary executive authority was undertaken by the United Nations and was established by and under the jurisdiction of the Secretary-General. This is an important step towards developing the United Nations executive action.
62. Perhaps a most significant feat of that session was the spirit of agreement that prevailed between the United States and the Soviet Union in a unanimous resolution on the exploration of outer space. This agreement was in keeping with the subject itself. An enlightened co-operation started in this field could well be a factor towards creating a sorely needed climate of confidence between the two sides in the treatment of other vital subjects.
63. Among other constructive achievements of that session, one of no little importance has been the concerted attack on poverty, disease and illiteracy through the launching of the United Nations Development Decade. Another is the agreement on the principles of disarmament and on the negotiating forum; also the unanimous resolution on the question of Bolzano, leading to friendly and hopeful negotiations between Italy and Austria for a final solution. And there were others as well.
64. This is by no means a poor record of achievement for a single session of the General Assembly. And there is more, the adoption of measures for the implementation of the Declaration on colonialism, by the setting up of the Special Committee of seventeen members and other special committees; has been an energetic and decisive move for the speedy liquidation of colonialism.
65. My delegation pledges itself to support all measures for the early attainment of that objective through the fullest application everywhere of self-determination under the Charter.
66. We salute and cordially welcome all the new States that have emerged to independence and have joined the United Nations at this session. Their presence here will be a great contribution to, the United Nations in its arduous tasks ahead. The increasing numbers of new Member States, all dedicated to a strong United Nations, are both a proof of the fruitful work of the Organization and a promise for its direly needed development. With the emergence to independence of a growing number of new States, colonialism is fast disappearing. Yet its effects in creating divisions and imbalances .in the world are a hindrance to peaceful progress.
67. It is a particularly sad and melancholy fact that there are areas — Angola, Mozambique, South West Africa and others — where classical colonialism still persists in a vain effort to arrest the course of history. But it will not be for long. The wind of freedom is now sweeping over Africa and the world. All peoples will soon take their rightful place under the sun in full equality and freedom in a balanced international community. Timely recognition of present-day realities and of the need of co-operating with the inevitable would be in the best interests of the dominant Powers. By granting freedom they will no less liberate themselves from outdated concepts that weigh heavily upon their progressiveness of outlook, as well as upon their international stature and moral influence. Delivered from the burdens of colonialism, they would bring a fuller contribution to world progress.
68. In the field of decolonization, the United Nations during the last two years has gone along way towards accomplishing one of its objectives: that of promoting equality and universal freedom. It has also been dynamically carrying out a global effort in the field of social and economic progress. The vital question, however, remains how far the United Nations has succeeded in its main purpose under the Charter — that of establishing world peace. It cannot be denied that United Nations intervention has overcome many international crises and prevented war. The instances are well known. It has thus, albeit in a stop-gap way, effectively maintained peace. If the United Nations were not in existence war and chaos would have been with us long ago.
69. However, in spite of its. impressive record of achievement, the United. Nations has made no progress towards averting the dangers of war or towards establishing world peace. While technological advance has revolutionized the concept of war and of international relations, the United Nations has been unable to move on and meet the challenges of our nuclear age.
70. One of the factors adversely affecting such necessary evolution has been colonialism in its effort to resist self-determination and change. Its influence is now rapidly waning. The other factor, and the real stumbling block, is the cold war. It has stalled all cooperative efforts within the United Nations and outside it.
71. To overcome the influence of the cold war we need a strong United Nations; but to strengthen the United Nations we need to overcome the cold war influence, its mistrusts and suspicions. The United Nations, however, will have to break through this vicious circle, for the world situation is one fraught with immeasurable dangers. Not only are we today under, the imminent threat of war, but worse still, of a war infinitely more destructive in its effects than the drafters of the Charter could ever have conceived. A war which would not mean merely "untold sorrow", but the possible extinction of all life on this Planet.
72. Competitive production of nuclear weapons on an unprecedented scale, in preparation for war, goes on relentlessly while the destructive potential of such weapons has reached fantastic levels. We do not doubt the genuine desire and determination of the leaders of the nuclear Powers to avoid War. However, the catastrophe from a nuclear conflagration may come at any moment, from any cause, sparked-off by the uncontrollable momentum of a spiralling arms race. The inability of the nuclear-Power leaders to stop the arms race in spite of general recognition of its imminent dangers and its futility, speaks eloquently of helplessness in the present entangled and complicated world situation.
73. Efforts at disarmament agreement hold out little hope of success. Repeated and long negotiations over many years have led nowhere. A gleam of hope from the new negotiations at Geneva is now fading away. Although the conference opened its proceedings under new and more favourable conditions, with the constructive participation of eight non-aligned nations and with the principles of disarmament agreed upon, yet it has made no headways After six months of labourious negotiations, no agreement has been reached on even one point out of the many that have been the subject of negotiation. Yet disarmament and peace is realizable. But it can hardly be attained in a climate of cold war and mistrust, nor can it be expected to result from negotiations on various plans of disarmament depending on theories of balanced forces on which the respective attitudes are basically irreconcilable.
74. To achieve agreement on disarmament, co-operation should first be sought towards establishing international order and security. Disarmament in a world of anarchy is utopian. A modicum of world order and international security is a primary necessity. The time has come in human evolution for the adjustment of outdated concepts to the present-day realities of a nuclear age.
75. National security through armaments, in the sense of effectively protecting the homeland, is increasingly becoming unrealistic. It is rendered meaningless from its very inability to prevent a total destruction of that homeland and of its people in a matter of minutes by nuclear missiles launched perhaps from the other side of the globe. The deterrent effect of power to retaliate is only a temporary expedient, while the arms race resulting from it steadily leads to mutual suicide and general eclipse. The concept of force as an instrument of policy is continually losing its significance and will have to be abandoned. Correspondingly, moral considerations in the pursuit of practical policies acquire increasing importance. Effective national security today can only come from international co-operation in common security. It is the essential pre-condition to disarmament. The road to international security can only be attained through strengthening the United Nations morally and materially and increasing its executive authority and power so that it can effectively establish a world of law and order.
76. We believe that all the smaller countries should pool their efforts and their collective moral force in breaking through the crisis of confidence among the great Powers and in strengthening the United Nations. We realize well enough that the way to an orderly world is neither short nor easy. It is a long steep climb through rocky trails mid perilous passes, but it is the only positive way. Efforts in negative directions are wasted steps in the desert towards the mirage of an ever-vanishing reach. Any development of the United Nations has come from the force of circumstances and events, not from planned effort.
77. It is true that the United States disarmament plan provides at the end of its first stage for the consideration of measures strengthening the capability of the United Nations to maintain international security and peace. Such steps, however, are made dependent on the inclusion of the whole disarmament agreement, instead of preceding it. In our view, measures for strengthening the United Nations should be taken independently — independently, that is, of disarmament=agreements and without delay, in order to create conditions facilitating disarmament. In this field of positive action, co-operation between the leading world Powers could, and should, be fruitful. It is encouraging that a large measure of agreement on a strong and effective United Nations emanated from the statements in this debate by non-aligned and small countries, as well as by the great Powers.
78. This session must be the session of decisive action. Co-operation in strengthening the rule of law is an important aspect of the developments of the United Nations as an instrument of world order and peace.
79. Consideration would have to be given to the authority and effectiveness of the judicial arm of the United Nations, the International Court of Justice. Compliance with its decisions and rulings is a question involving respect for the rule of law within the Organization itself. The matter could perhaps be seen in this light by Member States who refuse to pay their apportioned contribution. They might, therefore, reexamine their position and assume their responsibilities under the advisory opinion given by the International Court of Justice. In this way the totality of the United Nations as an Organization for order and peace would be reinforced. The international character of the members of the International Court and their primary allegiance to the United Nations should be such as to ensure their universality of spirit commanding global respect. Organizational aspects for increasing the authority of the Court might eventually be the subject of a conference specially convened, for it is of paramount importance that the rule of law is encouraged and strengthened by respect everywhere.
80. Another question for urgent consideration is the improvement of the financial capability of the: United Nations so that it can meet the increasing responsibilities that come with its growing activities in a developing world. In our view, the suggestions made in this respect by the Foreign Minister of Ireland [1142nd meeting] merit careful consideration.
81. We confidently hope that the difficulties that have arisen with regard to. the non-payment of contributions will be overcome because at a time when the development of the United Nations is of foremost importance, it would be sadly ironical if its finances were to be in danger of a crisis because of the failure of its members to contribute. But we further feel that the United Nations should not depend entirely on Government contributions. It should acquire its own resources and means of existence. There are many ways of achieving this purpose and there have been a number of proposals; some of them would be such that the peoples of the world would contribute directly to the United Nations which would be a practical realization of the ideal reflected in the opening words of the Charter.
82. Within the context of developing the executive authority of the United Nations falls the question of enforcement power: Although the United Nations derives its strength from the dedication and allegiance of the peoples of the world, it should also acquire the means of effectively supporting and enforcing its decisions. Measures will have to be taken for the establishment and systematic development of a United Nations peace force, recruited by and for the United Nations, which would form the basis of an international security force. The primary allegiance of such a United Nations force would be directly to the United Nations, rendering this force truly international in the service of mankind.
83. In this connexion, in reference to the spirit of allegiance that should lead the international civil servants in their actions, the late Dag Hammarskjold developed the thesis that a civil servant, although owing allegiance to his own opinions or ideals, can, regardless of them, as a man of integrity "readily act in all exclusively international spirit in the service of the Organization". This is certainly the conduct that would be expected and even demanded from the international civil servant. But we would go a step further. We feel that in this world of rapid progress the need of developing a United Nations conscience is already with us. There should be a deeper dedication to the United Nations from which the actions of the international civil servant will be guided. Through that development there would be allegiance to the United Nations not from a mere sense of duty but as the outcome of a belief in the ideal of the United Nations and dedication to its purposes. The spirit of the international civil servant will then find its fuller and more i effective realization in the harmony, and not the mere compromise, between his ideals and his duties. We believe the time has come when the broader concepts of paramount allegiance to humanity will become a reality.
84. The awakening consciousness among men and women the world over of the common destiny of men in the face of the threat from nuclear extinction, and of the common concern in survival could lead to a spirit of world-mindedness and a United Nations allegiance.
85. A matter that will have to be dealt with at this session in the way of developing the United Nations is the increase in membership of the Security Council and of the Economic and Social Council in order to accord with the expanded membership of the United Nations itself in a more equitable geographic distribution. An amendment of the Charter would in this case be required, on which we hope there will be agreement between the permanent members of the Security Council.
86. As we all know, in order to develop the United Nations, a revision of the Charter may be necessary. But there are many areas in which the United Nations can substantially evolve and acquire increased power through General Assembly action.
87. As the supreme organ of the United Nations, the General Assembly has authority under the Charter to concern itself with international security and peace. It has in the past exercised such authority and has been able effectively to meet situations endangering, world peace. The setting up and dispatch of United Nations emergency forces to disturbed areas is an instance.
88. Within the framework of the aims of the United Nations, as determined in the Preamble to the Charter, and ’Within its purposes and principles, as defined in the Articles of the Charter, the General Assembly can through practical application increase the, executive power of the United Nations. Thus, cumbersome procedures and perhaps insuperable difficulties involved in amending the Charter may in certain cases be overcome.
89. In the introduction to Kolsen's treatise on the law of the United Nations, it is pointedly stated: "... the law of a community — national or inter- national — and especially its constitution or constituent treaty, may be changed not only by formal amendments carried out in accordance with the procedure laid down for this purpose in the law itself. It may be modified also by its actual application based on an interpretation which, more or less consistent with the letter of the law is not in conformity with the ascertainable intention of its authors. This Is the way the law adapts itself to changing circumstances if it is too difficult or impossible to put in operation the amendment procedure”. Similar views were expressed in 1947 by Judge Alvarez in an advisory opinion of the International Court of Justice in reference to Article 4 of the United Nations Charter.
90. The full development of the United Nations, however, is not a mere matter of decision and procedure. It its closely bound to the moral evolution of mankind. It will depend on the ability of the United Nations to conform with the higher and unprecedented standards of international morality now demanded from nations and peoples by the progress of science and the threat of nuclear extinction. The future of humanity depends on whether it will be able to achieve these standards. However, the growing awareness of the compelling need for world order through the United Nations is a stimulating sign.
91. Before closing, I should like to speak on nuclear testing. Of all the items before the Assembly, the one that will have to be dealt with decisively at this session is the question of the continued nuclear test race. As we are all aware, it constitutes the gravest threat to human life, not only because it perfects and extends the destructive power of nuclear weapons in preparation for war, but also because it causes immeasurable harm to human life and health through increasing radiation levels. According to the predictions of specialists, hundreds of thousands of persons will suffer agonizing death from leukemia and other forms of cancer as a result of bomb tests that have already been carried out in the atmosphere. Thus, there is the certainty that thousands of deaths will occur from those tests, not to mention the ones that are yet to be carried out. The genetic damage is even worse, involving not only the present but also future generations of mankind.
92. This problem is profoundly; disturbing to all people everywhere. It is therefore deplorable that the long negotiations for a test ban have remained inconclusive. yet agreement on such a ban, unlike an agreement on general and complete disarmament, now appears to be easy to achieve. The proposals contained in the memorandum of 16 April 1962, submitted by the eight non-aligned nations at the Conference of the Eighteen-Nation Committee on Disarmament at Geneva, could well form the basis of agreement — particularly since the differences between the two sides have been greatly reduced, and they now are, or should be, very close to agreement respect of a ban on tests in the atmosphere, under water and in outer space; with regard to those three areas the United States and the United Kingdom no longer insist upon international inspection and control, a requirement that had so long been the stumbling block. Furthermore, the Foreign Minister of the Soviet Union, Mr. Gromyko, stated here [1127th meeting] that his country would agree to such a separate treaty on certain conditions relating to the suspension of underground tests pending the conclusion of a final treaty.
93. Despite the fact that the two sides are so near, we are witnessing at this very moment a highly accelerated nuclear test race. During the last few days there have been test explosions by both sides. This acceleration in the test race is in contradiction to the stated intentions of the nuclear Powers that there should be a ban on tests. It seems directly to contradict the idea of negotiations in Geneva leading to an agreement. This is discouraging to the peoples of the world. It seems as though the nuclear Powers have not yet Actually decided to renounce the arms race and that this is the reason for the present deadlock.
94. Thus, as the representative of India at the Geneva Conference said recently in the First Committee, the situation now is mainly a political one. It would therefore appear that agreement on a ban is beyond the level of the Geneva Conference. Political decisions at the level of the leaders of the nuclear Powers would appear to be required in order to solve this problem conclusively. A special summit meeting to decide upon a test ban would appear to be not only desirable but necessary if agreement is to be reached on this grave problem, the solution of which admits of no further delay. Premier Khrushchev's prospective visit here during the coming two months, which has been rumoured, would be an excellent occasion for such a summit meeting, which could be fruitful in arriving at a nuclear test ban. Success in this field would be an important factor in creating; a better atmosphere and facilitating agreement on other international problems. As I have said, there are no differences between the two sides in respect of a ban on tests in the atmosphere, under water and in outer space. Hence, agreement should be reached and a treaty signed in respect of those three environments.
95. At the same time, there might be an arrangement for the interim establishment of an international commission of scientists entrusted with the task of verification of doubtful seismic events by all possible means, including on-site inspections, with the co-operation; and subject to the permission of the party on whose territory the seismic event had occurred. The commission would be entitled to use national identification or detection stations for its work and to require the cooperation- of the party on whose territory a suspected seismic event had occurred. The party concerned might be required to grant permission for on-site inspection for the purpose of verification. Such permission, would not be withheld unreasonably. It would, further, be provided in the interim arrangement that if, as a result of the refusal by the party concerned to permit inspection, two or more suspected seismic events remained unidentified, such a refusal would be , considered as a factor in substantiating the view that the events had been occasioned by test explosions.
96. In such a situation, the other parties would be free to suspend or call for a review of the interim arrangements on underground tests. Agreement on such or similar lines might prove workable. It would be an interim arrangement. The experience to be gained in the practical application of this arrangement might be instructive in relation to the actual necessity or otherwise, of having on-site inspections for the purpose of verification of seismic events. And it could also be enlightening as to the possibilities of consent by the party concerned to on-site inspection in concrete instances, as distinct from a priori general consent to allow inspection anywhere. Such experience could prove helpful in facilitating the conclusion of a treaty on underground tests. In addition, they might further afford to both sides an occasion to establish their good faith in a way that would dissipate at least some of the exaggerated fears and suspicions that have so long bedevilled all efforts at a disarmament agreement,
97. We put, for ward these suggestions in all humility and in the hope that they may be of some little Assistance in promoting a ban on all nuclear tests, a matter which is of the gravest concern to all nations and peoples, including, we believe, the peoples of the nuclear Powers themselves.
98. My delegation earnestly hopes that an agreement to end all tests will be reached between the nuclear Powers during this session of the General Assembly. A report thereon will have to be submitted to the Assembly within such time as would make it possible for the Assembly, in case of failure, to consider and adopt further urgent measures before the end of the year.
99: This session, having opened in the very thick of a nuclear test race, bears a heavy responsibility not to remain inactive in face of this dangerous situation and a growing menace to the very conditions of life on this globe. If no agreement on a test ban is reached, the General Assembly has a compelling duty to exert all its influence and its moral authority in order to arrest the further continuance of the evil of tests.
100. Consideration will therefore have to be given by the General Assembly to appropriate measures, including the adoption of a resolution condemning tests as a crime against humanity and outlawing them as from a date to be fixed.
101. Radio-active contamination of the earth's environment through nuclear testing is a violation of mankind's fundamental right to life. It is aggression against mankind as a whole. As such, it violates the Charter and is contrary to international law. This is a new and unprecedented kind of war that is now being waged not between the nuclear Powers but by both of them jointly against humanity. It is for humanity to defend itself by raising its vigorous voice within and outside the United Nations and giving full expression to its will for survival and life.
102. The attention of the world in these critical moments is anxiously focused on the Assembly. On its decisions and actions the life of the present and future generations’ of mankind may largely depend.