Colombia

Colombia, and the delegation which represents it, are particularly gratified by your election as President of the General Assembly of the United Nations. We feel proud that our proceedings will be directed by a son of Venezuela, a country with which, needless to say, we have fostered a brotherly friendship rooted in the past and in our common devotion to our founder and liberator, Simón Bolívar, which with the passage of time will grow ever stronger and will inevitably ensure the prosperity of two sister peoples in a future that will, we know, be a glorious one. Mr. President, please accept our Government's warmest congratulations. 115. On behalf of my Government, I should also like to offer a cordial greeting to the representatives of the countries of the world seated here. I hope that they will convey to their respective Governments, the admiring tribute which Colombia pays to all their peoples and our good wishes for their progress and happiness. 116. Despite the gloomy predictions made my many, the world Organization is today stronger and more self-confident. It may be said that, now that the first stages are past, it has got strongly under way and there is daily less possibility of its collapse or attenuation. Its influence on relations between peoples is undeniable. The admission of newly independent countries has injected new blood in its veins. Its existence today is protected by the affection of all nations which place their trust in it as vital to their own survival and which, above all, believe in the immortal principles set forth in its Charter and in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. A body founded upon so lofty a doctrine, upon such high philosophical principles, can scarcely die. If that should happen, in the age in which we live, mankind itself, or at least its culture and civilization developed over thousands of years, would surely die with it. 117. Those who lack confidence in the Organization's work do not fully appreciate the magnitude of its achievements. It has been in existence for eighteen years, and already the percentage of mankind not represented here, not claiming its rights, achieving its aspirations and asserting its interests in a profound feeling of equality, is very small. The gravest crises of international politics, many of which could plunge us into a new world conflagration, have here been resolved. Technical assistance; economic aid; contributions to the spiritual development of peoples; exchanges of ideas between the leaders of the International community —all this has been of the greatest benefit to this generation and has brought to the world such progress as was never dreamt of in the past. Therefore we must feel gratified and optimistic. But it would be unjust not to pay a well-deserved tribute to those who have directed the administrative work of this Organization; to the members of the Secretariat at all times, and in particular, with special gratitude, to our distinguished Secretary-General, U Thant, whose actions have fully justified the confidence placed in him by the Assembly when it appointed him to a position of such grave responsibility. 118. Yet the achievements of the world Organization thus far offer it no release from the challenge it faces daily in the enormous tasks which lie before it. There is more, much more, and every day there will be still more, to do than has already been done. In the evolution of man, throughout his stormy history, more has been achieved, and is still being achieved, by dint of a gigantic struggle against the most adverse circumstances. The important thing, however, is to have shown that there exists the will to overcome any obstacles and the moral and intellectual capacity to succeed. We must, of course, consider what tools we have at hand for the tasks of the future and must determine the defects in our Organization in order to correct them. Steps have been taken in that direction and we must persevere with them, despite the difficulties facing us in this vital task. 119. There is perhaps no Member State which does not consider a reform of the United Nations Charter desirable or necessary. Some may be undecided as to the timing, but the fact is that there are points of substance which should be amended and others which, although procedural, are equally important and therefore should also be amended. Even at San Francisco, for instance, several of the countries which helped to found the United Nations, including Colombia, had comments to make on the privileged power of veto granted to the victorious Powers —that is, to the five permanent members of the Security Council. The misgivings they expressed at that time have been confirmed many times over. Some day, the General Assembly will have to abolish this system, which is contrary to the most elementary principles of juridical equality and international democracy. We ourselves realize, however, that this would not be possible while we live in such an atmosphere of distrust and tension as has filled our lungs for over a decade, all through this period of cold war. We realize, too that in this environment of mutual fear and mutual mistrust the United Nations, without the veto system, might many times have begun to disintegrate. The desire now is that this atmosphere may be lightened, that in the future it may be more propitious to a judicial reform, that mistrust may be dispelled, and that we may reach a profitable agreement on this question. 120. There is one amendment, however, which should not give rise to any major controversy and which is necessary from every standpoint. My delegation wishes here and now to support the recommendation made by both the Security Council and the Committee on Arrangements for a Conference for the Purpose of Reviewing the Charter that the number of seats in the Security Council and the Economic and Social Council should be increased, in order to give adequate representation on those bodies to all geographical regions. In our opinion, this reform should be considered and, we hope, approved at this session, in accordance with the terms of Article 108 of the Charter. My delegation hopes, that, If we confine ourselves to the simple goal of adjusting the composition of those organs to constant growth of the Organization, those Members which have shown reluctance, not because of the substance of the reform but on purely circumstantial grounds, will set aside their reasons in a spirit of understanding and join in with a will to settle a problem that cannot be postponed without an inexcusable lack of fairness to the African States, which constitute a very large proportion of this Assembly. 121. Colombia gladly signed the recent Moscow Treaty banning nuclear weapon tests in the atmosphere, in outer space and under water [see A/5488], Humanity, with some exceptions which can be explained but not excused, greeted this long desired and hard-won achievement with delight. The statesmen who concluded it were united in declaring that this agreement is, or could be, but the beginning of other more important steps to end international tension and the so-called cold war. The world trusts that this maybe so. Those in whose hands the destiny of the human race lies will bear a grave responsibility before history if they fail now and betray this anguished and earnest hope. However, the circumstances under which this agreement was signed, the statements in which it was announced to the world at large and the original moves which led to its preparation, all encourage optimism. May it not prove illusory! 122. After tremendous efforts had been made by the United Nations, and by the Eighteen-Nation Committee which met at Geneva to consider general and complete disarmament, for the cessation of nuclear weapon tests; after humanity had been stricken with terror by the accumulation of the weapons of annihilation in the arsenals of the Powers and exposed to the lethal effects of radio-active pollution of the atmosphere and to the aggressiveness which in recent years has characterized relations between the socialist and capitalist worlds, there came a voice, the voice of the leader of the most powerful group in the history of man, President Kennedy, calling eloquently and solemnly for peace in one of the most important documents of recent years —the speech given at American University, Washington, on 10 June 1963. There, he announced the agreement with the Head of the Soviet Government, Mr. Khrushchev, and the Head of the United Kingdom Government, Mr. Macmillan, for the initiation of high-level talks in Moscow with a view to producing this Treaty. The talks later came to a successful conclusion. The significance, the transcendent importance of the agreement flows from that historic message, which at the time was probably not recognized as having the import which we now perceive and acclaim. 123. We are trying to achieve peace, to consolidate peace, to preserve peace, and to make peace fruitful. The Moscow Treaty, which offers such hopeful prospects for this great endeavour, must in the world of today lead to demonstration of rapprochement and understanding which will for ever abolish mistrust, soften the harsh language of war, and replace fears and misgivings by security and confidence. To achieve this we must start, as President Kennedy said, by reviewing our positions, by looking into our consciences to see whether we, who have enrolled on one side against the other, are really keepers of the truth or whether we may be to some extent swayed by error. We have to clear our minds; in short, we have to seek and find a true understanding. If we can do that, all the happiness that we desire for mankind will one day be possible. 124. But if that is to be, we cannot be satisfied merely with peaceful coexistence. Life in a disarmed world will require not only coexistence, but genuine living together. Peaceful coexistence, as it has been understood and practised, has meant an armed peace, violence in word and deed, and underground warfare. As long as we think that only our own systems of government and ways of life are good and others evil, there will always be a desire on both sides to destroy what is considered bad. The communist leaders loathe capitalism; they see in it the root of all human afflictions, of slavery, of the keeping of great masses of people in despair and ignorance, and they want a different life, modelled on their systems and their philosophy. Tor many in the West, on the other hand, communism is something ominous, reprobate, and profoundly disturbing —the blind force of materialism challenging the forces of the spirit. If the two sectors of humanity continue in these entrenched positions, annihilation will one day be inevitable. What we vitally need is a brainwashing, a review of such attitudes, a quest for their replacement, in the minds of political and cultural leaders all over the world, by a sober and analytical outlook. Peaceful coexistence among nations must be transformed into harmonious and constructive living together. 125. Within the two systems —which some people regard as irreconcilable— there are, we know, powerful trends distorting their essential patterns and driving them closer together. I refer to the spread of some forms of socialism in the capitalist countries and the unquenchable thirst for freedom in the communist countries. This is an indisputable fact in the world of today. In each camp there are fanatics and reactionaries who strive in vain to arrest those trends. Why not, then, take from the two systems whatever is best suited to the needs of contemporary society and to man's spiritual being? 126. There are many difficulties in the way, however. Marxist orthodoxy considers "revisionism" —that is to say, the mere possibility that its own leaders might undertake a review of its doctrine— as the greatest threat-to the future of communism in the world. Errors of procedure can be, and are, accepted by the communist leaders, but errors of basic principle, never. Any public, or even private, debate on Marxist philosophy is impossible in the so-called socialist countries, and anyone who disagrees with the communist hierarchy, whose duty it is to explain and interpret that philosophy, or who even ventures to suggest some modification or improvement, stands condemned by the whole system. There have been many cases of persons imprisoned, exiled or executed simply because they spoke the truth as they saw It. Something similar occurs in the Western camps, though with less rigour, severity or cruelty. In some Western countries, intellectual freedom and the expression of certain ideas are even now curtailed, and anti-communist propaganda is often laced with exaggerations or misrepresentations that are not easily dispelled or refuted. History has shown that totalitarianism of the right is as ruthless as communism in its repressive methods. 127. Nevertheless, fact and truth are Inexorably coming to light. The emergence of the masses into community life, the growing needs of great aggregations of people, and the obligation to satisfy those needs, have led to rapid advances by the State and to ever-increasing subordination of purely private or group interests to the overriding public interest. Thus the "gendarme" State has become the welfare State; untrammelled freedom has given way to intervention in private affairs and finally to socialism, which has gradually prevailed in the constitutional reforms of many States now called democratic. Probably no one in the non-socialist countries could now oppose what used to be the banner of communist parties, namely, the need to end the exploitation of man by man, to give everyone a fair and decent share of the national income, to extend wealth to areas which had never known it hitherto, to do away with privilege, and to consider vain any democratic system which has not eliminated inequalities due to economic chance and in which wealth confers power, the workers are not protected from oppression of every kind, and human beings cannot assert their rights and their demands for a life of endeavour without heart-break. 128. While this is taking place in the free world, however, the yearning for freedom is quietly spreading in the communist countries. The tremendous errors of communism, and the fact that they could not be rectified when they should have been, could not but open the eyes of thousands of men and women who, after all, are not sheep incapable of realizing their disastrous plight. Those who are shut away behind the Berlin wall, men who have lived under the blind rule of freedom enchained, understand that there can be no decent, happy society unless the right of dissent, the right to criticize and even depose the rulers, the right to express ideas openly and to defend them without the slightest fear for personal safety, are guaranteed. 129. That force which wells up from the depths of the being will one day have to find expression, before it erupts and sweeps away the orthodox leaders of communism, the enemies of reform; people with open minds must emerge to channel that force, to soften its impact, to open sealed doors, to let in currents from outside. Little by little the Berlin wall, that symbol of a closed society, will crumble. Just as in the democratic world today crude individualism has been buried and replaced by new notions of society, so in the communist world the aspirations of the masses for economic betterment, national independence, and material and intellectual freedom cannot be suppressed Indefinitely, much less transformed into conscious acquiescence. 130. At this session, as at previous ones, the most important debates of the General Assembly will be on disarmament, which is now being discussed with renewed optimism. If, as the world believes and hopes, the great Powers are sincere in their desire to modify their stand on international problems, this is the time and place to prove it. The efforts made by the United Nations, both in its ordinary committees and at the Geneva Conference, have succeeded to a certain degree in reducing the great differences between the draft treaties for general and complete disarmament in a peaceful world, submitted by the United States and the Soviet Union. Our delegation will put forward its views on the current situation in the appropriate Committee, and for the moment I would simply express our ardent desire that substantial progress may be achieved this year as a consequence of the Moscow agreement. The world cannot now or ever feel confident or at ease, so long as huge arsenals are being continually built up and refined. Disarmament is a complex process, because it must take into account the defence requirements of States; and in the planning of the various stages and phases of disarmament, fear and mistrust can open up unbridgeable gulfs. But if there Is a determination to achieve it some day, there will be no difficulties that human ingenuity cannot overcome in a manner satisfactory to all. 131. However, the great Powers, which manufacture arms, supply them to their allies, and store them in arsenals of their own already full to overflowing, can and must make a start now in cutting back this ominous output, or at least they should stop flooding the world with such dreadful destructive power. What need of arms have the developing countries? What they do need, urgently, is machinery and equipment, ploughs and tools, means of transport. To acquire all those things with the resources at their disposal is practically impossible; yet it is relatively easy to obtain arms because of ample stocks and over-production, and because they often grow obsolete in their vast storage depots. Why cannot the great Powers resolve, by agreement among themselves, to suspend deliveries of arms and all military aid, and to make them available only for defensive action in cases of flagrant aggression? 132. Arms deliveries to countries that are not at war with their neighbours, and are not even threatened in any way, often serve merely to keep undesirable Governments In power against the will of the people. This has happened in the past and it is happening now. Latin America has experienced such an unwarranted state of affairs time and again. This means that arms manufactured in good faith for the defence of world freedom have many times been used to suppress freedom, to subjugate and victimize peoples. There are more powerful and convincing weapons which Governments can use to retain power —their achievements in the social field, and efficient and disinterested service to the governed. Of course, there are legitimate, democratic and progressive Governments which yet have to combat forces of disorder and which undoubtedly must be given the policing instruments they need to protect their Institutions; but that does not mean that they need to have a formidable war machine, ready to go into action at the slightest sign of dissent. It should be a vital concern of the great Powers —and a very potent factor In safeguarding peace— to exercise care in the distribution of arms, to scrutinize most carefully every situation where change Is sought through the use of arms, and to be certain that the arms supplied will never be used to satisfy a gross lust for domination and against unarmed masses of people. 133. A very important part of the disarmament problem is the question of the denuclearization of various geographical regions. The General Assembly has already taken such action with regard to the continent of Africa, and since last year the United Nations has been studying the Brazilian proposal, later supported by Bolivia, Chile and Ecuador, that Latin America should also be declared a denuclearized zone. Since the Brazilian proposal was submitted, the Presidents of Bolivia, Brazil, Chile, Ecuador and Mexico, in a letter to the other Heads of State of the continent, have invited them to conclude a treaty to ban nuclear weapons in Latin America. The matter will be considered at the current session and will no doubt receive the greatest attention and consideration by delegations. 134. Without prejudice to my delegation's right to express its views in greater detail at the appropriate; time, I should like to say briefly, in anticipation, what the position of my Government is on the subject. 135. First of all, my Government thinks that the lofty humanitarian spirit which prompted these proposals should be stressed and applauded. My Government agrees that the adoption of defence measures and the reduction of the threat of nuclear weapons is the most pressing need of the world today. 136. There are two aspects of this question to be considered: first, the General Assembly's wish to recognize Latin America as a denuclearized zone and, consequently, its recommendation to the Latin American nations to reach an agreement on that point; secondly, the drafting of the treaty itself which, as the Brazilian Minister for Foreign Affairs said here, is the objective of the statement by the five Heads of State already mentioned. 137. Inasmuch as peace is today an indivisible concept linking all the peoples of the international community, it is most logical that declarations of this kind should be conceived and brought forth in the United Nations. It would be desirable, however, to conclude an agreement covering all regions of the globe, since the use of nuclear weapons in one region would inevitably affect the whole face of the world, and it would be even more desirable that it should be accepted by the nuclear Powers themselves. 138. As regards the drafting of a treaty between the Latin American nations, my Government considers that the general policies of our continent should reflect not only Latin American feelings, but also a common political purpose. These policies have not been devised in isolation, but are based on legal precepts binding also upon the United States of America —as, for example, those of the Treaty of Reciprocal Assistance signed at Rio de Janeiro. It would not be possible, therefore, to promote a continental defence policy or to conclude new agreements on the subject without the participation of all States solemnly bound by this defensive alliance. It would be curious, to say the least, and perhaps futile to boot, for the Latin American nations to enter into an agreement in the absence of the one country which is non-Latin but which alone possesses the object of the proposed ban —nuclear weapons. 139. As Colombia has been a member of the Economic and Social Council since 1962, it has had a special opportunity to participate in United Nations economic development activities. Our desire to play our part in the Council is evidence of the importance my Government attaches to the urgency of improving the deplorable conditions of great masses of humanity in our continent and of ensuring that all countries attain economic levels now enjoyed by only a few. As has already been said here, the economic advancement of the underdeveloped areas is now the primary objective of the United Nations, so that the most glaring and serious factor of unrest in the world, human despair, may be eliminated. Without accelerated economic advancement in those areas it would be very difficult, and indeed almost impossible, to ensure peace. Despite the great effort being made to find solutions to the formidable economic problems of the day, it must be acknowledged that thus far the outlook is discouraging. In spite of so many expert groups, so many agencies for economic co-operation, such splendid advances in science and technology, so many studies and surveys, such mountains of documentation on development, the world economic situation has not improved, because the gap between the wealthy countries and the countries with low per capita incomes, instead of narrowing, has been widening year after year. Unless the developed countries resolve to contribute decisively, and with a high sense of solidarity, to solutions capable of immediate application, all the theoretical plans we make here will be of no avail. 140. Among the most significant methods devised by the world Organization in its efforts to achieve economic equilibrium, there are two to which my Government has wished to devote preferential attention: one is the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development, which is to be held in Geneva in the spring of 1964, and the other is that concerned with the promotion of industrialization. We have no hesitation in asserting that the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development must, and can, be the most important international event of this decade. The whole world already realizes that it is essential that a "new international trade and development policy", as is stated in resolution 963 (XXXVI) unanimously approved by the Economic and Social Council, should be adopted and accepted by all nations. A revolution in this field is an imperative necessity of the times. The developing countries can no longer submit to the tremendous injustice brought about by the progressive deterioration of their terms of trade. The low incomes of the developing countries have delayed the implementation of their programmes, and international financial aid, when it does materialize, is not even sufficient to make up for the heavy losses which that deterioration constantly entails. The conditions of international trade must undergo a fundamental change and the time has come for the industrialized countries that have achieved a high degree of development to realize that the economic imbalance between different countries is the outstanding problem of the hour and that its prolongation will entail the most serious dangers for them too. Colombia hopes that the Conference on Trade and Development will lay solid foundations for a new relationship between the nations, for a system of true, constructive, creative and fruitful international cooperation, which will indubitably involve great sacrifices for some but will in the final analysis be of tremendous benefit to all. 141. It must also be admitted that the imperative need of the developing countries for industrialization has not aroused an adequate response in the United Nations. Some countries, including Colombia, have consistently advocated the establishment of a specialized agency for industrial development, but that project has not found support among many delegations. Nevertheless, the Advisory Committee of Experts established pursuant to Economic and Social Council resolution 873 (XXXIII) has proposed the creation of a United Nations Industrial Development Agency, an idea which has reconciled the conflicting points of view. We consider that this proposal represents a satisfactory compromise and we are therefore prepared to support it. It is undeniable that the United Nations will have to intensify its activities in the field of industrialization, as it has already done, for example, in the fields of education, agriculture and health. 142. It is obvious, too, that if the objectives proclaimed in the resolutions on the United Nations Development Decade are to be attained, new and bold measures will be required to increase the capital available for the development programmes of the low-income countries. For that reason, my delegation considers that there is an urgent need for the establishment of a United Nations Capital Development Fund, or at least, as a compromise measure, for an immediate increase in the resources of the Special Fund, in accordance with the recommendations of the Committee concerned. In this connexion we welcome the increase in the capital of the International Development Association which according to the announcement made yesterday in Washington by the Chairman of the Association, has just been decided upon. 143. Colombia has constantly and emphatically proclaimed its anti-colonialist position and it is therefore glad to see the great work the United Nations is carrying out in this field. We could hardly fail to recall that our own independence was described as premature by leading statesmen at that time and it may be that this view is still held despite our century and a half of self-government and our consistent adherence to apolitical system with profound philosophical roots. Consequently, we do not believe that lack of preparation of a people for independence can be a valid argument for delaying the recognition of their intrinsic right to manage their own affairs. Nor do we accept the theory that possessions in distant continents, having ethnically distinct populations, and which are held under no legal title save the right of occupation or of conquest —the latter often accompanied by bloodshed— can be deemed to form an integral part of a territory for purposes of nationality and submission to sovereign authority. We consider that the United Nations Declaration on the granting of independence to colonial countries and peoples, which Colombia supported wholeheartedly, in full awareness of its purposes and its scope, should be applied immediately and unconditionally. In our own continent we have problems of this type which we trust will be satisfactorily settled in the near future. It is accordingly our hope that all peoples may have complete freedom to choose their own leaders and the type of government that suits them best. We consider it inadmissible for any other State to attempt for any reason whatsoever to exercise control over peoples and territories that have just become independent, and that only the United Nations could be justified in intervening in certain countries in order to restore law and order when circumstances clearly make this imperative. We reject so-called neocolonialism, that is to say, the enforcement on ideological grounds of certain ways of life or systems of government against or in the absence of the clearly expressed will of the people. In our view, colonialism imposed for economic purposes is just as odious as colonialism imposed for purely political reasons. 144. We must also express our satisfaction that the widespread efforts being made to put an end once and for all to the abominable practice of racial discrimination are making appreciable headway, and it is only fitting to acknowledge the determination with which the United States Government has confronted this problem in order to bring the realities of present-day life in its country into line with the concepts that shaped its emergence as an egalitarian State, with the precepts of such great American statesmen as Jefferson and Lincoln and with its status as a leader in the struggle now being waged for freedom. 145. We could never tolerate acts of State which by the use of force impose the will of minorities, purely on account of the colour of their skin, thereby denying the inalienable rights of their fellow-men whom they deem to be inferior. We have never accepted such discrimination and we respect all human beings whatever their colour or origin. Nor could we conceal our disapproval of the acts of discrimination and religious persecution which the world is witnessing in an important region of Asia. All these are forms of backwardness, of spiritual blindness and of barbarity which are inconsistent with either cultural enlightenment or scientific progress. My country hopes that the United Nations will take vigorous action to condemn such outbreaks and to suggest effective remedies at the appropriate time. 146. The public conscience appears to be profoundly aware of the need for substantial changes in the political, economic and social structure of the Latin American nations. In recent years it has become almost a commonplace for statesmen and commentators in our continent to invoke revolution as the sole means of achieving the level of development that our peoples are urgently demanding. The only point on which there has been disagreement is the procedure to be followed. Can the desired objectives be attained within a reasonable time by a process of gradual evolution, or would it be necessary, at least in certain places, suddenly to cast aside all the long-established forms of servitude that have been perpetuated in a feudal type of organization? The efforts to improve the situation made by the Governments and peoples of Latin America, with international assistance, cannot be overlooked. Unfortunately, however, the problems are of such magnitude that the means available always fall short of the minimum requirements. Yet there is no doubt that the ills of our continent cannot be cured by economic means alone, not even with outside assistance however great that assistance may be —and it is far from being so. Its great afflictions can, in the last analysis, be remedied with international assistance, but thanks also to the will, the resolution, the persevering efforts and the mutual co-operation of the Latin American peoples themselves. 147. In any event, we find ourselves at the outset of a process of transformation which is already characterized by certain distinct features. The poorer classes, the professional men, the workers, the peasants, the students and the middle classes all suffer from the effects of economic backwardness, and in their precarious political situation are resolutely trying, either overtly or covertly, to find a way out of their sad plight. That way, however, will assuredly not be the one that led to such tragic consequences in the Caribbean area when the victorious revolution betrayed its initial ideals. Indeed, the chorus of admiration and enthusiasm which the achievements of the Cuban rebels excited in our countries, and the hatred and resentment that the tyrannical practices aroused among our masses could have given rise to movements designed to bring about through a fundamental change the improvements which had been vainly awaited for so many years. It is certain, however, that the initial admiration and enthusiasm gave way first to mistrust, and then to disapproval and utter rejection, when it was seen how that revolution was diverted towards the brutal suppression of freedom and the introduction of bloodthirsty totalitarian methods. Faced with the danger or prospect of falling a prey to the same treatment, the peoples of Latin America reacted vigorously and will continue to do so. As the Foreign Minister of Brazil stated in this Hall, freedom is the one thing on which we cannot compromise. Any attempt to curtail freedom by imposing a single-party system or the practices of contemporary Marxism is utterly futile. Those who advocate such a course, that is to say, the members of the Communist parties of our hemisphere, represent only tiny minorities in our countries and have never carried any appreciable weight in elections, as has been made evident even in the most purely liberal circles. 148. It is even less likely that they will achieve their aims by resorting to the criminal acts of terrorist bands, whether acting on their own account or supported and directed from outside. Apart from the destruction, death, cruelty and horror brought about by their sinister activities, they are doomed to total failure. Such at least is the position in my country and I think it is the same in other Latin American countries. As far as Colombia is concerned, I can state that their activities do not dismay us and that our Government and people are determined to preserve their freedom, democratic traditions, legality and peace. 149. On the other hand, we realize that the ancient moulds must be broken and that is why reforms are under way in some of our countries. We welcome the step taken by Costa Rica in proposing the study of agrarian reform as an item on the agenda of the General Assembly. Very few people would today dispute the fact that the misery and poverty afflicting large sections of humanity in various parts of our continent are the result of the antiquated and inadequate agrarian structure and the existence of a system of land tenure tantamount to serfdom, with its unexploited latifundia and unproductive smallholdings. 150. There is an encouraging similarity in the way the Latin American Governments assess the problems of their peoples and the measures required to solve them successfully. This is the task on which they are concentrating. They are also counting on the advantages to be derived from a great hemispheric enterprise, which we are convinced will not fail although its initial stages have been beset by difficulties. All this, however, is dependent on the preservation of the democratic character with which the Inter-American system was originally conceived and which it must retain. There is an urgent need, too, for vigorous and united efforts to be made to prevent the recurrence of the coups d'état, which openly conflict with that system and are a source of alarm and shame to our region, 151. Colombia comes to these meetings imbued with the same spirit of brotherhood that has always inspired it in this world forum. I do not think that I need recapitulate the principles of international law which have shaped its juridical traditions. Long before the noble doctrine enshrined in the United Nations Charter and the Universal Declaration of Human Rights was formulated, Colombia had brought its international conduct into line with these principles. Today we restate those principles, in the conviction that if the spirit of optimism and good fortune that has marked the opening of this eighteenth session should spread to the rest of the world, spurred on by the stimulating words of Mr. Kennedy, the President of the United States, and of Mr. Gromyko, the Foreign Minister of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics, and if man's mentality should change to the extent of making him place the interests of his own species above the lesser interests of each nation, that would do more to preserve peace on this earth in the years to come than would the destruction of the atomic arsenals.