Our delegation associates itself with the congratulations that have been expressed from this rostrum on the occasion of the election of the distinguished representative of Pakistan to the high office of President of the General Assembly's seventeenth session.
89. The minute of silence with which every regular session of the United Nations General Assembly traditionally opens is, of course, too short to allow our minds to range over all the many complicated problems of international life. But at least it serves to remind us of the immense responsibility with which the peoples have invested the United Nations as an instrument of peace and security.
90. The situation which has arisen in the world may be assessed in different ways, just as there can be different approaches to appraising the actions of various forces and States on the international scene. However, the essential criterion of such assessment, the real test of the objectives of their policy and their actions, is the attainment of the social development of all mankind and its salvation from nuclear war. From that point of view the socialist States, which include the Ukraine, represent "a shield which reliably defends the cause of world progress".
91. The Government of the Ukraine sincerely welcomes every event in international life which heralds the inexorable approach of the day when all peoples without exception, having destroyed forever the shameful system of colonialism, wall take their places in the ranks of the free nations. The process of decolonization which is taking place before our eyes shows that historic necessity is, despite everything, driving steadily forward, and that the Declaration on the granting of independence to colonial countries and peoples, adopted at the fifteenth session of the United Nations General Assembly [resolution 1514 (XV)], is a genuine reflection of the peoples' aspirations and of the requirements of life itself. We are not alarmed, like some, but rejoice at the increase in the membership of the United Nations. The swelling of the Organization's ranks reflects both the just principles of life and, in the last analysis, the steady expansion of the forces which are defending the cause of peace and human progress.
92. We cannot fail to perceive the main trend of mankind's development, whereby, with a steady overcoming of the most complex contradictions in social and international life, disputes are being solved and the triumph of progressive principles is being ensured. Here, of course, there can be no conflict between the maintenance of peace and progressive changes throughout the world. We cannot agree with those who say that "change [should not be] sought at the expense of peace, which is needed above all". Viewed in the correct historical perspective, the matter may be put as follows: promoting progressive changes in the world means promoting the strengthening of peace. This may be exemplified by Africa and Asia, Algeria, Cuba and West Irian. Dangerous conflicts always arise in places where old, reactionary and outdated forces try to raise obstacles in the path of new, growing and progressive forces and attempt to stand in the way of changes necessitated by life itself. Since peace is indeed above all else indispensable to the peoples, it is the duty of States Members of the United Nations conscientiously to remove obstacles from the path of progressive changes which can no longer be put off.
93. The achievements of peace and progress are clearly reflected in today's triumphs of the human mind. In our times, man is blazing the trail to the stars and his bold thought is penetrating the most secret mysteries of nature. Delegates to the seventeenth session of the United Nations General Assembly will surely understand our feelings if I tell them of the rejoicing which recently swept through the whole of the Ukraine when its son of the stars, Pavel Popovich, together with Andrian Nikolaev, coursed through outer space for several days. Penetration of the cosmos by courageous sons of Earth symbolizes for us the unconquerable power of the mind which, when directed towards the well-being of mankind, is capable of extraordinary and even fabulous exploits.
94. The world is indeed witnessing a wealth of events which give grounds for an optimistic view of the future. At the same time, it is impossible to ignore, with naive simplicity or light-heartedness, certain circumstances which are highly dangerous from the standpoint of creating the fundamental condition for mankind's active life, namely peace on earth.
95. The other day we heard here a statement by the representative of the United States of America. Mr. Stevenson appealed to participants in the Assembly to conduct "quiet diplomacy" [1125th meeting] and asserted that the General Assembly could not work fruitfully if it proceeded in the manner of "a protest demonstration in a public square" and if the quality of its debates was "debased by propaganda or by speeches". He warned us, admittedly in somewhat nebulous terms, against "the resolution which invokes high principle in support of unrealistic action and does nothing to advance a practical solution". While recognizing that "indignation and outrage have been powerful enemies of injustice since the beginning of history", Mr. Stevenson called upon the General Assembly to exercise rational impartiality, which would in practice border upon static indifference — as though the agenda of the seventeenth session, which as we know is replete with international problems requiring urgent solution, were nothing but a routine list of book-keeping entries.
96. The American Press, radio and television have referred to this statement almost as a sort of carefully weighed gesture of conciliation, or even as a kind of lifebelt with which the United States seeks to rescue the world from the gulf of the "cold war".
97. Is this really so? Does Mr. Stevenson's speech, outwardly so smooth and so peace-making in its intent, really reflect the nature of the policy of the United States as a policy of peaceful coexistence? Unfortunately, no.
98. Almost at the very time when the United States representative to the United Nations was expounding from this rostrum, with a calm obviously designed for effect, the views of the United States Government on international problems and on the tasks of the United Nations, at Washington, as we know, decisions were being taken which prescribed the use of any means, including armed force, to settle accounts with Cuba. After that, according to the New York Journal- American of 22 September 1962, the Fibron landing unit under the command of Lieutenant Colonel Brewster was sent on a three-month tour of combat duty to the Caribbean. It consisted of a Marine battalion of 1,600 men prepared to reach Cuba in a few hours, of helicopters, tanks and special naval vessels. The whole unit comprised 3,200 men. The newspaper further stated that Lieutenant Colonel Brewster and his Marines would perhaps be the first American troops to land on Fidel Castro's territory, if the Cuban crisis entered the "hot stage". But since this entry of the "hot stage" does not depend on peace- loving Cuba, which harbours no such intentions, the word "if" is used here simply in order to preserve a fictitious and entirely superficial vagueness. Some people are not in the least disturbed by the fact that oral attacks against Cuba are really also directed against the United Nations, against its Charter which provides that nations should live in peace with one another, and against the sovereign right of peoples to choose their own way of life. But since international law is not on the side of the United States, there is dragged into the light of day the rubbish, covered with the dust of ages, which goes by the name of the Monroe Doctrine. To the same end, wild inventions, lacking any kind of verisimilitude, are thought up to serve as pretexts for aggression against Cuba.
99. And why is all this happening? The consideration here is not even that "change [should not be] sought at the expense of peace", as Mr. Stevenson put it; for the change has already taken place. The Cuban people has already chosen its path towards development and, with the support of its many friends, has strength and courage enough to uphold its right to freedom and independence. The point here is that the social and political changes that have taken place in the life of this courageous people are not to the liking of the ruling circles of the United States, which consider themselves entitled to put an end to these developments by crude, unreasoning and arbitrary force!
100. As we can see, the behaviour of the United States in regard to little Cuba is in striking contrast with the words of the Permanent Representative of the United States to the United Nations, who called upon all nations to "stay their hands in pursuit of national ambitions" and to settle problems through the "impartial ... instrument of quiet diplomacy". Is this not so?
101. The United States perpetrated another arbitrary act the other day, this time against the Soviet Union. It has become known that the Puerto Rican authorities confiscated over 9,000 tons of sugar which was being sent to the USSR from Cuba on the British vessel, Streatham Hill. Such acts by the United States border on piracy on the high seas, and merit the most resolute condemnation.
102. Quite recently it has become known that certain circles are nurturing plans whereby the United States shall cease giving aid to countries trading with Cuba. Does this not represent crude pressure upon these countries? What can be the outcome of this dictatorial and arbitrary policy?
103. It can produce only one result — further conflict in the trade lanes to Cuba, further dislocation of international trade, and, finally, further aggravation of tension in the world, although this tension is already too great. The economic blockade of revolutionary Cuba, organized by the United States of America, will meet with crushing and shameful failure. Cuba has friends, and they have extended to it a helping hand. The friends of the Cuban people will not be intimidated by American threats!
104. Now let us turn to another part of our planet — to South Viet-Nam. There, the United States Government, crudely violating the sovereignty and independence of Viet-Nam, is conducting an "undeclared war" in which 10,000 American officers and men are taking part. As pointed out in the note [of 19 September 1962] from the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Democratic Republic of Viet-Nam to the President of the seventeenth session of the General Assembly, the United States Government has created in that area of the world a hotbed of dangerous, even highly dangerous tension, which threatens the peace and security of the peoples of Indo-China and South-East Asia. In February 1962, a United States Command was set up at Saigon, to head not only the United States armed forces in South Viet-Nam and their puppets, but also United States armed forces in neighbouring Thailand. Is there any need to stress that what is in process here is the expansion of United States armed intervention in this region, carefully planned and organized in the Pentagon? But, if we follow Mr. Stevenson's advice, this should cause no anxiety to representatives in the General Assembly, We are invited to make unctious speeches, to avoid sharp corners and to conceal the truth from the peoples, while the United States of America flouts the United Nations Charter, fosters tension in various parts of the world, and creates a threat of thermo-nuclear war.
105. The conscience of the world was quite recently shaken by a statement from the President of the United States of America to the effect that in certain circumstances the United States might take the initiative in a nuclear conflict,
106. The Ukrainian Government condemns the doctrine of preventive nuclear war as aggressive, irreconcilably contrary to the Purposes and Principles of the United Nations Charter and to the interests of the maintenance of peace, and incompatible with the honour and conscience of mankind. The Ukrainian delegation resolutely advocates the condemnation by the United Nations of propaganda for a preventive nuclear war. Nothing, absolutely nothing, should prevent the States which possess nuclear weapons from undertaking, as an initial step towards the banning of nuclear weapons, the solemn obligation not to be the first to use them, A weighty pronouncement by the United Nations, in the form of approval of the USSR draft resolution [A/5232], would have far-reaching beneficial consequences and would undoubtedly dispel the anxiety engendered among the peoples by propaganda for a preventive nuclear war.
107. We also cannot ignore the fact that the arms race whipped up by the Governments of the United States and other NATO countries is being accompanied by psychological conditioning of the American people. Sages, politicians and the prophets of doom in propaganda agencies preach a doctrine of despair and inevitability, asserting that the arms race cannot be stopped and that nuclear catastrophe cannot be averted. Before our eyes, the America of skyscrapers is being invited to bury itself as deep as possible underground, in concrete caves, as if shelters worthy of prehistoric man were capable of replacing so genuine and reliable an anti-atomic device as peace. Nonetheless, these people can never take the Americans back to the time when the oceans served as a kind of gigantic, impassable moat of water around their continent, around their home. Given the modern potential of rocket weapons, the seas and oceans which in former times effectively separated one continent from another have, as it were, contracted. A nuclear missile war would bring death and suffering to hundreds of millions of people, and even the countries not taking a direct part in the armed conflict or not involved in the military conflagration would be affected by its consequences.
108. The peoples hope and believe that the lightning of nuclear war will not flash over the shores of rivers, seas and oceans. They need peace in order to labour, to rejoice, to live. The highway to a lasting peace is general and complete disarmament, and the world is ready for general and complete disarmament. Furthermore, the world cannot afford not to disarm.
109. Unfortunately, as has already been pointed out from this rostrum by the USSR Minister for Foreign Affairs, Andrei Andreevich Gromyko [1127thmeeting], the negotiating machinery for general and complete disarmament, namely the Eighteen-Nation Committee, is still idling. The report of the Eighteen-Nation Committee to the General Assembly [A/5200] is remarkably laconic, for apart from references to certain documents and a description of the Committee's procedure it contains nothing of substance on the problem of general and complete disarmament. Last year we duly considered the Joint Statement of Agreed Principles for Disarmament Negotiations. These principles were regarded as a small step, but a step in the right direction. Yet through the fault of the Western Powers the Eighteen-Nation Committee has not taken the really radical steps which would have led to the preparation and signature of a treaty on general and complete disarmament.
110. While refraining at the present time from an exhaustive appraisal of the documents of the Eighteen- Nation Committee, the Ukrainian delegation would lay particular stress on the fact that the core of the Soviet plan for general and complete disarmament is the prohibition and complete abolition of nuclear weapons. On the other hand, the core of the Western outline for a treaty is the establishment of control over armaments — in other words, treaty sanction for the arms race.
111. The Soviet Union has introduced amendments into its draft treaty. These amendments provide that, when the means of delivering nuclear weapons are destroyed at the first stage, the United States and, of course, the Soviet Union will retain such means of defence against violation of the treaty as a strictly limited and agreed number of intercontinental missiles and certain other types of missile. This new initiative bears witness to the sincere desire of the Soviet Government to find a common language with the Western Powers and to work out the agreement on general and complete disarmament which the peoples have so long awaited.
112. It is essential for disarmament problems to be discussed in the General Assembly, and we may hope that the participation of all States Members of the United Nations in this discussion will be fruitful.
113. The Government of the Ukraine has instructed its delegation once again to express its deep concern at the reappearance of a dangerous source of war in the very centre of Europe, not far from the western frontiers of the Soviet Union.
114. West Germany's frenzied accumulation of material means of waging war and the intensive psychological preparation of the West German population for revenge have become a source of constant military danger for the peoples of Europe, including the Ukrainian people.
115. We cannot observe with indifference the sabre- rattling to the West of the Elbe, we cannot watch impassively the thirst and persistence with which the German militarists and revenge-seekers are striving to obtain atomic weapons. They are trying under any pretext to put their finger on the atomic trigger, on the basis either of NATO's conversion into "a fourth nuclear Power" or of "nuclear partnership" with the United States (and perhaps with France too) — in short, on any suitable basis.
116. We in the Ukraine, of course, took note of the military parades at Mourmelon and the processions on the banks of the Rhine in connexion with the visit of the President of France to West Germany. We were not surprised that there were groups of people, specially hired to form a crowd which had gathered spontaneously, looking like members of an operatic chorus — always, it seemed, dying of boredom and thinking only of how not to miss the next tram. They, so we are told, sang "Deutschland über Alles" with greater gusto than the "Marseillaise". They sang laudatory hymns in honour of the alliance between French reaction and the West German militarists and revenge-seekers — an alliance claiming the right to dictate to Europe, an alliance in which tomorrow certain peoples of Europe would he called upon to act as toy soldiers of a General and a Chancellor lost in dreams of greatness. Rut if the General's dreams of his role as the arbiter of Europe are empty ones, the old lion of Cologne is methodically occupying the strongest positions in the so-called "Europe of the fatherlands".
117. At the moment one thing is clear: these processions and parades give encouragement to the revenge-seekers and militarists of Bonn. But they, like all aggressors, scorn the principles of the national sovereignty, and integrity of the frontiers of other States. Chancellor Adenauer, stating the policy of the Federal Government, has declared that "the Oder-Neisse line is not the eastern frontier of Germany".
118. But while the revenge-seekers in Bonn proclaim that they do not recognize the post-war frontiers, the "provocateurs" in West Berlin systematically violate them, stirring up border conflicts — which involves the danger of an explosion. From August 1961 to the end of May 1962 alone, on the borders of the German Democratic Republic running through West Berlin, 202 cases of damage to frontier installations occurred and fire was opened seventy-eight times, from the West Berlin side, on the frontier posts of the German Democratic Republic, In the period from June to August, the number of incidents increased still further. This is not a harmless game with tin soldiers. This is playing with fire.
119. Recent events in West Berlin confirm that the occupation regime in this city has become a cover for revenge-seekers and militarists, who are organizing every kind of subversive activity against the Soviet Union and other peace-loving States. The present dangerous situation in West Berlin is a direct result of the policy of the "front-line city" which the occupying Powers, the Federal Republic of Germany and the West Berlin City Senate follow both jointly and separately.
120. West Berlin has been turned into a vast protective camp for numerous espionage and sabotage centres and for militarist and revenge-seeking organizations, into a loudspeaker emitting shameless propaganda for hatred and war. Developments in West Berlin and the Federal Republic of Germany are in fact following the same course as in Hitler's Germany at the time of its preparation for aggression. And if matters today depended only on the West German militarists, thirsting for revenge, mankind would already have been plunged into a new, bloody and destructive war.
121. However, the militarists and revenge-seekers should always remember that the frontier of the German Democratic Republic in Berlin forms a powerful line of defence against the NATO military base in West Berlin, against those who are preparing for war and are avid for conflict.
122. I wish to emphasize that the Ukrainian people, like all the peoples of the socialist countries, regards the borders of the German Democratic Republic as its own and is therefore ready to defend them in company with the others. The German Democratic Republic is a peace-loving State in the centre of Europe. It has never threatened anyone, and is threatening no one. Peace in Europe, and indeed throughout the world, is greatly indebted to the calm and restrained policy of the Government of the German Democratic Republic.
123. There is only one way in which a radical improvement in the situation can be brought about — the conclusion of a German peace treaty and the normalization of the position in West Berlin on the basis of that treaty.
124. It is the duty of all States which fought against Hitler's Germany to draw a line under the Second World War, and to do away with all the traces of it. This corresponds to the vital interests of all peoples and all States.
125. A most important achievement in the cause of ensuring peace and progress is the successful fight of the people for their liberation from the chains of colonialism. Among the notable events of recent times, the victory of the Algerian people stands out sharply. In an unbelievably grim and heroic struggle, it has hewn its way to independence. The victory of Algeria is yet one more proof that the aspiration of oppressed peoples to a free life is stronger than all the weapons of death in the armoury of the colonizers.
126. The people and Government of the Ukraine warmly congratulate the Algerian people on its great victory and wish it success in the building and fruitful development of an independent Algerian Republic, which will obviously soon become a Member of the United Nations.
127. We also welcome the peoples of Burundi, Rwanda, Jamaica, and Trinidad and Tobago, which have achieved rational independence and are now represented in the United Nations.
128. As early as 1946, in the Security Council, the Government of the Ukraine demanded that the colonizers' aggression against Indonesia should cease. Today we are particularly happy to share in the joy of Indonesian people with regard to the complete accomplishment of the territory's liberation from the colonizers and the reuniting of West Irian with free Indonesia.
129. But the Just cause of the colonial peoples has not yet finally triumphed. Many millions of people in Africa, Asia, Latin America and Oceania are still under the yoke of British, Portuguese, American and other colonizers. They await the help of the United Nations in their struggle.
130. The granting of Independence to many peoples continues to be delayed by the colonizers under the thoroughly and fundamentally false racialist pretext of the alleged inferiority of coloured peoples. It is still affirmed that the granting of independence to colonies without what the colonizers regard as the necessary period of preparation will reduce the newly-formed States to chaos and will turn them into centres for international conflicts. It has become fashionable in this regard to refer to the example of the so-called hasty granting of independence to the Republic of the Congo.
131. But there is nothing more fallacious and hypocritical than that argument, if such it can be termed. The continuing tragedy of the Congo is simply a glaring example of crude interference by the colonizers and imperialists in the domestic affairs of new independent States. The cause of the tragedy of the Congolese people lies not in its unpreparedness for independence, but in the imperialist monopolies greedily sucking up the riches of the Congo. It is no secret that the Katangan secessionists can continue their treacherous policy of splitting the country's unity only because they are backed by powerful international monopolies and Governments of Western Powers, to which the interests of the Congolese people mean nothing but their own greedy desires. Independence, equality and the freedom of peoples have never menaced, and cannot menace, international peace. The whole history of colonialism, on the other hand, is indissolubly linked with wars and bloodshed.
132. Now that they are compelled to refrain from the most odious forms of colonial oppression, the colonizers are trying to fall back on the next line of defence, which consists in various types of inequality, dependence and subjugation of some countries by others. The imperialists are trying, and sometimes not without success, to replace the old "classical" colonialism with a new colonialism which, while not opposing, and sometimes even gladly recognizing, the formal proclamation of the independence of this or that country, at the same time entangles the country in various kinds of inequitable agreement. In form these are international documents, concluded between sovereign States, and they even speak of "High Contracting Parties". But in substance, as the former President of Guatemala, Mr. Arevalo, put it, one of the parties to such an agreement is the shark and the other is the sardine, destined to be the victim of one of the "High Contracting Parties" — namely, the shark.
133. In former times, when colonialism was on the attack, swallowing up one country after another, the establishment of inequitable relations was the last step before full enslavement. Now, when colonialism is retreating and falling apart, such relations are becoming the "reserve position" of the colonizers, on which they fall back to maintain their imperialistic domination and economic enslavement of the peoples of other countries.
134. The Charter of the United Nations prescribes the obligation to develop international relations and co-operation on the basis of equal rights for all States and peoples. The Declaration on the granting of independence demands the speedy end of colonialism in all its forms and manifestations. The preliminary implementing of the principle of self-determination of peoples is incompatible with the practice of imposing inequitable agreements and establishing inequitable relations among States. The principles underlying the equality of all States and all peoples must become the immutable foundation of international relations.
135. Our delegation noted the statement made yesterday by the Minister for Foreign Affairs of Panama, in which he described the Treaty of 1903 between Panama and the United States as "humiliating, injurious, unjust and inequitable" [A/PV.1130] and recalled that it had been concluded at a time "when colonies and the occupation of small countries by powerful ones were common ... in the world".
136. The General Assembly of the United Nations has every reason to condemn the practice of concluding inequitable treaties, to declare lawful the attempt of States to free themselves from obligations arising from treaties of that kind, and to call on States to renounce all forms and methods of establishing unequal international relations. The delegation of the Ukraine would, I should like to say, be among those giving active support to a proposal made in the General Assembly, in that sense.
137. The actual circumstances permitting the imperialists to impose inequitable relations consist, as a rule, in the economic backwardness of former colonial and dependent countries. It is therefore understandable, that the peoples and Governments of these countries should wish to create a sound, independent and developing national economy able to ensure a steady increase in the well-being of the population and the constant strengthening of national independence.
138. In this connexion, attention must be drawn to the truly enormous possibilities which would be opened up for the under-developed countries if the problem of general and complete disarmament were successfully solved. The arms race swallows up incalculable resources. It has been estimated that the total sum spent on military expenditure by all countries is roughly equal to the annual income of all the underdeveloped countries, with a total population of 1,300 million people. The freeing of resources by disarmament would allow the rate of development to be increased to such an extent that within the next two or three decades it would be possible, basically, to close the present gap between the level of development of the economically advanced and that of the economically backward countries.
139. The delegation of the Ukraine therefore supports the Soviet Union's submission of the item entitled "economic programme for disarmament" [A/5233], and considers that the Soviet draft Declaration concerning the conversion to peaceful needs of the resources released by disarmament [ibid.] deserves the most careful examination by the General Assembly at its present session.
140. The people and Government of the Ukraine have always attached great importance to the United Nations, in whose purposes and principles the aspirations of all peace-loving peoples are embodied. These are the high objectives of peace, of the peaceful coexistence of States, and of the strengthening of co-operation between them. These are the democratic and generally accepted principles of equal rights and of respect for the sovereignty of all States, large and small, and the principles of economic co-operation and progress.
141. The Ukraine has therefore always wished the United Nations to become an effective instrument of peace. We do not agree with those who would like the United Nations to be solely a forum for debates, and we are even more opposed to the United Nations being regarded as a sort of safety-valve for the release of "national emotions". No; we desire that the actions of the Security Council and the recommendations of the General Assembly should really contribute to the solution of the international problems which divide the world.
142. The influx of new States into the United Nations considerably strengthens the Organization and expands its possibilities, changes the situation in it for the better, and creates the necessary basis for the more effective functioning of its organs.
143. There are still, of course, many shortcomings in the work of the United Nations. And precisely for this reason we are concerned that the changes in the membership of the Organization should be reflected in the Secretariat of the United Nations — in its structure, which should reflect the present balance of forces in the world. To say, as is often said from this rostrum, that such changes would mean the death of the United Nations is to state what is not true and to make a profound mistake.
144. The reorganization of the United Nations on the basis of the equal and equitable representation, in its organs, of the three main groups of States now in existence — the socialist countries, the neutralist countries, and the countries belonging to the Western military blocs — is an urgent necessity, dictated by the desirability of still further strengthening this international forum of the peoples.
145. The present session is called upon to make an outstanding contribution to the solution of numerous international problems. Many speeches which we have heard here have been very impassioned, and we can sense in them a genuine concern for the solution of the questions under consideration.
146. The position in the world today can leave no one indifferent to the events which are unfolding around us. But the passion which has marked the speeches of delegates in the Assembly in no way conflicts with the need to be reasonable and judicious in the discussion of the concrete questions awaiting solution.
147. A feeling of responsibility for the fate of mankind should be prominent both here in the United Nations and in the relations between States, so that wise solutions can be found for the questions and problems to which life gives rise.
148. In this connexion, satisfaction is sure to be felt regarding the well-known agreement between Iran and the Soviet Union, under which the Government of Iran will not give any foreign State the right to have rocket-missile bases of any kind on Iranian territory and will never allow Iran to become a means of aggression against the territory of the Soviet Union, This agreement is positive in its significance.
149. Whatever important question we settle here, in one way or another it touches on the problem of peace. To settle the fundamental questions of the contemporary world in such a way as to help strengthen the cause of peace — that is the most important task facing the United Nations today.
150. In recalling this, we should like to refer to the words of the Head of the Government of the Soviet Union, Nikita Sergeevich Khrushchev, who, speaking at the World Congress on General Disarmament and Peace, on 10 July 1962 said: "The ominous situation dictates the need for creating a truly world-wide anti-war union of peoples expressing the will of all social strata and of all the nations of Europe, Asia, Africa, America and Oceania. Only one aim can determine the programme and the whole activity of this genuinely world-wide union of different peace-loving forces — to bar the way to a thermonuclear war, and to place the warmongering maniacs in a state of siege."
151. It is the duty of the United Nations to be in the van of the forces defending the cause of peace and promoting the solution of acute international problems in the interests of peace and progress. It only remains to wish the seventeenth session of the United Nations General Assembly success in this field of honour.