Iraq

May I first extend to Mr. Mongi Slim my congratulations on his election to the presidency of the sixteenth session of the General Assembly. It is a source of great joy and pride for us that the distinguished representative of a sister Arab country should be chosen for this high office. It is a tribute not only to his personal qualities, but also to his country and people and to the great continent of Africa. 2. The fifteenth session of the General Assembly met in an atmosphere of international tension and crisis. The leaders of many countries attended that session in the hope of finding ways to ease international tension. However, during the months which followed the closing of the fifteenth session we witnessed a considerable deterioration in the international situation, and the tension between East and West became even greater. The sixteenth session is therefore meeting at a time when the international crisis exceeds in dimension any previous post-war crisis, and this may lead the whole world to a catastrophe unprecedented in man's history. The tragic death of Secretary-General Dag Hammarskjold added and element of uncertainty to a situation already fraught with great dangers. 3. The present world situation is too dangerous to be allowed to continue. It is therefore the highest duly of all peace-loving nations to stand firm and resolute in their endeavour to arrest the perilous drift towards armed conflict. The problems underlying the present crisis are everyone's responsibility. They are not the sole concern of the big Powers. The nature of total war, with the big Powers in possession of armaments of a destructive strength hitherto unknown, has made the total annihilation of humanity a distinct possibility. United Nations 4. During the last few months, grave event have followed each other, disturbing and complicating the international situation and revealing the shaky foundations upon which the present world order has been established. Such events, demonstrated by the aggressive policies pursued by certain Powers, and especially the imperialists, include the augmentation of the War cruelty in Algeria and the failure of the negotiations, the persistent suppression of the people of Oman, the continuation of conflict in the Congo, the lawless terror carried on by the Portuguese in Angola, the rising tension in Laos, the invasion of Cuba, the French attack on Bizerta, the Berlin crisis, the resumption of nuclear tests, the British threat to Iraq, and the stepping up of the arms race. t 5. These problems, although varied in character, have a common denominator manifested in the increase of the aggressiveness of the imperialist Powers. 6. The tensions which have risen in many parts of the world emanate from conflicts of political and economic interests between the colonial Powers and the peoples of former colonies, and as a result of the endeavours of these imperialist Powers to maintain the privileged positions by force, violence and deceit. Some of the tensions, however, were the result of the lack of mutual trust and understanding among nations, and in particular between the two great blocs. 7. Let us take for example the questions of disarmament and Germany. 8. During the fifteenth session of the General Assembly, Mr. Nikita Khrushchev, Prime Minister of the Soviet Union, submitted a proposal for general and complete disarmament [ 869th plenary meeting]. 9. Although the question of disarmament has not since moved a step forward, nevertheless, the Soviet proposal has gained wide support, and has had an impact upon world public opinion, especially by directing attention to this key problem of the present era. 10. In the period of the cold war, the arms race has grown to a dangerous point, leading to greater complications in international relations. The legacy of the Second World War, the problems inherited from the inter-war period, and those created by new national and revolutionary changes in the world, are being viewed by the big Powers from the angle of power politics whose only effective instrument is war. 11. In such an international atmosphere, no progress in disarmament talks was made, primarily because of the lack of agreement on principles between the big Powers. Now that the two big Powers, the United States and the Soviet Union, have issued their Joint Statement of Agreed Principles for Disarmament Negotiations [A/4879], agreement on principles has been achieved, to everyone's gratification. It is hoped that negotiations will begin soon in an atmosphere of realism and mutual trust. The confidence of the world has been strengthened in the success of the coming negotiations, as the principles included in the joint Statement coincide with a number of points contained in the draft resolution sponsored last year 286 by a number of non-aligned countries including Iraq. The speeches of President Kennedy [1013th plenary meeting] and of Mr. Gromyko [1016th plenary meeting] contain elements of a new approach, and in particular the achievement of complete and total disarmament by stages, none of which would upset the balance of power to the detriment of one State or group of States. In addition,, the proposal of the Soviet Union regarding the participation of some non-aligned countries in the negotiations represents an approach in conformity with the present conditions in the world. It is inevitable to recognize, in the present relations between the two blocs, the tendency to be influenced by certain groups with vested interests in the arms race, Thus the participation of the non-aligned countries, which have neither been involved in the arms race nor directly engaged in disarmament negotiations, can only have a salutary effect. 12. Improvement in the international situation primarily depends upon the solution of the disarmament question, including the cessation of nuclear tests. This is because disarmament is not an isolated problem; it is a component part of the sum total of present-day international issues having direct bearing upon the world situation. It should not, therefore, be treated in isolation from other international problems and the general state of international relations. 13. Now I would like to say a word about the German question. The recent crisis over Berlin has shown only too clearly the risks involved in continuing the arms race. Crises of this sort might therefore lead to world conflict if no attempt is made to solve outstanding differences and to work out plans for disarmament and the abolition of war. The German question is one of the problems which should be considered in the context of disarmament and the security of Central and Eastern European States. The unsettled situation of Germany has greatly contributed to the augmentation of tension in Europe, and consequently between East and West. 14. It is difficult to envisage the settlement of the German problem apart from general and complete disarmament, and without reference to German realities. It is hard to contemplate a German solution while the two parts of Germany are within the two rival blocs. It is equally difficult to expect a unified Germany inside the Western Alliance. On the other hand, the division of Germany into two separate parts with different economic and social systems is now a reality. In the interest of diminishing tension, and in order to avoid future border conflicts, it is necessary to recognize the actual situation in order to assist the solution of the German problem. The Berlin question should be considered within the context of the German problem as a whole. While East and West are seeking a solution for the German problem, and have agreed in principle to general and complete disarmament, both tasks would be greatly facilitated by an agreement to neutralize Germany. 15. The grave world situation has been clearly realized by the non-aligned nations. Therefore a Conference of Heads of States of Governments of twenty- five Non-Aligned Countries was convened in Belgrade and held there from 1-6 September 1961. 16. The Belgrade Conference marked a new departure in the position of the non-aligned countries, as well as a new development in world politics. The motives for convening such a conference stem from two historical facts: first, as members of the world community and being subject to the forces governing international relations, it has become incumbent upon the non-aligned countries to play their part in the direction of these forces and the reorientation of the policies shaping relations among nations. The world is no longer governed by the big Powers, and therefore it is the right and duty of the non-aligned nations to intervene effectively in world affairs, particularly with regard to those policies of the great Powers which affect the present and future destiny of the rest of the world. The second reason for convening the Belgrade Conference is that the point of view of the non-aligned countries reflects that of the great majority of the world's population who desire to live in freedom, peace and justice. 17. The power politics of the big Powers, which threaten civilization with total destruction, leave no alternative for the small and non-aligned States but to move forward towards the creation of the basis of an effective international community. The Belgrade Powers were not, however, motivated by any narrow or egoistic objectives, but by realistic and humane considerations. The identity of their interests in peace and progress has greatly contributed to the evolvement of a line of approach for a settlement of world problems conforming to the essential needs and exigencies of the present state in world history. 18. That is why the Belgrade Conference showed that the world does not need a third bloc; on the contrary, it needs, above all, the narrowing of the gap between the existing power blocs through peaceful means. The Conference also showed that the motives of the non- aligned countries are entirely different from those which led to the creation of the two camps. They are realistic and objective in their approach to present world problems, and their concern measures up to the gravity of the current international crisis. Above all, they want to avert war. In their statement on the danger of war and appeal for peace, they stated: "... In this age of nuclear weapons the accumulation of the power of mass destruction, such conflict and war would inevitably lead to devastation on a scale hitherto unknown, if not to world annihilation. This Conference considers that this calamity must be avoided, and it is therefore urgent and imperative that the parties concerned, and more particularly, the United States of America and the USSR, should immediately suspend their recent war preparations and approaches, take no steps that would aggravate or contribute to further deterioration in the situation, and resume negotiation for a peaceful settlement of any outstanding differences between them with due regard to the principles of the United Nations Charter and continue negotiations will both they and the rest of the world achieve total disarmament and enduring peace.11 19. The deliberations and conclusions of the Belgrade Conference reflect the wide unity of views on the vital problems of the contemporary world, as well as the high degree of responsibility felt by all the non-aligned countries for the elimination of the present tension, for the defence of peace and for strengthening international General Assembly — Sixteenth Session - Plenary Meetings co-operation. A number of international problems were therefore considered: disarmament, colonialism, the economic problems of, and assistance to, underdeveloped countries, the problems of Germany and of Berlin, and the role of the United Nations. 20 The views expounded at the Conference reflected a desire, on the part of the non-aligned countries, not to remain aloof from the great struggle between East and West, but to assert their influence in the defence of peace and justice without being committed. The time has gone when the representatives of countries of Asia, Africa and Latin America were mere spectators of international conflicts. Peoples in these areas have become more conscious of their rights and obligations in the international field and more confident in the essential role they are to play in world politics. This is a challenge to the old world order and to the persistence of some colonial Powers in their endeavour to maintain the status quo. 21. We refer to the colonial Powers because they are the major architects of the policy of the "balance of power" which is at the root of the dangerous world situation. Colonialism, as a policy of domination and exploitation of the weak by the strong, is not merely confined to the physical occupation of territories and subjugation of peoples for economic purposes, but it is also a policy of indirect domination and the threat of the use of force, discrimination and corruption. It is quite erroneous to imagine that colonialism is dead. On the contrary, it survives and generates great trouble and danger. The fight against colonialism has been relentlessly carried out for the last few decades in the colonial territories and on the international level. It has been condemned by the majority of mankind. Nevertheless, the fight against colonialism is still raging in parts of Asia, Africa and Latin America. 22. On colonial questions we are anti-Western. Our position regarding colonialism is definite: we want the complete liberation of the colonial territories and of the new States from colonial rule and all the vestiges of the colonial system. This does not imply that we are against everything Western. But it must be pointed out that at present the West is on the wrong side of a social and political revolution which is sweeping all the under-developed areas of the world. This revolution is in essence a demand by the new nations for equal political rights, equal economic opportunities, and the rule of law. The propelling forces in this great march for liberation from the bondage of past ages are no different from those which carried European society out of the ages of feudalism and serfdom. This is the historical tendency of the present era in history. So it is not a question of the new nations' adopting communism or free enterprise, but whether they can achieve peacefully social and political equality with the advanced countries. 23. In fact, the social revolution which is driving towards the goal of national independence and individual freedom and equality, finds in the colonial system the main obstacle and roadblock to its fulfilment. Historically, colonialism has been the one-sided rule of the human race by a European minority which imposed itself by force and treachery. The end of colonialism means the promotion of normal relationships between the various races, nations and States, and implies, above all, the termination of Western political, economic and cultural domination over the underdeveloped countries. 24. Last year's resolution [1514 (XV)] of the General Assembly regarding the termination of colonialism was a definite warning to the colonial Powers that world public opinion no longer accepts or even tolerates the existence of the colonial system, The Declaration on the granting of independence to colonial countries and peoples provides that "all armed action or repressive measures of all kinds directed against dependent peoples shall cease in order to enable them to exercise peacefully and freely their right to complete independence, and the integrity of their national territory shall be respected". Unfortunately, in most cases this has not been observed. For this reason, my delegation will support the proposal of the Soviet Union to fix a time-limit for the final and complete liquidation of colonialism. We supported a similar proposal at the Belgrade Conference. 25. The colonial system of relationships which is based on force and violence has developed an ideology of the superiority of Western ideas and institutions. In consequence, and in order to maintain the old relationships, the imperialist ideology is fighting a rearguard battle, and thus violating the principles of the Charter, and creating conditions which threaten the foundations of peace and security in the world. 26. Neo-colonialism is, therefore, the principal form which the imperialist policy takes under present world conditions which were created by national liberation movements and by the retreat of the capitalist exploitation system in the face of the advancing socialist systems. 27. In many cases, the colonialists realize that power relations at present make it imperative to retreat to new positions. But it is evident that as long as the capitalist monopoly system remains as it is, the colonialists cannot renounce their super-profits derived from invested capital, the domination and ruling of colonies, the resources of raw materials, cheap labour, markets, spheres of influence and capital investment, nor lose the strategic positions for their military security and otherwise. 28. For these reasons they seek to change their methods and tactics in order to keep their positions of domination under a new form, that is, neo-colonialism. Thus neo-colonialism is in essence an endeavour to conceal the new division of territorial and economic interests. This is to be achieved, among other things, by slowing down the process of liberation of the colonial peoples, and by maintaining the institutions devised under the colonial system. 29. In comparison with traditional colonialism, neocolonialism does not reflect political and economic force and power, but rather the weakness and decline of the imperialist system. It nevertheless struggles to weaken and obstruct the national liberation movements, especially by indirect methods which, however, do not exclude the traditional use of force and violence, the oppression and extermination of people and the invasion of territories. In order to achieve its objectives, neo-colonialism, which appears in many cases nowadays as collective colonialism despite inter- imperialist contradictions and rivalries, utilizes political, economic and ideological means. 30. Politically, neo-colonialism with the assistance and support of the reactionary and corrupt social elements tries to divide the national front and to prevent the formation of independent States. Economically, the main objective of neo-colonialism is to prevent the establishment of independent or autonomous national economies by maintaining the fundamental colonial elements of, the economic system, such as production of raw materials, maintenance of the feudal and semi- feudal agrarian structure and monoculture, obstruction of industrialization, keeping of unfavourable balance between imports and exports. Neo-colonialism hopes to create conditions which will allow it to perpetuate indirectly, and even to restore, the imperialist domination. In fact, neo-colonialism follows methods and tactics which aim, at retarding and may even falsify, the achievement of the real independence and sovereignty of the new nations. 31. Despite ail these endeavours of the imperialist Powers to adapt their policy to changing circumstances, the old and traditional colonial system still manifests itself in the war in Algeria, the intervention in the Congo, the policy of integration as practised by Portugal, the racial discrimination in South Africa, the police regimes in some United Kingdom territories in Africa, the gun-boat policy carried on by the United Kingdom in the Arabian Gulf and Southern Arabian Peninsula. 32. I ask the indulgence of the General Assembly if I refer in brief to some of those imperialist practices, especially in the Arab homeland. We Arabs have suffered more than any other nation from the oppression, exploitation and violence of imperialism, and we still do. Even those countries which gained their independence have been, and still are, targets for imperialist pressure and threats of aggression. 33. I take first the Palestine question. As a result of the defeat of the Ottoman Empire in the First World War, the Arab countries in the Middle East were partitioned between the United Kingdom and France. They were occupied during the inter-war period, and their economic wealth, especially oil, was exploited by international cartels. The interests of the United Kingdom and France greatly increased with the rise of European capital investment, and the discovery of great oil potentialities in the region. These Arab countries gained rapidly a unique position in the Western economy, particularly through their oil production, They also became militarily valuable to the West in the world struggle for power. Thus the control over the region's oil, and over the political activities and the tendencies of its people became the cornerstone of Western policy in the Middle East. Apart from the monopoly control, of the region's oil resources, this trend in policy also manifested itself in the promotion of alliances of a politico-military character, and in the support of decadent regimes and reactionary systems of government. 34. The Second World War greatly enhanced the strategic position of these Arab countries in the overall economic and military schemes of the Western colonial Powers, The pre-war period, on the other hand, had witnessed a considerable political, economic and cultural revival in the Middle East region which could not be contained within the old framework of relations instituted by the West. The liberation movements led to the independence of some of these countries, while in others the struggle for freedom had gained momentum, Although the struggle between the colonial Powers and the Arab people produced a complex set of problems, the basic challenge remained undoubtedly political. Genuine independence of the Arab countries meant above all their complete control over their economic resources; and destiny — a development which contradicts' the dominance of Western economic and military interests, and threatens the flow of oil to Western industry. It was, therefore, necessary for the Western imperialists to continue to play the leading role in the Middle East region. They envisaged the achievement of this target by keeping the region in a state of constant instability and .insecurity and by providing a bridge-head for future hostile operations, This dual purpose was achieved by the creation of Israel, 35. The events of the last thirteen years have given ample evidence of the real designs of Western imperialists, Israel has been a continuous source of disturbance for the stability of the area and a threat to its security, Israel's aggressive policy and repeated military attacks on its neighbours have diverted a great part of the forces and resources of the Arab States from economic development to self-defence preparations, Its expansionist policy, manifested by the encouragement of immigration of Jews from all parts c the world to Palestine, by the colossal military build up, and by its alliances with certain Powers hostile to the Arabs, have kept the Arab countries under a perpetual threat of war. Israel, moreover, received abundant economic and military assistance from the West, and enjoyed its political and diplomatic protection. In this way, Israel has been justly described as the Trojan Horse of imperialism in the Middle East. 36. During the years of its existence the world has come to realize that the presence of Israel constitutes a threat not only to the Middle East region, but also to the peace of world. But this fact does not seem to change the attitude of some Western Powers towards Israel. It has remained their favoured child. An immigrant minority in Palestine has been built up into a State under the protection of the West. 37. Despite its continuous violation of the General Assembly's resolutions and the decisions of the Security Council, Israel continues to receive unlimited military, economic and political assistance from the West. The support of the Western Powers for Israel is no doubt consistent with the role it is playing in disturbing the peace in the Middle East, which is an essential element in maintaining Western dominance in the area, 38. It has been increasingly realized by the people of the Arab countries chat the existence of this foreign and colonial element in the body of the Arab homeland is a factor in guaranteeing the continuation of foreign exploitation and dominance, 39. The rights 6f the Arab people of Palestine must he fully and unconditionally restored. Israel has usurped the land of Palestine from its rightful inhabitants and created, by violence , and aggression, a State dominated, by, an immigrant minority while the majority were expelled from their ancestral homeland, in which they and their forefathers lived from time immemorial, There can be only one way for the removal of this great injustice, and that is by removing the source and root of the problem, Israel. 40. I come now to the question of Algeria. In Algeria the seven-year-old colonial war is still being waged relentlessly by France, and the end is not yet in sight. It has become evidently obvious that France can never win a military victory. At its fifteenth session, in its resolution 1573 (XV), the General Assembly recognized the right of the Algerian people to "self-determination and independence", and called for the respect of the unity and territorial integrity of Algeria. Negotiations for the achievement of these objectives have been recommended previously by the General Assembly of the United Nations. 41. In actual fact, negotiations between the French and the Algerian Governments started twice and failed to achieve any results. The Algerian Government has clearly stated the reasons. France aimed through negotiations to violate the territorial integrity of Algeria by cutting the Sahara apart, and France wanted to keep a privileged position politically, economically and militarily in Algeria and to bind Algeria to France. 42. The negotiations proved to be mere delaying tactics with a view to promoting the bases of certain imperialist projects which would falsify the independence sought by the Algerian people, and keep Algeria under indirect French domination. This process has been going on for a number of years, and General de Gaulle was the man selected by the vested interests to implement it. Above all, General de Gaulle's main intention was to defend the interests of the big oil and mining companies. Attempts were made by certain oligarchic and feudal circles in France and North Africa to create a force which would stand between the ultra-colonialists and the National Liberation Front and to prevent the achievement of real and complete independence in Algeria. 43. For this purpose, General de Gaulle, for sample, devised the Constantine Plan, aiming at the promotion of an Algerian industry and the cultural integration of the Algerian people with France. The failure of this plan to give the anticipated results rapidly and the refusal of the Algerian people to be diverted from their national goal have infuriated the French monopolists, especially the major banks and oil companies. 44. General de Gaulle was, therefore, the target of great pressure by the monopolists to protect their economic positions; and the way for such protection it seemed to them, is the partition of Algeria in order to keep the rich oil deposits of the Algerian Sahara. That is why General de Gaulle declared in September 1959, that: "all measures will be taken, cost what it may, to guarantee the extraction, delivery and loading of Sahara oil in which France and the whole of the West are interested." Subsequent events and developments both in France and Algeria show that neither party has changed its position; the Algerian people are more determined than ever to achieve their independence in an integral Algeria, while the French monopolies are increasingly enlisting the support of their counterparts in the West, and particularly in the United States, and having the protection and intervention of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization [NATO]. 45. The policy of wavering followed by General de- Gaulle shows only too clearly that he is still the captive of the same reactionary and capitalist forces which brought him to power. Although the interests of the monopolies do not coincide with those of the ultra- colonialists, General de Gaulle is nevertheless prolonging the Algerian colonial war and breaking the negotiations in the hope of imposing upon Algeria the conditions laid down by big business. 46. Colossal economic interests are the forces behind the colonial war in Algeria, especially oil interests. 47. In another part of the Arab homeland, Oman, oil companies are also behind the acts of aggression and suppression carried J, by the United Kingdom against a small and unarmed nation. Since 3i955 the people of Oman have been engaged in an unequal struggle-for their freedom and independence. The world has been kept in ignorance of this tragedy of a small nation by an international blackout imposed by the United Kingdom. Not one, not even a British or an American, correspondent is allowed to visit the area while acts of extermination by the regular army continue. 48. Some of the elements of this small war are now known to the world. In 1954, the Sultan of Muscat, a stooge of the British, concluded an agreement with the Petroleum Development (Oman) Ltd., a subsidiary of the Iraq Petroleum Company—which, by the way, is Iraqi in name only, to exploit the oil resources of Oman, a country which does not fall under his jurisdiction. The most significant aspect of the conflict is the fact that the Petroleum Development Company owns and finances its own army, the Muscat-Oman Field Force, raised by the British Government and led by British mercenary officers. 49. This Company's army, together with some British forces, have been fighting the people of Oman. This is a recurring phenomenon in the history of imperialism; that is, private enterprise is, now openly fighting its wars for the subjugation of peoples and the suppression of their liberties. It reminds one of the activities of the East India Company two centuries ago. It is hardly necessary to remind the General Assembly of the grave dangers involved in this tendency, and suffice it to say that imperialism has not yet departed from its methods of violence in this era of liberation and equality of nations. 50. I would like to direct attention now to another part of my country—the action of Britain in the Arabian Gulf. 51. It has often been asked why Britain maintains at present large military, naval and air forces in the Arabian Gulf, why it has turned the island of Bahrain into a naval and air base, why it maintains an air base in Sharja on the southern coast of the Arabian Gulf and another on the Isle of Misera near the Oman coast of the Arabian sea. The same question is asked about the reason for turning the port of Aden into a bastion of all types of military forces. 52. The answer to these questions is simple and obvious. In this' area, which is the richest in oil in the Middle East, Britain has great vested interests and dominates all the Oil-bearing territories stretching from Kuwait, in the north-west of the Arabian Gulf, down to Aden, in south-west Arabia, After the loss of its military and air bases in Iraq, following our national revolution of 1958, British military installations had to be moved southward to the Arabian Gulf and Aden, and had to be augmented to meet the menace of the liberation movements in that area. Furthermore,; Britain had to keep its position in order to threaten Iraq and other adjacent territories where it possesses oil concessions. 53. Britain maintains its domination and direct control over these territories for tile sake of oil. In this way, Britain is also acting as the guardian of other Western interests, including those of the United States, France and the Netherlands. V.' ' 54. For this purpose, it supports and preserves |fie primitive tribal systems of- government and maintains in power a number of tribal chiefs. Thus, the economic and political presence of Britain in this area is tied to the corpse of a rotting social system. It is a paradox of this anti-colonial era, when the advancement of the colonial people is alleged to be the sacred trust of the advanced countries, that the Western colonialists, and especially Britain, should labour hard to keep the people of this area in such a state of backwardness. 55. Since the General Assembly adopted its resolution [1514 (XV)] on the termination of colonialism, Britain has been trying hard to find a formula to cover up its imperialist presence in the Arabian Gulf and South Arabia. It has realized that the old method of concluding agreements with the tribal chiefs—and it has scores of these agreements—no longer obscures the fact of its colonialist status. 56. Now—and this is the latest imperialist invention— to maintain its control Britain plans to give these tribal sheikdoms the appearance of independent States. Kuwait, for example, has already been turned into a so-called independent State. Our delegation has had occasion in the Security Council to show that Kuwait is an integral part of Iraq, and I do not intend to labour this now. 57. One point, however, deserves quick mention, as it throws light on the methods which would be employed to perpetuate colonialism under the guise of nominal and fake independence. 58. Last June the British Political Officer in Kuwait concluded an agreement with the tribal chief in Kuwait, allegedly to terminate the agreement of protection of 1899.2/The terms of the new agreement show only too clearly that it is a device for the maintenance of Kuwait under British control. It provides for the continuation of relations which, as is well- known, were never other than those of master and vassal. It also stipulates that appropriate consultations should be held between the two parties regarding matters of mutual concern. Logically and realistically understood, this provision requires Kuwait to consult Britain, with all that such consultation involves by way of accepting British guidance and direction. 59. Furthermore, Britain is committed, by the terms of the new agreement which it has devised, to go to the Sheik's help should he require it to do so. This will give Britain the opportunity to interfere militarily in Arab affairs—a fact already proved by the landing of British forces in Kuwait to oppose the restoration of Iraq's legitimate rights which we affirmed, from the very beginning, we would pursue solely by peaceful means. 60. The fact that British troops may be called into Kuwait at anytime, according to this agreement, makes of Kuwait a military base from which Britain can threaten Iraq and other Arab countries—indeed, the entire Middle East area. Britain will not lack the means of suggesting to the Sheik that he should ask for its help whenever it sees fit that its imperialist interests will be served by its military presence in the area. Nor is it to be expected of the Sheik or of his present regime, who depend on British protection and are directed by British control, that they will oppose British wishes or disobey British orders. The agreement, while speaking of an ostensible independence, confirms the subordination of Kuwait to Britain. 61. Thus, under the guise of the nominal independence of Kuwait, and with the support of military forces stationed in a number of points in this area, Britain is trying to safeguard its colossal oil interests and to ensure the continued vast financial investments of the Sheik of Kuwait in Britain which have been, and still are, important factors in the British economy. British action in Kuwait has the support of the United States, as the Kuwait Oil Company is a joint enterprise of British Petroleum and the American-owned Gulf Oil Corporation. That is why both big Powers are anxious to give this nominal independence of Kuwait a shadow of legality by endeavouring to bring it into the United Nations. 62. It will have been clear from these remarks that British neo-colonialism in the oil regions of Arabia has introduced a new form of a so-called State which does not possess the elementary prerequisites of statehood. Thus, it has become possible to declare a number of oil wells a State. This is the irony of oil imperialism. It is a well-known fact, supported by history, that oil is an objective that has led world Powers to control, dominate and even subjugate oil-bearing countries. The search for oil has led big oil interests, often supported by their respective Governments, to foment civil war, topple Governments and subvert puppets for the purpose of securing concessions. 63. The people in Iraq and Kuwait who know that they belong to one country and one nation will never accept the fait accompli imposed by the British imperialists. They will achieve their national and territorial unity in due course, after sweeping away the puppet rulers of Kuwait and their national and international supporters. 64, What is regrettable in this whole episode is the existence of many statesmen who are quite unashamed in their support of oil imperialism at the expense of the interests of a whole people. 65. We are all conscious of the fact that this session of the General Assembly is meeting at a particularly difficult juncture in international relations. But we must reaffirm our faith in this Organization and dedicate ourselves anew to the ideals and principles which motivated its founders at San Francisco. Foremost among these, in our opinion, is the principle of universality, and we can think of no greater affront to this great principle than the continued exclusion of the People's Republic of China from the United Nations. Now, more than ever, my delegation deems it necessary to raise its voice from this rostrum in favour of the seating of the true representative of China in this Organization. 66. These are times of great peril to humanity and its continued'-existence on this planet. The best alternative available to us. if we are to avoid disaster, is to make the United Nations into a real instrument for the maintenance of world peace and security, as it was intended to be, and to pool our collective efforts towards that end.