CYP

First of all, Mr. President, I wish to congratulate you most warmly, on behalf of the Cyprus delegation, on your election to the Presidency of this session of the General Assembly. You highly deserve this great distinction. Your integrity of character, your dedication to principle, and your independence of judgement are well known and deeply appreciated. These great qualities are coupled with your juridical wisdom and your long diplomatic experience and therefore eminently qualify you for presiding over this august assembly of nations. We are convinced that, under your enlightened guidance, the deliberations of this significant session will be carried to a most successful conclusion, 6. I wish also on this occasion to extend to the Secretary-General our deepest appreciation of the remarkably effective way in which he has so far been carrying out the duties of his high office. His moral stature and his calm determination in the solution of international problems have brought a new content to the role of the United Nations and its executive and have thus enhanced its prestige and authority. The presence of U Thant at the helm of the Organization, whether in times of crisis or of "détente", Is of immeasurable value to the Organization and to the cause of peace. 7. It is common ground that, since the establishment of the United Nations, this is the first General Assembly that meets in a climate of relaxation and of promise. But, more significantly, what has emerged during the progress of this debate is the positive approach to problems in a spirit of understanding freed from cold war antagonisms. This session may well mark the beginning of a new period in human history —the period of mental adaptation to the unprecedented conditions of a nuclear age. 8. This new international climate started with the overcoming of the Cuban crisis. That crisis suddenly gave to the world a sobering glimpse of the imminent danger of nuclear destruction. It brought a healthy reaction. The statesmanship of the leaders of the Powers concerned —their positive response to the mediation of the Secretary-General, and their consequent co-operation, with his assistance— finally solved the crisis. This experience introduced an element of greater trust —or perhaps less mistrust— in common efforts for peace. 9. The way to improved international understanding was subsequently facilitated by positive pronouncements from both major nuclear Powers. The sincerity of President Kennedy's call for a mutual reexamination of attitudes between the United States and the USSR proved fruitful, and so did Premier Khrushchev's firm stand for peace in the Sino-Soviet argument, coupled with his specific proposals for phased disarmament measures. The agreement on a direct communications link between Washington and Moscow was another factor towards improved relations. 10. Thus, the Moscow conference that followed came at a most auspicious moment. Its success, by the conclusion of a Treaty banning nuclear weapon tests in the atmosphere, in outer space and under water, is of great and historic significance. It is the first breakthrough in a series of long and unproductive negotiations over many years. 11. The benefits from this treaty are obvious. The cessation of further radio-active pollution of the atmosphere from test explosions has been a relief to the agonized peoples of all countries, who are increasingly conscious of the threat of extermination from nuclear war and, no less, from slow but inexorable destruction of life, even without war, through a continuance of nuclear testing itself. That certain areas have very closely approached, or even reached, danger levels of radio-activity is clear enough from scientific data. 12. From that aspect, therefore, the test ban treaty in the three environments could not be further delayed without increasingly causing irreparable harm to mankind. Equally important is the direct effect of this pact in slowing down the arms race and in helping to lessen the proliferation of nuclear arms. Finally, the treaty put a stop to a new form of peace-time aggression in the nuclear age; namely, the violation of the atmosphere of one State through radio-active pollution from the nuclear tests of another State. This type of international anarchy has now, hopefully, been halted. 13. The wider significance of the test ban treaty, however, lies in the fact that it represents the first action by the three nuclear Powers evidencing a realistic appraisal of the national interest as inseparably bound up with that of mankind. 14. The test ban treaty has been overwhelmingly acclaimed the world over, and certainly in this Assembly. The dissenting voice, however, was not lacking; and it was not unhelpful. The differing views on any issue must always be heard, so that fuller criteria are provided for judging their respective value. By presenting all that could be said against the treaty, the dissenting argument inescapably brought into focus its own limitations and its relation to realities. Often the most effective support of a sound case is the argument against it; this can certainly be said of the test ban treaty. 15. Criticism of the treaty was mainly based on an approach that regards it as a mere tactical move in the cold war, calculated to give advantage to the one side at the expense of the other. The vital aspects of the treaty as being of equally great benefit to both sides, as parts of one and the same humanity, were completely ignored. The opposition came from both Western and Communist sources, in a common approach; their only difference lay in their respective assessment of which was the gaining and which the losing side. The support of the treaty from East and West was equally common. Thus, an emerging division between two schools of political thought on a worldwide level made its first appearance, cutting right across the existing socio-political groupings in our world. This is a most significant feature of recent developments, far reaching in its implications for peace. 16. In this new division, the one school stands for international understanding and co-operation in peaceful progress; it bears the seed of a dawning world conscience and allegiance to humanity in harmony with a realistically broadened conscience of national allegiance. The other school stands for persistent adherence, despite a changed world, to unaltered notions of nationalism or social dogmatism as inextricably linked with armaments and war; it is wary of the concept of co-operation in international security and peace and minimizes the value of the United Nations. 17. The two schools could be termed, respectively, the progressive and the static. In a fast-developing world, however, standing still becomes regression. By entailing national Insecurity, it defeats its very purpose. For we have reached a time in human history when the concept of force as a main instrument of national policy is increasingly becoming obsolete because of the global destructiveness of the nuclear weapon. And therein lies the one redeeming feature of this weapon; namely, the compelling influence it exerts for the peaceful settlement of disputes and for international understanding and co-operation. 18. International co-operation for peaceful progress, however, cannot affect the respective positions on political systems and social ideologies. Such differences no doubt will continue, but they will be raised above the level of physical violence and war. The spirit of contest can find ample scope in an ideological competition to win the minds of free men through example and excellence, and not through compulsion and force. 19. The eventual resolving of such ideological differences will come —as historic experience shows— with the passage of time, through the force of universal balance gradually eroding the extremities and forging an ever closer approach and synthesis at the centre. 20. The main purpose of the United Nations is to eliminate war and bring peace in a world of diversity and freedom of choice, under the Charter. The United Nations is in effect the Instrument of humanity to help it in its most trying period of transition, a transition from the concept of force to that of reason as the arbiter of human affairs. The difficulties involved in a sudden abandonment of traditional habits of life and ways of thinking are indeed great but they should not deter us. Already encouraging signs of an important move towards such transition were given in the present debate from the most relevant sources, namely the major nuclear Powers. 21. In their respective pronouncements in this Assembly the Soviet Union, the United States and the United Kingdom solemnly renounced force, coercion or intimidation as instruments in the promotion of national policies or social ideologies. 22. The Soviet Foreign Minister, Mr. Gromyko, in line with Premier Khrushchev's recent pronouncements, offered peaceful competition which completely rules out force. These were his words: "... it is not divisions of soldiers but legions of books, not nuclear bombs but the ability to produce more of the human benefits and to distribute them more equitably that must constitute the weapons in the fight between the two philosophies" [1208th meeting, para. 110], This is an imaginative and encouraging approach to the Marxist theory in the light of present-day conditions of life in a nuclear age. 23. President Kennedy, reasserting a policy of peace, stressed the need for peaceful co-operation and spoke of a new approach to the cold war and of competition: "... in a host of peaceful arenas, in ideas, in production, and ultimately in service to all mankind. ... a contest in leadership and responsibility instead of destruction, a contest in achievement instead of intimidation" [1209th meeting, paras. 55 and 56]. Such consensus for the complete renunciation of force as an instrument of policy is another significant feature of this Assembly. These developments in word and no less in action are rich in promise, a promise that political thinking begins to adjust itself to a changed world in these nuclear times; that the cold war recedes and a new chapter opens; the chapter of adjustment. This Assembly may thus become known as the Assembly of transition. 24. In the global endeavour towards adjustment we all share in responsibility, big countries and small. As my President, Archbishop Makarios, said in the General Assembly in 1962: "We all share in responsibility. The decision for developing a new and wider life is for all of us. The decision for averting an impending catastrophe rests with those who wield the nuclear power. Our thoughts go out to them in the hope that... they may recognize the beacon of life and lead to it with courage and determination, commensurate with their authority and their responsibility for enlightened world leadership." [1107th meeting, para. 32.] 25. Now that the beacon of life has been recognized and followed in the test agreement, there should be no delay in the progress on the long journey towards the establishment of peace and world order. The present momentum offers an opportunity and a challenge. If the opportunity is lost, if the challenge is evaded, if that new spirit withers in sterility, still heavier responsibility would weigh on the leadership of this present generation of mankind. 26. The first step needs to be supplemented by other and bolder steps strengthening the edifice of peace. Relaxation of tension will not admit of relaxation of effort. Further agreements should be pursued with determination and care, but freed from that exaggerated caution which is tantamount to fear and which has been a stumbling-block on the road to peace. 27. A field in which co-operation should be eminently sought is the exploration of outer space for the peaceful uses of mankind. 28. It is most heartening that a second step and a major step in averting nuclear dangers has been taken. The agreement in principle just reached between the nuclear Powers to prohibit the placing of nuclear weapons in orbit brings a new relief to mankind. It keeps and further generates the momentum of the test pact and shows it to be not an isolated act but a new and promising start. We warmly congratulate the representatives of the United States, the Soviet Union, and the United Kingdom on this important achievement. It ensures peace in space; it means freedom from radio-active contamination of that dimension. We hopefully, however, look for still more. We expect not merely the negative aspect of stopping the orbiting of nuclear weapons. We wish to seek co-operation in all aspects of space exploration. We therefore welcome President Kennedy's suggestion that the United States and the Soviet Union should co-operate, and not compete, in their efforts to reach the moon. 29. Space is a virgin field removed from the earth's atmosphere, which is so laden with the spirit of antagonism and war. It should bring clarity of vision and purity of thought. The concept of man in outer space should awaken a sense of proportion between our now shrunken earth, orbiting in a harmonious universe, and the exaggerated divisions tearing mankind apart and driving it to the folly of nuclear self-annihilation. 30. A next step that would naturally be expected is one extending the ban to underground tests. It appears, however, that difficulties are encountered in effectively negotiating such a treaty at the present juncture. Yet the unrestricted continuance of underground explosions continues the arms race. It also adds to the radioactive hazards of human life. While such harm will no longer be global —as in the case of atmospheric tests— but limited in area, it is by no means negligible. Efforts to halt underground tests should continue unremittingly. An agreement could be reached in respect of that threshold, where underground tests could be detected and verified by existing national means. As to tests below that threshold which are not detectable, an interim arrangement could be made for their temporary suspension, at least on a trial basis, a basis that could meet the reservations of both sides, perhaps on the lines suggested during the seventeenth session of the General Assembly. Such trial arrangements could open the way to the improved confidence so direly needed for an advance toward disarmament and peace, 31. Collateral disarmament proposals could also be tackled, and successfully, such as further efforts to prevent the wider dissemination of nuclear weapons, to safeguard against surprise attack and to prevent war by accident or miscalculation. There is one partial step that the non-nuclear nations themselves can initiate, and that is to create their own denuclearized areas. We welcomed the initiative of Africa at the sixteenth session of the General Assembly in this respect and we now welcome the current proposal for the establishment of Latin America as an atom-free zone [A/5447 and Add.1], All such denuclearized areas, to be initiated by the States involved, ought, however, to result in relaxation of tensions and not cause Imbalance in the world political situation, 32. General and complete disarmament remains our joint human goal on the road to peace. Nothing must divert us from this necessary objective. The Eighteen-Nation Committee on Disarmament with the participation of eight non-aligned countries has done very useful work and will, we hope, achieve still more. We wish that France would yet take its place on that Committee and that other countries, whose commitment to disarmament would seem essential, might eventually participate. 33. In the pursuit of peace, the way is obviously through disarmament. This is generally recognized. But the way to disarmament is not by a shortcut; it is not by mere negotiations on disarmament; it is by the steep and difficult way, the way that passes through international security in an improved world order. This is still not sufficiently realized, and perhaps that is why long disarmament negotiations over the years have completely failed. Before nations can be expected finally to cast away their armaments, there must be the assurance of some international security to replace national armaments. However difficult and remote this may seem, it remains the only logical basis for disarmament and a lasting peace. The necessity for it has in a sense been recognized during the present debate —in President Kennedy's reference to the need for "building the institutions of peace as we dismantle the engines of war" [1209th meeting, para. 52] and in Lord Home's words that collective security is in the long run "the only sure guarantee for the peace of the world" [1222nd meeting, para. 52]. However, it is a matter of no little concern that, since the United Nations was established, there has been hardly any collective endeavour for the construction of the institutions of peace parallel to the long and fruitless, I am sorry to say, effort for the destruction of the instruments of war. 34. Looking at the various disarmament plans submitted recently to the Eighteen-Nation Committee, we see that any proposals for international security through the United Nations appear only in the second and third stages. Consequently, until agreement is reached on the whole question of disarmament, on the total process, and the first stage is actually put into effect —a rather distant prospect— there will apparently be no progress towards international security through a developing United Nations. Steps in this direction should be taken in a parallel way and, if anything, precede rather than follow disarmament agreement, in order to create the conditions that would make disarmament finally and practically achievable. 35. Shortly we shall be celebrating the twentieth anniversary of the United Nations. On that occasion we should have a closer look at the Organization and its needs. During the two decades of its life the United Nations has grown considerably in size and importance. Its clothes are now bursting at the seams. In the past, on occasions of pressing necessity, the outlet was improvised by means of dynamic interpretation of the Charter, An evolving interpretation of constitutional articles in a developing world is desirable and necessary. But even the most liberal interpretation cannot expand articles containing definite limitations without amending the Charter. Those limitations were placed in the Charter at times and under conditions totally different from the present. Since then, apart from the requirements resulting from the United Nations growth, the achievement of atomic science after the establishment of the Organization has radically changed the world in which we live. Because of that change, the United Nations now is not merely necessary for peaceful progress, as was conceived by the drafters of the Charter, but is actually indispensable for the very survival of mankind. 36. Whatever developments there have been in the functions of the United Nations for the maintenance of peace, they came, as I pointed out, from the force of events and the necessity to meet dangerous situations, rather than through deliberate effort to that purpose. The cold war and a certain distrust as to the objectivity and independence of the United Nations prevented its development. This may have been true in the past. The expansion in membership of this Organization, however, by the admission of a large number of new and non-aligned countries, bringing it closer to universality, has revitalized dedication to the Charter and has brought a growing impartiality of approach on world issues. Furthermore, the climate of mistrust has now, from recent developments, been succeeded by a more hopeful atmosphere. 37. In the light of new and relaxed circumstances, the big Powers, as permanent members of the Security Council, may come to rethink their attitude towards a necessary development of the United Nations. We hope a more positive spirit will prevail regarding such development. As a first step, the Security Council and the Economic and Social Council will have to be enlarged by an amendment of the Charter in order to provide a fuller and more equitable geographic representation of non-permanent members. Next, and more important, the United Nations should be given increased executive authority, and the means of effectively maintaining peace. 38. We would, therefore, wish to see a start made by devising new and more effective machinery for peace, based on the experience acquired from various United Nations emergency peace-keeping operations. These peace-keeping functions could be put on a more permanent basis under one consolidated fund, in place of the present temporary and improvised arrangements of loaned forces for each occasion, involving delay and lack of complete control, as well as the controversies of finances, with which this Organization is still faced, 39. The need for a peace fund through voluntary contributions from Member States, as well as from organizations and individuals, is still increasingly evident. The preliminary consultations by the Secretary-General showed support for the new effort to make funds permanently available to the Secretary-General in order to enable him to discharge, without undue delay, his responsibilities, under the Charter in cases of breaches of the peace. Cyprus believes that the establishment of such a United Nations peace fund is essential and, in this sense, was a co-sponsor of the relevant General Assembly resolution [1879 (S-IV)] at the fourth special session. 40. We are in full agreement with the suggestion made by Canada, Italy and Sweden [see A/5490] that a study be conducted by the Working Group on the Examination of Administrative and Budgetary Procedures. 41. We of the smaller nations who cannot seek security or maintain our freedom through our national forces have the most to gain by the creation of permanent international security forces under the United Nations. We should take a collective initiative in this respect. Cyprus, since joining the United Nations in 1960, has consistently advocated the development of a United Nations permanent force. During the last special session of the General Assembly, we suggested in the Fifth Committee [998th meeting] that Member States allocate a part of their defence expenditure to the building up of such a peace force, 42. Now the prospects for the establishment of a United Nations force have been considerably heightened in consequence of the increasing awareness of the necessity for such a force. It is highly encouraging that Canada and the Netherlands have joined the Scandinavian countries in offering appropriately equipped and trained stand-by forces for United Nations service. This praiseworthy example should be followed by the other small countries which possess armed forces. 43. In this connexion, we feel it desirable that the units so earmarked for United Nations service should, in addition to their specific military training, also receive special instruction and mental training for the purpose of endowing them with an international spirit compatible with their functions. A sense of primary allegiance to the United Nations would, and should be expected of them. In much the same way as It Is expected of the civil servants of this Organization. 44. The problems of creating and maintaining a permanent United Nations peace force, even of a minimum strength, are formidable and we do not minimize the political obstacles involved. We would suggest, nevertheless, that this Assembly, under a new agenda item if necessary, should make a definite move forward by setting up a small working group to study ways of strengthening the peace-keeping functions of the United Nations, particularly by giving it full control over its forces, and to make recommendations for the gradual development of a permanent United Nations force. 45. International security in its wider implications Inescapably involves problems of sovereignty. National sovereignty will have to be qualified by the requirements of international order and peace through a supranational authority. An analogy may be found in the generally accepted restriction of the citizens' sovereign rights to the extent necessary for order and security within a state under municipal law. Happily, there is a growing awareness of the need for the gradual development of international security under a world authority. His Holiness the late Pope John, in the historical encyclical Pacem in Terris, which has had a tremendous influence over the world, spoke of the increasing necessity for a public authority "endowed with a wideness of powers, structure and means of the same proportions". Only by the establishment of such world authority can lasting peace and security become a reality, 46. National defence in terms of armaments becomes unrealistic in these times when the homeland and its people can be completely destroyed by nuclear missiles in a matter of minutes. President Kennedy put it very clearly in this Assembly when he said that "absolute sovereignty no longer assures us of absolute security" [1209th meeting, para. 75]. It is only, however, in relation to a world authority that national sovereignty has to be qualified. In other respects, the right of sovereignty is absolute. 47. The inviolability of such sovereignty based on the sovereign equality between States, which is a basic principle of the Charter of the United Nations and of international law, has been emphatically re affirmed in the ten points of the Bandung Conference and in the communique issued by the Belgrade Conference, and in other international declarations. Any interference, therefore, by any State in the internal affairs of another State would amount to a violation of the basic norms of general international law. 48. In this connexion, it might be mentioned that the International Law Commission at its fifteenth session, dealing with the law on treaties, adopted a draft article [A/5509, chapter II, section B, article 37]under which any provision in a treaty which conflicted with a peremptory norm of general international law would render the treaty of no validity and effect. Consequently, a clear distinction has to be drawn between the concept of absolute sovereignty as between States and that of qualified sovereignty in relation to the United Nations. 49. A case in point is the item on the violation of human rights in South Viet-Nam, which was inscribed on our agenda without a dissenting vote or voice. This action shows the general and wide-spread recognition of the competence of the United Nations to deal with matters of domestic jurisdiction, notwithstanding paragraph 7 of Article 2 of the Charter, when there is a violation of the Charter or of human rights. Such competence of the United Nations in particular cases has been sanctioned on many previous occasions by resolutions of the General Assembly. 50. Among other problems which, during the present favourable East-West climate, might be given earnest consideration by both sides is that of Germany. Division of a country and a great city, the confrontation of guns on each side of a separating wall, and a mounting hostility on each side, is a situation which is wholly incompatible with the present international spirit. 51. A solution has to be found, whether permanent or interim. My country, consistent with its basic principles and declared policy, supports the right of self-determination and unity for the people of Germany, no less than for all other people, for no people can be indefinitely denied the right to decide their own future. The present situation in Germany and its division is the result of conditions imposed upon it at the end of the Second World War. Eighteen years have since elapsed, and we have now reached a stage when this problem could perhaps be tackled in a new and imaginative approach from both sides. 52. We do not in the least disregard the commitments involved in a complicated situation at the very centre of the cold war, nor do we overlook the present-day realities which cannot be ignored. But we believe that there is room for negotiation in a spirit of fairness, in a spirit of what is right and just, if the present climate of relaxation is extended to that problem. 53. On the progress of decolonization, our policy has been repeatedly and fully stated in this Assembly, and it is not necessary, therefore, to elaborate on it. As one of the co-sponsors of the Declaration on colonialism, we emphatically supported on all occasions the early implementation of that Declaration in a sense of urgency and by all appropriate means under the Charter. Our attitude on problems of colonialism and independence is deeply rooted in our heritage and tradition over the millennia and in our history, both ancient and recent, which has been a continuous struggle either to retain or to regain freedom. The people of Cyprus have, therefore, a particular dedication to the principles of independence and self-determination. We firmly uphold their application under the Charter to all countries whose peoples demand it for themselves. But we would certainly not encourage it where it is used as a pretext for negative purposes in the sense of breaking up the integrity of a country or the unity of its people, as a sequel to divisive colonialist policies. In this connexion, it is a source of particular satisfaction to my delegation that this danger has been averted in the Congo, through the statesmanship of the Secretary-General and the devoted service of the ONUC, If the further presence of the United Nations in the Congo is considered essential, as it appears to be, in order to consolidate peace and unity in that territory, the United Nations must give the authority and provide the finances. It would be false economy to refuse the necessary funds and thereby jeopardize what has been achieved with so much effort and sacrifice. My delegation will support all measures for the necessary extension of the period of the United Nations presence in the Congo. 54. It is a matter for profound concern to my delegation that there has been no advance towards independence or towards the restitution of basic human rights to the peoples of certain parts of the African continent where those rights are still denied. The problems of the Portuguese territories, and of Southern Rhodesia and South Africa, which are closely interrelated, still loom dark on the horizon as sad reminders of a lamentable retardment in human progress. Earnest consideration of these problems should be given by the Assembly at its present session in the sense of achieving an effective and practical move towards their solution. 55. The decolonization process is inseparably bound up with progress toward peace. For indeed there can be no peace where there is no freedom and justice; and this is why the United Nations as an edifice of peace was made to rest upon the moral principles of the Charter. Not only, therefore, in the common pursuit of freedom, but no less in that of peace, we take our stand in brotherly solidarity by the side of all peoples on the African continent, and elsewhere, who are struggling for their inalienable rights to freedom, equality of rights and human dignity. 56. We need scarcely stress how abhorrent to us is apartheid. We emphatically condemn all discrimination, whether based on colour, race, religion, ethnic origin, or otherwise, as offending against the fundamental notions of morality and human dignity which form the basis of a civilized mankind. No constitutional or other laws, imposed under whatever circumstances upon a people, can acquire validity as long as they conflict with the basic democratic norms and the principles of the Charter of the United Nations. 57. Long experience has shown that the anomaly created by injustice inevitably leads to unrest and conflict, constituting a growing threat to international peace. The timely remedy of such situations is important and vital, in a spirit of understanding a solution can in all cases be found, based upon democratic norms. 58. The United Nations has an important duty toper-form in these respects. As an organization for the maintenance of peace, it can achieve results, in many cases, through the mediative action of its executive organs. The peace functions of the United Nations are not merely the extinction but also the prevention of fires. Successful mediation by the Secretary-General in the problem of West Irian and in the Cuban crisis, and also through a fact-finding team in Malaysia, shows the significance of these functions, which can be fruitful in many international situations. The use of United Nations fact-finding teams should be extended. They can prove very helpful in an objective examination of disputes from various aspects. 59. We are therefore gratified to see that in the case of South Viet-Nam the General Assembly has already proceeded in this manner, by the way of deciding [1234th meeting] for the appointment of a fact-finding committee, 60. In regard to world economic conditions, the problems arising from the disparity between the developed and the less developed countries constitute a theme that has long been discussed in this body. It is a major problem, growing in dimensions and in the threat which it poses to peace. When disarmament agreements are reached, -some of the colossal sums now spent on arms will no doubt be released for use in development and towards a less unequal distribution of elemental benefits. Economic aid now, however, to the new and developing countries, on constantly increasing levels, preferably through the United Nations, is an ever-important factor towards reducing that disparity. But what is also of great importance is the better organization of world trade. We look, therefore, with eagerness and confidence to the forthcoming United Nations Conference on Trade and Development for constructive work toward that end. 61. Regional economic groupings, as a stage in a constant evolution towards larger and more-embracing structures, are most positive steps on the road to international order through organized trade. This, however, will depend largely on the outlook and further evolution of such groupings as now exist. We hope and trust that they will not look inwards but outwards; that they will not remain static through notions of narrow national or group interests, but will expand in a broader concept of balance and the common good. 62. It is perhaps not without significance that the present period of relaxation comes so closely ahead of the celebration of the twentieth anniversary of the United Nations and, moreover, heralds the year of international co-operation. The Preparatory Committee on the International Co-operation Year set up by the General Assembly at its seventeenth session [resolution 1844 (XVII)] of which Cyprus has the honour to be a member, recommended that the year of international co-operation be 1965, coinciding with the twentieth anniversary of the birth of the United Nations. This is a particularly happy choice and combination. It should serve as an indication that there should be special efforts in that year towards strengthening and developing the United Nations, This combination of the two, the anniversary and the year of co-operation, should enable us to tackle that problem effectively; for indeed, the development of the United Nations is the key to the solution of other major problems: disarmament through a growing international security, decolonization through peaceful change, economic development through an organized system of international economy in a world of closely-knit interdependence. 63. All these problems are closely inter-connected; indeed they are one problem, and essentially a moral one: the ability of human leadership in thought and in action to conform with the higher standards of international morality required by our times. This ability would be reflected in the degree of progress of the United Nations. 64. The Preparatory Committee on the International Co-operation Year in its report [A/5561, para. 17 (f)] suggested, among other constructive recommendations, that Heads of State and Government might attend the twentieth session of the General Assembly in order to facilitate the settlement of international problems and to further the aims of the international Co-operation Year. We heartily welcome that suggestion. If, as is hoped, the present climate of relaxation is maintained, if the emerging spirit of working together is productive of preparatory and collateral agreements, if the cold war thus freezes in cold storage, if this Assembly is in fact the Assembly of transition, then the International Co-operation Year should see a real break-through in negotiations for peaceful progress. It should mark a dynamic move forward not merely to avert war but to build a positive peace in a world of justice, human dignity and freedom. We hope that the beacon of life may thus continue to lead mankind on the road to peace and human brotherhood.