Mr. President, it is my privilege to convey to you the warmest congratulations of the delegation of Pakistan on your unanimous election to the high office of President of the eighteenth session of the General Assembly of the United Nations. Beyond the formal ties of diplomatic relations between your great country and mine lie the intangible bonds of shared attitudes and aspirations which constitute a firm basis of friendship between Pakistan and Venezuela and the vast continent to which your country belongs. I am confident that under your wise and skilful guidance this Assembly, which is meeting in a time of hope and expectation, will advance mankind toward the fulfilment of the ideals for which this Organization was established. These ideals revolve around one central purpose: the attainment and preservation of world peace.
2. Peace alone can ensure human survival and progress. Such peace as the world enjoys today is precarious and uncertain, maintained only by the knowledge that nuclear war will end not in victory but in mutual annihilation. Yet the great Powers hold in readiness immense stores of weapons and engines of destruction which serve only to increase tension and mutual suspicion. The first necessity, therefore, is to put an immediate end to this dangerous and self-defeating arms race in which the great Powers have been engaged for more than a decade. Ever since the end of the Second World War, the United Nations has been preoccupied with this fundamental problem.
3. The decision of the General Assembly adopted three years ago, setting the aim of general and complete disarmament, was an important new development in the search for an enduring peace. However, the subsequent record of the negotiations has not been encouraging. Stockpiles of nuclear weapons and the means of their delivery have not ceased to multiply. The Eighteen-Nation Committee on Disarmament which has been dealing with this urgent problem has made little progress. That this should be so is no reflection on the endeavours and the good faith of its members. One has only to study the contributions made by many of them to appreciate the value of the Geneva discussions.
4. May I state, however, that the non-representation in this forum of certain militarily significant States in the world imparts to its deliberations a degree of unreality. If disarmament is to be general and complete it must obviously be universal. No significant military Power, much less a major military Power, can be excluded from the scope of its implementation. Nor can it be expected that it would accept the obligation of a disarmament treaty negotiated without its representation.
5. The treaty banning nuclear weapon tests in the atmosphere, in outer space and under the water comes as a ray of light on a dark horizon. Our children and generations yet unborn have been safeguarded against the future poisoning of the air they breathe, the water they drink and the food they eat.
6. In the Dark Ages, when unwanted children were buried alive, the Prophet Muhammad cried out in wrath: "What will you answer when the innocents that you have slain rise before God's judgement seat and ask, 'For what crime were we slain'?"
7. Let us hope that by this treaty our progeny and succeeding generations will be safeguarded against the agony of a living death. But as a measure of disarmament, the test-ban treaty is important more for what it promises than for what it has achieved. As has been well said, it is but the first step on a thousand-mile journey. It does not prohibit underground tests, it does not halt the nuclear arms race, much less reverse it.
8. At the time of adhering to the treaty, the Government of Pakistan expressed the strong hope that the prohibition of testing would be followed soon by agreements to cease underground tests also and to prevent the further spread of nuclear weapons. Unless these and other measures of nuclear disarmament are taken, the test-ban treaty, although welcome in itself, may turn out to be of only illusory value in dissipating the fear of nuclear war from the minds of men. My Government attaches the highest importance and priority to the prevention of the spread of nuclear weapons as a next step in the quest for general and complete disarmament under effective international control.
9. In this regard. President Mohammad Ayub Khan gave expression to the concern of Pakistan in his address to the seventeenth session of the General Assembly in the following words:
"An aspect of disarmament which is of deep concern to Pakistan is the clear and present danger of the spread of nuclear weapons and the knowledge of their technology to States which do not now possess them. The General Assembly is aware of this danger. Permit me to observe that the mere adoption of resolutions against dissemination of nuclear weapons and in favour of the establishment of a non-nuclear club, will not remove this danger. Unless the United Nations takes effective and urgent action in this direction, the race in nuclear armaments is bound to overtake other parts of the world in the immediate future." [1133rd meeting, para. 16.]
In the reluctance of some Member States to accept the safeguard system devised by the International Atomic Energy Agency, we find cause for grave concern, particularly when the aversion to agency safeguards is accompanied by the priority plans to produce elements essential to the manufacture of nuclear weapons. Time and again the Agency has drawn attention to the increase in the number of countries reaching the stage of nuclear capability and the danger of such capability being diverted to war-like purposes. We support the decision of the Board of Governors of the International Atomic Energy Agency to recommend extension of its safeguards to nuclear reactors exceeding the capacity of 100 thermal megawatts and to study the question of applying safeguards to equipment. The great merit of international safeguards, as compared to bilateral safeguards, is that, teeing uninfluenced by political expediencies, they inspire greater world-wide confidence. The objective of an effective system of safeguards should be to ensure, by inspection and verification at every stage of the process, from the designing and manufacture of the reactor equipment to the disposal of nuclear material, that atomic power intended for peaceful uses will not and cannot be used for other purposes.
10. While basic differences of both a qualitative and a quantitative nature continue to persist on the substantive issues of general and complete disarmament and on measures for effective international control, the negotiations in Geneva do seem to my delegation to have opened prospects of limited steps which can be taken immediately. In the past, much controversy existed between the merits of a partial approach to disarmament as against attempts to deal with the problem in a comprehensive manner. We trust that with the conclusion of the test-ban treaty, pragmatic good sense will prevail over doctrinaire considerations. My delegation believes that at this stage, the Eighteen-Nation Committee on Disarmament could profitably devote itself to the task of reaching agreements on such limited measures as the prevention of surprise attack and the placing in orbit or stationing in outer space of weapons of mass destruction. We welcome, in this connexion, the recent agreement between the United States and the Soviet Union for peaceful co-operation in outer space. The United States and the Soviet Union have also indicated their readiness to make mutual concessions in order to facilitate agreements on measures to prevent surprise attack and war by accident. In particular, my delegation welcomes the proposal to establish inspection posts at the main points of concentration and movements of military forces in the NATO and Warsaw Pact countries. We hope these limited steps in disarmament, and other measures such as the reduction of military expenditures and the release of an agreed proportion of funds thus saved for the purpose of economic and technical assistance to the developing countries, could be taken in the atmosphere created by the conclusion of the test-ban treaty.
11. As the speakers who have preceded me have pointed out, this Assembly meets in an atmosphere of goodwill and hope. We are encouraged by the constructive statements addressed to the Assembly by President Kennedy and the Foreign Minister of the Soviet Union. These statements contain concrete proposals which we hope will provide a basis for serious negotiations among the interested Powers and contribute to a further amelioration of the situation. We see in the test-ban treaty a sign and a symbol of the will of the Soviet Union and the Western Powers for peaceful coexistence. President Kennedy and Chairman Khrushchev looked into the abyss and stepped back from it. We are told that there are no possibilities of coexistence in the ideological field. Nevertheless, as statesmen, they cannot want nuclear war. Their enlightened self- interest demands that they re-establish sanity in the world because the two super-states whose destinies they guide must recognize the limits of their power.
12. The world is asking itself the question: Will the test-ban treaty be a turning-point in history? We cannot see past the veil which obscures the future. Dangerous questions are still outstanding. There has been no change as yet in the position of the East and the West on Viet-Nam, Laos, Germany, Berlin and Cuba, even though their frozen positions have somewhat melted. Nevertheless, the world is breathing with relief the new atmosphere of a limited "détente" which is unmistakable. We pray that as a culmination of the current trend, a mutually acceptable modus vivendi may be reached between the great Powers.
13. Apart from the East-West tension, serious problems persist and continue to poison relations among nations. As President Kennedy said here the other day [1209th meeting], the cold war is not the only expression of tension in this world and the nuclear race is not the only arms race.
14. In Africa the death spasms of colonialism and the obstinate pursuit of the false doctrine of racial superiority kindle the embers of old fears and hates. In the Caribbean, which in 1962 brought the world to the brink of catastrophe, there is yet no peace but only a precarious truce. But it is in Asia, with its stormy history, that peace is perhaps the least secure. This vast and ancient continent, inhabited by more than half of the population of our planet, continues to be the scene of great convulsions which may well change the destiny of mankind. The giant has awakened; still hardly conscious of its strength but capable, as in the past, of setting in motion forces and events that could change the course of world history. From end to end, from the Pacific to the Mediterranean, there is tumult and conflict. Neighbour is set against neighbour, peoples divided by war and diplomacy are made the pawns of forces beyond their control. In Viet-Nam and in Korea, in Laos, in Palestine and in the subcontinent of India and Pakistan, there exist bitter disputes and explosive situations which disturb the tranquillity of Asia and the peace of the world. Is it not time to take a new look at the state of this largest of all the continents and to devise an approach that looks beyond the policies of maintaining the status quo and is in accordance with the right of self-determination of peoples? For the well-being of the teeming masses of Asia and for the sake of the peace of the world, it is imperative to find just solutions to the disputes that divide Asian nations.
15. Among these disputes, the Kashmir question has a dimension and an importance of its own, involving, as it does, the future of 550 million people of Pakistan and India, the largest concentration of population next to that of China and more than one sixth of the human race. Estranged from each other, the two countries must remain the chief source of danger to the stability of the Asian continent. Reconciled, they have it in their power to assure the future of a large segment of mankind.
16. While this is no occasion for me to attempt a presentation of the Kashmir question in detail, I must yet remind the Assembly that the central issue in the dispute is that of self-determination. Pakistan seeks no other solution than that of the free exercise of this right by the people of Kashmir.
17. This principle was accepted by both parties to the dispute. Its implementation has been blocked by one party. We now hear it said that India has made no such commitment. We know, of course, that the easiest way to repudiate a commitment is to deny that it was ever made. However, the commitment, the pledge, the word of honour are on public record, which may sometimes be forgotten but can never be expunged. Furthermore, the commitment is not of a vague and general nature, made in some pious declaration, but is explicitly embodied in an international agreement as set forth in the two United Nations resolutions which were solemnly accepted by India and Pakistan and which constituted the basis for the cessation of hostilities in Kashmir. Could any commitment be clearer than the very first article of the resolution of 5 January 1949:
"The question of the accession of the State of Jammu and Kashmir to India and Pakistan will be decided through the democratic method of a free and impartial plebiscite.".
18. The pledge, that the future of Kashmir shall be determined in accordance with the will of the people as freely expressed, was given not only to the United Nations but directly by India to Pakistan. Again, what could be clearer than the following declaration of the Prime Minister of India in his communication of 31 October 1947, addressed to the Prime Minister of Pakistan:
"Our assurance that we shall withdraw our troops from Kashmir as soon as peace and order are restored and leave the decision regarding the future of this State to the people of the State is not merely a promise to your Government but also to the people of Kashmir and the world."
Was any international commitment ever more clearly made, so consistently repeated, and yet more wilfully dishonoured?
19. Sometimes, rather than deny the commitment, India's representatives contend that there were conditions attached to the commitment which were not fulfilled and that Pakistan did not fulfil those conditions. We have said repeatedly that we are prepared to accept any impartial third-party verdict on this issue. It is India which makes an allegation and then refuses to submit it to impartial investigation.
20. Against the background of the assurances that I have quoted, it will not be difficult to appreciate the concern of the Government of Pakistan, and the indignation of our people, when the Prime Minister of India, as in his statement of 13 August 1963, talks of the idea of a plebiscite as being "old and discarded".
21. Pakistan seeks no concession but the right of the people of Kashmir to settle their own future. Let me state clearly and unambiguously from this rostrum that we shall not, now or ever, barter away the rights of the people of Kashmir in return for a settlement on the basis of a division of spoils.
22. The Kashmir dispute remains the basic cause of conflict between Pakistan and India. The other frictions and differences between the two countries are not comparable in magnitude and gravity to this essential issue which impinges on the viability and future of Pakistan itself. We are confident that all the other outstanding problems between us and our neighbour can be settled amicably if only the Kashmir quarrel is settled.
23. For more than a year, relations between Pakistan and India have been further aggravated by the expulsion of tens of thousands of Muslim citizens of India from their homes in the States of Assam and Tripura across the border into East Pakistan. This problem is being discussed by the two Governments through diplomatic channels. It is our earnest hope that it will be resolved in accordance with law and the principles of justice.
24. It is a cardinal principle of the foreign policy of Pakistan to live in peace and friendship with all its neighbours, without exception. With some of them we have had differences. We have been largely successful in composing them. We have concluded boundary agreements with Burma, India, Iran and the People's Republic of China which have resolved border disputes on the basis of mutual accommodation and friendship.
25. No country regrets more deeply than mine the outbreak of the border conflict between its two giant neighbours, China and India. This conflict has been a matter of deep and direct concern to us. Its repercussions have complicated the problem of our own security. We believe that this dispute can be resolved peacefully. A solution by war is inconceivable; it carries the risk of developing into a much wider conflict. It is therefore with deep apprehension that we view the radical alteration in the delicate military balance of the region by the augmentation of India's military strength. Our fears of the resulting danger to the security of Pakistan are not purely psychological; they are deeply rooted in history and flow from the evidence of India's readiness to resort to military force to settle disputes with its neighbours. Similar fears have also been voiced in other countries of the region.
26. Pakistan bears no ill will to the people of India. The people of Pakistan have shared a common history with the people of India for nearly a thousand years. During this long period they have influenced each other in many ways. These facts are central in our awareness. They inform our policy towards our neighbour. We are ever ready to continue the search for a basis of peaceful and honourable coexistence through an equitable settlement of all our mutual differences, of which by far the most important is Kashmir.
27. If war and violence are to be banished, then ways must be found to solve international disputes peacefully. The world we live in is passing through a period of transition and conflict. There are disputes between nations, there are struggles against domination, there are problems created by racial discrimination and by the existence of economic imbalances between nations. These are the tribulations of our age. The United Nations was established not to perpetuate privilege, but to ensure that, through peaceful change, a world community might be evolved in which no nation will dominate or rise against another.
28. The domination by one people by another is no new phenomenon; however, the organized form which it has taken under the system of colonialism is perhaps unique in the history of the world. The most pernicious aspect of colonial rule is that economic exploitation, which is its basic purpose, was sought to be concealed under the notion of the superiority of one race over another, whether as reflected in the brutal form of apartheid or in the more subtle doctrine of civilizations, holding empire over distant lands for the selfless purpose of training their backwards peoples in the arts of life.
29. The bitter legacy of these ideas will, we hope, disappear with the final disappearance of colonialism. In the newly independent countries of Africa one sees today men of all races working together in mutual respect and to mutual advantage.
30. In South Africa alone, the doctrine of racial discrimination is proclaimed as the official philosophy of the State. The rulers of that unhappy country, blind to the evidence of their eyes, deaf to the appeals of the world, and ignoring the march of history, have attempted to halt its course. South Africa could become the hope of Africa; its rulers have chosen to make it the shame of the world. For many years mankind has hoped and prayed that good sense and reason would prevail in South Africa over prejudice and folly. Let us pray that the time for hope is not past, for the ordeal which South African Government has imposed upon all its people can result only in a victory for hate and chaos.
31. But let us not court disaster by the fond hope that the moral pressure of appeals made year after year by this Assembly will deflect the South African Government from its fatal course. The interests of the peoples of South Africa, be they white, black or brown, and of the peace and tranquillity of Africa and of the world demand that effective measures be taken to check the inhuman policies of South Africa and to avert disaster.
32. We welcome the decision of the Security Council calling for an embargo on the sale of any kind of arms to South Africa, We hope that, in their own true interest, all those countries whose close political and commercial links with South Africa place them in a position to put effective pressure on the racist regime will not hesitate too long before doing so. The Pakistan delegation is in full sympathy with the efforts that are being made by the General Assembly and its organs to exert pressures on South Africa to develop a multiracial community in which:
". . . the social and legal structures would be dedicated to equality of all before the law, and to the participation of all ethnic groups on an equal footing, in economic, social, cultural and political activities."
33. All over the world one sees colonialism giving way to a relationship between nations based on equality and mutual respect. It is our earnest hope that the Governments of the United Kingdom and the other Administering Authorities will continue to follow the path of wisdom in granting self-government and independence to the remaining Non-Self-Governing Territories under their administration, in accordance with the aspirations of the peoples concerned.
34. It Is a matter of the deepest regret that Portugal persists in an attitude which is contrary to the trend of history and at variance with Portugal's own great past. When the colonial systems of the other European Powers are in the process of total dissolution, it is contrary to the laws of life to expect that Portuguese rule in Africa will not pass away. We pray that the leaders of Portugal who have set their country against the world will have the vision to see where lie its true interests in Africa and in the world.
35. In this context, the General Assembly must take note of a historic event which took place in May of this year. Heads of State of thirty-two African countries met in Addis Ababa and pledged themselves with remarkable unanimity to take active measures in order to liberate the remaining dependent territories in that continent. The Conference adopted a Pan-African charter and established a consultative machinery. The Pakistan delegation hails this event as the manifestation of Africa's urge to political unity and the consciousness of a Pan-African community. A historian of antiquity has observed that out of Africa there always comes something new. The nations of Asia, and even those of Europe, which are yet lacking in a similar kind of consciousness of their continents must applaud the peoples of Africa for setting them an example, Pakistan wishes God-speed to free Africa in its search for continental unity.
36. Eight years ago, in the beautiful city of Bandung, twenty-nine independent States of Asia and Africa met together in the first inter-continental conference of the former subject races in the history of mankind. The Bandung Conference enunciated ten principles of international conduct, including the elimination of colonialism in all its forms and manifestations, to guide them in their international relations. Since 1955, more than a score of dependent peoples have emerged as independent and sovereign States. My delegation believes that, with their distinctive experience, they have a rich contribution to make to the problems which continue to face the peoples of Asia and Africa. Old disputes persist and new frictions have arisen. The time has come, therefore, to convene a second Asian-African conference to review the conclusions and recommendations adopted by the first and to revitalize and renew its pledges which still remain unfulfilled. We have no doubt that a second conference will not fail to make a valuable contribution to world peace.
37. The passing of colonialism is only the first step towards the establishment of rational and mutually beneficial economic relations between the nations, essential to the well-being of the world as a whole and to the creation of a true international community. This Organization, which has made a significant contribution to the liberation of peoples and nations, faces a great challenge in the economic field. The peace, prosperity and political stability of the world cannot be assured if poverty, disease and ignorance continue to afflict two- thirds of mankind.
38. The division of the world into an affluent North and an impoverished South makes for conditions of imbalance and instability. The main problem of the poor countries is not that they are poor in resources or lacking in enterprise. Their problems arise from the fact that, during the period of colonialism, their economies were only developed to serve as adjuncts to the industry and commerce of the colonial Powers. It is only in the last decade or so that, upon attaining independence, these countries have turned their attention to the fullest exploitation and development of their resources.
39. Industrialization is the way to the economic development of under-developed countries, to their ability to satisfy the demands of growing populations for a better way of life and even to the rationalization of agricultural and raw material production. The task of economic development can be carried out more speedily if their efforts are supplemented by assistance which is demanded not as atonement for past economic wrongs but flowing from a realization of enlightened self-interest. The prosperity of the affluent countries themselves cannot, in the long run, be separated from the economic development of the poorer countries. The need for a common effort to raise the standard of living of the poorer nations is, of course, recognized, and I need not labour the point.
40. We do not believe that a debate on the respective merits of bilateral or international aid programmes would be productive. The needs of the developing countries for capital, for equipment and for skills are so great that programmes of aid from different sources will supplement rather than compete with each other. For this reason, my Government believes that the aid programmes of the United Nations are not a substitute for aid received bilaterally and that increase in the size and scope of the former, for instance, through the establishment of a United Nations capital development fund, is to be welcomed, both because it will contribute to the total effort and because it will widen participation in that effort.
41. From whatever sources it may come, the flow of capital and skill into the under-developed countries makes a vital contribution to their development efforts, as it will take many years for the presently underdeveloped countries to reach the stage of self- sustaining growth. This aid is gratefully received, but the availability of aid should not blind us to the fact that the primary purpose and desire of the underdeveloped countries is to attain viable economies.
42. Almost all the under-developed countries are producers of raw materials or agricultural commodities, on the export of which they depend for the import of goods and services to sustain and develop their economic life. The short-term fluctuations for which the markets of primary products are notorious impose heavy losses on the primary producing countries and add to the difficulties of economic planning. The problem has been made much worse by what appears to be a secular trend of a fall in the prices of raw materials and agricultural commodities in comparison with the prices of manufactures and capital goods. In simple terms, this means that the producer in a highly industrialized country is constantly charging more for what he sells to the farmer in the under-developed country and paying the latter less and less for what he has to offer in exchange.
43. The problem of stabilizing the terms of trade between the industrialized countries and the producers of agricultural commodities and raw materials, therefore, calls for urgent solution. This might take the form of stabilizing the prices of raw materials and commodities, as has been done in the case of coffee, tin, rubber and some other products; or a scheme to ensure developing countries against losses from heavy falls in the prices of their export commodities. It is no less important that the manufactures of the developing countries should not be excluded from existing or potential markets by tariff walls and cartel-like arrangements.
44. The forthcoming United Nations Conference on Trade and Development, which will be held in Geneva in 1964, will, we hope, make an important contribution towards finding solutions to these problems. Its success will depend on the attitude taken by the industrialized countries in dealing with the problems of the developing countries. We would expect that their own enlightened self-interest will prevail over monopolist tendencies and pressures from groups unable to look beyond short-term advantage.
45. The United Nations is often criticized for its inadequacies. Pakistan has had its share of disappointment. Nevertheless, seeing the United Nations at work in the Congo and in West Irian, who would deny that this Organization is a living force and an influence in the affairs of the world? There are few problems between nations which do not, in one form or another, come under the purview of the activities or interests of the United Nations. Whenever nations have sought the assistance of the Organization and have given it their honest co-operation, it has been possible to find mutually satisfactory solutions. Indonesia and the Netherlands gave a striking demonstration in 1962 of their faith in the principles of the United Nations Charter by agreeing to the peaceful settlement, with the assistance of the Organization, of their protracted and hitter dispute over West Irian. That is only an example of what can be achieved when Governments are willing to subordinate considerations of sovereignty and narrow self-interest to the common interest of the peaceful settlement of disputes. We note with deep distress that another source of friction has now arisen in that region, affecting three States with which Pakistan has close and friendly ties. We are confident that the statesmanship of the leaders concerned will make possible a peaceful adjustment of the situation.
46. There are many practical ways in which the structure of the Organization can be strengthened and its capacity to act made more effective. A more efficient conduct of the work of the General Assembly, in accordance with the suggestions made in the report of the Ad Hoc Committee set up to examine the matter, is one of the ways in which that can be done. There is need also to strengthen the capacity of the United Nations to keep the peace, and the first essential in this connexion is to find ways of avoiding the sort of difficulty that has been experienced in the financing of the peace-keeping operations in the Congo and the Middle East, We are happy that the Working Group on the Examination of the Administrative and Budgetary Procedures of the United Nations has been kept in being and given the mandate of bringing the widest possible measure of agreement among all Member States on the financing of the peacekeeping operations. We sincerely hope that the Working Group will succeed in its task, There is need also for the composition of the main organs of the United Nations, and in particular the Security Council, the Economic and Social Council and the Secretariat, to be made more representative of the present nearly universal composition of the United Nations. We cannot but regret that political considerations of an extraneous nature have so far made it impossible for the rightful representatives of China to take their place in the United Nations and thereby make the Organization a truly universal one. We hope that counsels of wisdom will prevail in the end and that considerations of a practical nature, if nothing else, will inspire a more realistic approach to this question than has been the case up to now.
47. The world has known, in the past, attempts by a single Power to impose peace and order in the world. The ancient Persians under the Achaemenians established the first world State in history. Alexander the Great was inspired, in pursuit of his world-wide conquests, by the ideal of a universal human community. The Writ of Rome ran through many parts of Europe, Africa and Asia. Surviving the Dark Ages, the ideal of a universal community was largely realized in Europe under dual supremacy of the Pope and the Holy Roman Emperor. In the Islamic world, the caliphate held together diverse peoples and nations for many centuries in the framework of a universal State. Then came Genghis Khan and following him Timur, who built their world empires on the ruins of great civilizations which they destroyed. They believed and acted upon the credo that, as there is but one God in Heaven, there must be only one ruler on earth. And until recently the sun never set on regions of the earth subject to Pax Britannica.
48. During the last few centuries, attempts of European Powers to establish world-wide or continental domination have plunged mankind into wars of unparalleled suffering and destruction. In the present historical context, the political evolution of the world is oriented towards an international world order based on the consent and co-operation of equal sovereign States.
49. Can this experiment succeed? Historians who contemplate the contemporary world scene from the point of view of all time and all existence do not seem to believe that it will. They look to the imposition of a world order by the unchallengeable power exercised in combination by the two super-States as the only alternative for mankind to self-destruction. In default of such a combination we are warned that in the foreseeable future a third power may well believe itself to be under the mandate of Heaven to rule the world.
50. Philosophies such as these are a challenge to our faith in the United Nations. The world Organization was conceived as an alternative to world hegemony, to the domination of one super-Power or more over all others. It is inconceivable that in the era of the United Nations, sovereign States will acquiesce in an order imposed by the strength of a great Power or even that the shape of the world will be decided by the contest of exclusive ideologies or ways of life. We shall do well to remind ourselves, while we are preoccupied with short-term prospectives, of the ultimate goal towards which the United Nations must move, if mankind is to be saved from self-destruction and permitted to realize the promise of man's high destiny implicit in his advent.