160. It is an auspicious omen, we trust, that the very first two substantive matters, this session has had to deal with were both important steps towards the consolidation of peace: the admission of four new Member States, and the successful settlement of the question of Irian Barat. We fervently hope that when this session of the General Assembly adjourns it will have many more achievements to its credit.
161. My delegation greets the new Member States of this Organization and extends to them all a warm welcome. We are particularly happy that we are able to include in this greeting the representatives of the Democratic and Popular Republic of Algeria, who only yesterday took their rightful places here. We offer them our heartfelt congratulations on the victorious conclusion of their country's long and bitter struggle towards independence. It was an independence hardly won. The people of Indonesia followed the progress of the Algerian revolution with anxious fellow-feeling, for the Indonesians too gained their independence only after a protracted revolution against their rulers, a revolution replete with blood and sacrifice.
162. This is indeed an era of revolution. Political revolution has brought forth numerous new and newly reborn nations, as subject peoples one by one rise up against foreign rule. The scientific revolution symbolized by the first "sputnik" whirling around the earth is rapidly extending man’s dominion into outer space. Both revolutions are equally hallmarks of this second half of the century and, both embody all that is finest in men’s aspirations. We are proud to be able to say that Indonesia was in the vanguard of the political revolution, as the first country to wrest its independence from the grip of a colonial Power after the Second World War,
163. In its fight for independence and justice my country profited from the lessons learned in other revolutions of earlier times. We learned from the revolution for liberty, equality and fraternity in eighteenth-century France, We learned from the revolution for Sun Yat-Sen's principles of nationalism, democracy and, the people’s livelihood in China in 1911. We learned from the revolution for Marxist-Leninist principles in Russia in 1917. Above all, we learned from the first colonial revolution of modern times, the great American revolution which, as Thomas Jefferson truly said, was “a revolution intended for all mankind".
164. On gaining its independence, Indonesia immediately addressed itself to the work of nation-building. For years our people have laboured at this arduous, but rewarding task, and now we are beginning to see the fruitful results of our efforts. First and foremost We had to rediscover our own national identity and to forge a political philosophy that would successfully guide our way of life. In this we chose neither the road of communism nor the road of capitalism. Instead, we built our own road, the road of socialism, moulded to meet Indonesia’s special needs and the rising expectations, nay, the rising demands of our people. Our socialism is based on five principles: belief in God, nationalism, internationalism, democracy and social justice. We call these principles the "Pancha Shila", the five pillars which sustain our way of life. Rather than contenting ourselves with imported ideas that would prove inapplicable to conditions in our country, we dipped into our own rich ancient civilization and extracted those ideas and customs that would help us to develop our nationhood.
165. During this work of reconstructing our State, we have naturally gone through periods of considerable turmoil. In a time of national reawakening, some turmoil is only to be expected. It should not be misconstrued by outsiders; on the contrary, it should be viewed with sympathy and understanding, for turmoil is an inescapable element in the process of nation building. Its very occurrence is in itself a mark of the anxiety of a newly emerging country to attain a dignified way of national life. Older States have only to look back at their own histories to see the truth of this statement. All countries have at some time experienced turmoil in their drive to hammer out the national identity that would best express the individual character of their peoples. Such a lofty aim is not to be won without struggle.
166. If this is an era of national revolution, then it is also an era of nation-building. Countries in Asia, Africa and Latin America are all severally engaged in the task of evolving their own national patterns. For the process of nation-building, with all the struggle and turbulence it entails, is a necessary complement to decolonization; without this complementary process, indeed decolonization would be meaningless. Highly developed nations should take care not to obstruct a country engaged in the business of peaceful nation-building. It should be universally recognized that diversity in national, social and political systems and in national cultures is a characteristic of the world today. We must all respect the individuality of every country, be it large or small. For if we do not do so; we shall fail to honour a people’s fight for independence. The primary task of the United Nations should be to work towards a world in which many different national identities can flourish side by side, a coexistence of different national identities.
167. In this regard, it may perhaps not be irrelevant to recall that in his State of the Union in January 1962, President Kennedy outlined America’s basic goal, as: "a peaceful world community of free and independent States, free to choose their own future and their own system so long as it does not threaten the freedom of others... a free community of nations, independent but interdependent." Furthermore, we are reminded of the fact that prominent leaders of communist countries have at various occasions stated that neither communism nor revolution are commodities for export.
168. It may also be noted that the Republic of Indonesia comprises 3,000 islands which sustain many different ethnic and cultural groups. As a world in itself, it has in fact practised with great success the State motto of "Bhinneka Tunggal Ika" — Unity in diversity.
169. Indonesia's experience in reconstructing its nation has demonstrated that newly emerging countries can survive all difficulties and crises when there is unity of purpose between a government and its people. One by one our difficulties have been overcome. We are proud of our national way of life with its philosophy of the “Pancha Shila", and also of our many practical achievements. We are pleased, for instance, with the large number of hospitals, universities and schools that have been built. We are particularly happy with the fact that illiteracy no longer presents a problem. After three and a half centuries of colonial rule 93 per cent of our population was illiterate; by 1964, after only nineteen years of independence illiteracy will have been totally eliminated.
170. A great deal of our progress towards a full and satisfactory national life has only been recently accomplished. When President Sukarno personally took charge of the Government in 1959, he set for himself and for his people three goals: stabilization of national security, recovery of Irian Barat (West Irian), and an improved standard of living. Today two of these goals have been attained.
171. Security has ceased to be a problem for us. The liberal tendencies based on imported ideas that were irreconcilable with the needs of our country have now been eliminated. One may now travel freely in any area of Indonesia, and the increasing number of tourists is sufficient evidence of this fact. Secondly, as everyone in this Assembly is fully aware, the Netherlands administrative authority over Irian Barat (West Irian) has at last been terminated as of 1 October 1962. As of that date the people in that territory will have Joined with their compatriots and comrades-in-arms in the rest of the Indonesian Archipelago in the ranks of a free and liberated nation. With the recovery of Irian Barat (West Irian), Indonesia can consider its national unity to be finally complete This could only have been realized with the unwavering determination and great sacrifices on the part of the 100 million people in Indonesia.
172. I would like to take this opportunity to express the gratitude of my Government for the overwhelming support of the Assembly for the resolution [1752 (XVII)] of which the draft was submitted jointly by Indonesia and the Netherlands. This affirmative vote is a strong demonstration of the general conviction on the part of the great majority of the Member States that our Organization possesses the capacity to overcome a bitter international dispute. However, we must express our disappointment at the fact that unanimity has not been possible. We listened carefully to the explanations of those who did not support the resolution and are constrained to reply that we are confident that future developments will prove their apprehensions to be unfounded. The peaceful conclusion of this thorny problem should be as much a source of gratification to the whole United Nations as it is to Indonesia, since it has eliminated a potential "hot-spot" of some importance in South East Asia. My Government is relieved that it at last finds itself in a position to say that it is no longer involved in a dispute with any other country. We have recovered our national territory and are not interested in territorial expansion.
173. Now that Indonesia is freed from this burdensome fight for Irian Barat (West Irian), our Government can concentrate its attention on raising our people's standard of living — the third task which President Sukarno set for himself to accomplish. And by the same token, the way is now also open to us to make a greater contribution to the efforts of the United Nations in the search for solutions to the many problems of the world today.
174. Our foreign policy is guided by Our Constitution of 1945, which states that Indonesians aim is: "to contribute in implementing an order in the world which is based upon independence, abiding peace and social justice..."
175. We have systematically striven to implement this policy. Indonesia played an active role in the Asian-African Conference held at Bandung in 1955, the Conference of Heads of State or Government of Non-Aligned Countries held at Belgrade in 1961 and the Conference on the Problems of Economic Development held in Cairo from 9-18 July 1962. We are now planning to make preparations for a second Asian-African Conference to take note of the greatly increased number of independent States in Asia and Africa.
176. In his address to the General Assembly on 30 September 1960 [880th meeting], President Sukarno isolated three basic causes of world tension: the continued existence of colonialism, the gap between the rich and poor nations, and the forcible division of national States. We consider these "issues to be a more fundamental source of tension than the ideological split dividing East and West. Whenever a specific international dispute arises, one or another of these three issues is usually an underlying cause. Their very existence creates potential trouble spots throughout the world which the two blocs with ideologically opposed political systems are then able to exploit for their own ends in the cold war-struggle for power. If the basic causes of tension were to be removed, however, this power struggle would immediately constitute far less of a danger to peace. Our task in the United Nations is to work unremittingly to eliminate the underlying causes of tension on which the cold war thrives. In view of their importance, I would like now to examine each of these issues separately.
177. The right of every people to national freedom and independence is today hardly a matter of controversy. Disagreement is chiefly over the process of implementation: the timing, procedures and methods of granting independence. That this disagreement can lead to grave conflicts was recognized in the General Assembly's resolution 1514 (XV), and last year the Special Committee on the Situation with regard to the Implementation of the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples was established [resolution' 1654 (XVI)], in order to accelerate the implementation process. Although much remains to be done, we would like to commend the work which this Committee has already managed to accomplish. It is no reflection on the Committee that my Government greatly regrets that Indonesia, having long been an ardent foe of colonialism, is unable to actively and directly participate in its important tasks.
178. I said just now that the right of peoples to independence is today hardly a matter of controversy. I wish I could have said simply that it was no longer in dispute. But there are, as everybody knows, a few remaining bastions of colonialism. This is a situation which the United Nations cannot and should not continue to tolerate. The Governments, of Portugal and South Africa have by their colonialist policies succeeded in completely isolating their countries from the rest of the world. Their attempt to use the most modern machinery of propaganda, insinuation and calumny to bolster up an obsolete concept has deceived no one but themselves. It is incredible that these two Member States have learned nothing from the experience of others. Have they not watched one colonial Power after another bowing to the inevitable since the end of the Second World War? The evidence is before their very eyes in this Assembly, where delegations from dozens of newly independent and sovereign countries are proudly sitting. Many of these countries are, living on terms of friendship and cooperation with their former rulers. A number of the colonial Powers wisely, if belatedly in some instances, decided to grant independence through peaceful negotiation. Unfortunately, the recent statements of the representatives of both Portugal and South Africa do not encourage us to expect that any attempt will be made to reach a peaceful liquidation of their colonies in the near future. Indeed it may be too late today for Portugal or South Africa to achieve a peaceful settlement of their colonial problems. Yet we are confident that should, either of these Governments now make a genuine offer to negotiate with the leaders of their subject peoples, even at this stage the offer would not be rejected. Only a few days ago, the Foreign Minister of Norway, Mr. Lange, warned us that the final choice in the achievement of independence by dependent territories was between peace or violence [1128th meeting],
179. I would like to conclude my remarks on the subject of decolonization with a note of warning. Colonialism is dying, but there is a danger that it is reemerging in new forms. The United Nations must not ignore the very real threat to the process of successful nation-building inherent in what has now been termed "neo-colonialism". The economic dependency of many newly re-emerged nations upon those highly developed countries which once ruled them politically can make a mockery of decolonization. For in some of these countries political power is, in fact, allowed to remain in the hands of puppet regimes, instead of where it belongs, in the hands of the true representatives of the people. True political independence is rarely possible without economic independence. We should perhaps bear the relevance of this fact in mind as we come to consider the second great cause of tension in the world: the gap between the rich and poor nations.
180. In the introduction to his Annual Report on the Work of the Organization [A/5201/Add.l] this year, the Acting Secretary-General rightly placed great emphasis on the dangers of the present economic division of the world into rich and poor nations. This unjust disparity of wealth between the highly developed and, the developing countries is a cause of great discontent amongst the newly re-emerging States of Asia, Africa and Latin America. Indeed, how could it be otherwise? Prosperity is not the prerogative only of the highly developed countries. It is not surprising to find the peoples of the developing nations are now beginning to insist on their due share of the world's vast riches.
181. The developing countries fully realize that the only way of narrowing the economic gap between nations is for them to reach a stage of self-sustained economic growth, and they accept primary responsibility for their own economic and social progress. It was in recognition of the need to exert and coordinate maximum national efforts that they call ad the Cairo Conference in July of this year, in order to work out a practical approach that would be effective in solving the problem of economic development in all its ramifications and in securing eventual economic emancipation. The Cairo Declaration of Developing Countries, which embodies this approach, is on the agenda for the current session [agenda item 84] — sufficient testimony of its great importance for the entire international community.
182. Although the developing nations desire to finance their own economic growth as far as possible, their efforts in this direction are considerably hampered by the fact that the prevailing pattern of international trade does not ensure them the steady flow of increasing revenues which development' requires. Foreign exchange for the import of needed capital goods can only be earned through the sale of primary commodities on the world market. But the market is still plagued by excessive fluctuations in primary commodity prices. Moreover, protective or discriminatory practices on the part of economically advanced nations or regional economic groupings serve to further curtail expansion of exports from the developing nations.
189. Another matter of great concern to the developing countries is the measures now being taken by the industrialized nations to revise; their own trade relations. These revisions will have far-reaching repercussions on the whole international trade pattern and will substantially affect the trading interests of the developing countries. My Government believes the developing countries should be included in the determination of policies, which vitally concern their economic welfare. We trust that the forthcoming United Nations Conference on Trade and Development, which has been endorsed by the Cairo Conference, will provide a forum where the international community as a whole can examine these crucial issues and take steps to expand trade between the industrialized and developing nations. The importance of this Conference lies in the urgent necessity to introduce policies which will complement and not nullify the results of assistance programmes.
184. Trade is a primary instrument of development. It must be emphasized that it is largely because the developing countries are prevented from securing all the resources required for their growth through normal trade channels, that extensive external assistance has proved necessary. Since the Second World War much assistance has already been rendered, both by international bodies and by individual industrialized nations. Yet, living standards have in many countries obstinately remained at a bare subsistence level. The resources needed for the economic growth of developing nations require sizeable inflow of capital, both public and private; and so far the supply has simply not been adequate to meet the demand. My Government therefore welcomes the General Assembly's recent decision in principle in its resolutions 1521 (XV) and 1706 (XVI) to establish a United Nations capital development fund, which would ensure the entry of the United Nations Organization itself into the vital area of public capital investment. We trust that the draft stature for the fund, which is before the Assembly at the present session, will be approved, so that an investment agency of a truly international character will at last be at the disposal of the developing countries.
185. With regard to the question of private foreign investment, we believe that it can make a positive contribution to development, provided that it is operated on a basis of genuine partnership and cooperation. The Indonesian Government has recently evolved what it considers to be a Satisfactory formula for co-operation with private foreign investors. This is a combination of capital investment and credit which we have termed "production sharing". Under a production sharing arrangement a foreign firm contracts with an Indonesian enterprise to construct a facility and receives a return on its investment in the form of the product manufactured or produced in the new plant, the ownership and management of the facility remaining in Indonesian hands from the very outset. Several such production sharing arrangements are already successfully under way and my Government believes that this new formula is not only practical but also truly expressive of a relationship between economic partners that is in keeping with the dignify of a developing nation as a sovereign and independent State.
186. In view of the fact that living standards have not substantially improved over repent years in a number of countries, it has now become evident that various assistance programmes undertaken in the past by the United Nations and other international bodies have not proved sufficient. However, my Government feels that there is reason to hope that the measures now under consideration by the Assembly may well bring about a great improvement in the situation. Our increased understanding of the problems and nature of the development process has at last indicated that an entirely new and altogether more comprehensive approach is necessary for really effective notion. The spirit of the new approach is expressed in last year's proclamation in General Assembly resolution 1710 (XVI) of the United Nations Development Decade, by which the whole international community has undertaken to mobilize greater human and material resources to meet specific development projects.
187. We come now to the forcible division of national States, the third major cause of tension in our world. The division of Germany, China, Korea and Viet-Nam is a potential threat to international peace' and security. The Berlin issue, in particular, which is at the heart of the problem of a divided Germany, can at any moment plunge humanity into a nuclear holocaust. My delegation expresses the hope that the leading statesmen of the great Powers will not let any opportunity go by to make a supreme effort to ease the dangerous situation prevailing in these areas. It would be more desirable if a meeting between Mr. Khrushchev, and Mr. Kennedy could shortly be arranged, preferably at the United Nations while the Assembly is in session. Such a meeting could pave the way for future contacts between the representatives of the divided States, so that they could negotiate reunification.
188. There is, of course, no magic cure for the basic ills of our world. However, we should perhaps draw comfort from the fact that the international situation since the Second World War has, despite all existing tensions and recurring international crises, in a way been more encouraging than in the period following the First World War. We tend to forget that in those "good old days", as some persist in calling them, the 1931 aggression in Manchukuo by militarist Japan was followed in 1935 by the Aggression against Ethiopia by fascist Italy and in 1938 by Hitler's conquest of Czechoslovakia and Austria, with the league of Nations standing pathetically by. In the years since the end of the Second World War, on the other hand, peaceful coexistence between nations, if often uneasy, has been interrupted only once by a full-scale war — in 1950 in Korea. We all know that the action taken by the United Nations succeeded in halting the military hostilities. The nuclear stalemate has made us all realize the impracticability of war.
189. If some countries originally entertained great doubts about peaceful coexistence, it is now encouraging to be able to detect signs of a more positive attitude. For instance, only last week the Foreign Minister of the United Kingdom, Lord Home, was reported to have acknowledged the urgent need to explore and exploit opportunities for genuine coexistence. Again, in his general statement to this Assembly on 1 October, Mr. Spaak, the Foreign Minister of Belgium, used these words: "... peaceful coexistence is better than a hot war, it is even better than the cold war — but, in my eyes, it is still far from being sufficient. Indeed, the relations between the East and the West will definitely be improved when the concept of peaceful coexistence, as described and defined today, is replaced by the concept of necessary co-operation. In order that the great problems may be solved, it is not sufficient for us to live in peaceful coexistence. One day, it will be necessary for us to arrive at voluntary co-operation..." [1138th meeting, paras. 142 and 143.]”
190. Although we do not necessarily endorse the line of reasoning behind the arguments of either Foreign Minister, we are nevertheless pleased with the conclusions that they have readied. Such comments indicate that the West no longer flatly rejects the concept of peaceful coexistence. Mr. Spaak singled out greater international co-operation as the condition for the acceptance for peaceful coexistence. My Government has no objection, certainly, to such a condition. It is this very co-operation Which Indonesia has always advocated.
191. Indeed, international co-operation is the key to the eradication of the present evils and is also the basis for building the future. Concrete deeds of international co-operation are contingent on mutual understanding. The Acting Secretary-General has recently said that firm belief in the rightness of one's political and social convictions should not blind one to the fact that hundreds of millions of people hold on equally firmly to quite different beliefs. We should like to add that an understanding of the ideologies and aspirations of others in no way entails a renunciation of one's own ideologies and aspirations. Contests of ideologies must be replaced by contests of achievements in the cause of peace.
192. In a world where distance is consumed, all countries grow increasingly interdependent. No nation today can withdraw into a splendid isolation. International co-operation based on mutual understanding has therefore become a foremost necessity in all areas of human endeavour. The only alternative would be an international "free-for-all", which is something the world cannot, afford. The doctrine of the survival of the fittest is clearly outmoded. Equally inapplicable today is the motto: "There, are no permanent enemies or friends, but only permanent national self-interests". No matter how justified the national self-interest of a State may be, the survival of the State itself can be permanently secured only by breaking down all obstacles to genuine and fruitful international teamwork. Indeed, it is not without reason that the principle of international co-operation has been firmly anchored in the United Nations Charter.
193. I should like to dwell briefly on the Indonesian approach to co-operation. Our way of life is governed by "Gotong-Rojong". This system of "mutual help for mutual benefit" base provided a harmonious and balanced pattern of human relations in village communities for over 4,000 years. It is consistently applied in the administrative process throughout our country, and it is also the basic philosophy underlying our foreign policy. This spirit of co-operation which aims at securing the interests of all has accounted for the great strides in Indonesia's national reconstruction.
194. It is our firm belief that in the world of today, a world in desperate need of international co-operation, the principle of mutual help for mutual benefit could well be considered the conditio sine qua non for the realization of the fruitful interdependence of nations. For "Gotong-Rojong" is specifically designed to accommodate "unity in diversity". As evidence of its practical applicability we can quote the opinion of Arnold Toynbee, who wrote that in Indonesia all religions are good neighbours. If one country can thus successfully achieve a harmonious coexistence of several different religions and even political ideologies, there is hope that a time will come when the same can be obtained on an international plane.
195. We are not suggesting that "Gotong-Rojong" is a panacea for all world problems. We do feel, however, that it can help to bring opposing interests to co-operate in finding a modus vivendi.
196. We must realize that international problems cannot be solved overnight. It is much more realistic to be content with gradual improvements, step by step.
197. A problem for which a solution seems now to be within the bounds of possibility is the cessation of nuclear tests. Indonesia's position on this issue has been quite clear from the very beginning. We are against nuclear weapons testing in any form, in any part of the world and in any environment — irrespective of which country is conducting them. Like the majority of the other non-nuclear nations — one might almost call us "outsiders" — we do not consider that the power struggle between the nuclear countries justifies the awesome risks involved in the present nuclear test competition. Indonesia stands fully behind the memorandum submitted by the eight Non-Aligned Powers on 16 April at Geneva. We also support the initiative of Mexico in suggesting 1 January 1963 as the cutoff date for atmospheric testing. My Government considers negotiations for an immediate test-ban treaty to be of paramount importance, demanding priority in debate over all other problems related to disarmament.
198. We do not agree with those who say that there has been virtually no progress made at the Geneva disarmament meetings; Our attitude is, of course, not one of blind optimism. What we are urging on this session of the General Assembly is the adoption of a positive approach Which concentrates on those aspects of the Geneva negotiations that offer genuine cause for hope, in order to build constructively upon them. As the Secretary of State for External Affairs of Canada said in his statement to this Assembly: "We are living in a world in Which it pays to be optimistic." [1130th meeting, para. 51.] I would add that indeed we have little other choice.
199. Last year the Assembly passed resolution 1652 (XVI), which called for the denuclearization of the entire African continent; in 1959, the Antarctica Treaty proclaimed the demilitarization of that vast land mass, and therefore, by implication, its denuclearization as well. We urge the General Assembly to follow up these inspiring initiatives towards world peace by examining the possibility of introducing similar measures in Asia, the Pacific, Latin America and also perhaps in- some areas of Europe. We welcome the statement of the representative of Brazil in his very thoughtful speech before the Assembly on 20 September, when he said: "Brazil is also favourable in principle to the establishment of denuclearized areas on our planet ... Latin America could well be one of these denuclearized areas.” [1125th meeting, para. 25.]
200. We would also remind representatives that the People's Republic of China has repeatedly expressed strong support for the establishment of a nuclear-free zone in the Far East and the Pacific. My own Government is considering submitting a draft resolution which would call for the denuclearization of Asia and the Pacific.
201. A complementary initiative furthering the process of world disarmament could be taken by whole groups or nations, particularly in Asia, Africa and Latin America, declaring themselves to be "areas of peace". By using the term "area of peace", Intend to express a wider concept than that of nuclear-free zones, which has already gained acceptance among many Members of the United Nations. "Areas of peace" call for the total exclusion not only of nuclear weapons but also of all foreign troops and military bases of any kind. The establishment of such regions could well be a primary contribution of the non-aligned nations to the attainment of general and complete disarmament.
202. Permit me now to say a few words on some other specific issues which demand our close attention.
203. We greatly deplore the deteriorating relations between the United States and Cuba. In this respect I would like to repeat here what I said on this subject at the 1237th meeting of the First Committee On 12 February 1962 that while it was no easy task to re-establish old ties once they had been severed, my delegation was convinced that, given the encouragement of all Members, both nations had the wisdom and restraint necessary for the accomplishment of that task, a vital one for peace.
204. To turn to another matter, it should by now be self-evident that the composition of principal United Nations organs does not correspond to the membership today. The composition of the Security Council, the Economic and Social Council, the specialized agencies and the Secretariat has hardly changed since 1946 as regards the geographical distribution of seats. At that time, the number of Member States was 51 — only three of which were African nations—and the number of Asian countries was nine. We trust an improvement of the international atmosphere will make a review of the United Nations Charter feasible in the not too distant future, to remedy the inequitable distribution of seats.
205. In this connexion, I must add that my Government considers it essential for the effective functioning of this Organization that the People's Republic of China take its rightful seat in the United Nations as soon as possible.
206. Indonesia is one of the many Member States which have taken upon themselves the obligation to help sustain the costs of the United Nations peace-keeping operations. In the course of the previous session, Indonesia made it quite dear that it believes the idea of collective responsibility for peace-keeping operations of the United Nations should be upheld. However, my Government was not in favour of the Assembly's resolution [1731 (XVI)] to request the opinion of the International Court of Justice, since we entertained some doubts as to the usefulness of this step. Now that the Court's opinion [A/5161] is actually before the Assembly, we wonder whether an uncompromising attitude on the part of those who would like to see it enforced can help to bring about a desirable solution of this difficult issue. Should the Assembly be persuaded to pass a resolution supporting the opinion, would it then also be prepared to deprive several Member States of their right to vote? My delegation feels that such action would only create ill-feeling, without in fact taking us anywhere near our objective. We do not presume to offer the Assembly an answer to the problem. But, as we have an open mind and are fully aware of the urgency of the financial difficulties confronting our Organization, we will support any effort that seems to promise a just solution.
207. The next issue I would like to touch on is the obstinate question of Palestine, which has long been a source of much human misery. It should be of the gravest concern to all Member States. An early solution would not only be in the interest of the peoples directly involved but would also promote international stability in the area. We hope that this session will see positive progress in the solution of this serious matter.
208. Finally, the Indonesian delegation, on behalf of its Government and people, wishes to pay warm tribute to the Acting Secretary-General for his effective and skilful stewardship of United Nations activities. As we have had the fortunate privilege of working very closely with him, we have had ample opportunity to appreciate his great qualities of heart and mind. If the protracted dispute over Irian-Barat has now been peacefully settled, that is in no small measure due to the painstaking efforts, the diplomatic tact and the deep understanding of the Acting Secretary-General and of his staff. Today the work of the United Nations needs more than ever wise leadership and efficient administration. U Thant has provided both during the past year. The General Assembly and the Security Council should give him the tools and the time to continue a job well done.
209. President Sukarno has said that Indonesia is a fighting nation. Indeed, there is no doubt that it is. Having unceasingly fought to attain a real and complete national independence, we will not spare ourselves in the fight for the same objective for all the dependent peoples of the world, Indonesia has always been an uncompromising foe of colonialism in all its manifestations.
210. We are also fighting for social justice both within our own nation and on an international plane. We are marshalling all the resources at our command to build a just and prosperous society for ourselves and for the world. We do not seek prosperity for some while others remain poor. Justice and prosperity are, in our opinion, inseparable. This is a task which is part of what President Sukarno recently described as the "outbreak of the social conscience of man".
211. Finally, Indonesia is engaged in a struggle to establish a world peace that is something :more than a mere absence of war. Genuine peace can only be, attained by practising international co-operation as called for by the United Nations Charter. Effective and sincere co-operation between countries with different ideologies and different standards of living, requires mutual understanding, mutual respect and mutual help for mutual benefit.