The United Nations has no measuring device to determine the depth of the influence of international events on people's minds and hearts. However, we can say without risk of error that changes in the international situation, whether in the direction of an increase or a reduction in tension, give rise to corresponding reactions and a lively response among the people. The peoples playing a direct part in the great movement and struggle for peace angrily condemn all intrigues designed to exacerbate relations between States, and they rejoice when the clouds disappear from the international horizon.
48. The Treaty banning nuclear weapon tests in the atmosphere, in outer space, and under water, however much some isolated mouthpieces of irritated sceptics inspired by negative motives have belittled its positive significance, has been welcomed with a sigh of relief. Indeed, the working people, the creators of material and spiritual wealth, have always rejected the policy of atomic sacrifice supported by those whose highest value is the road to a world graveyard and who shield themselves by professions of devotion to peace which are nothing more than loud and empty phrases.
49. Although the influence of the Moscow Treaty on international relations is limited in scope and although this Treaty cannot, of course, of itself guarantee that war will be averted, it is, as a step away from the dugouts of the cold war a means of Widening the frontiers of mutual understanding and of clearing the way for the conclusion of further and more substantial agreements. If observed by all countries, it will to some extent put a brake on further intensification of the arms race.
50. The Soviet Union —as has been frequently stated by the head of the Soviet Government, Mr. Khrushchev— is prepared to take further steps towards reducing international tension. The United States of America, for its part, apparently also wishes to embark on the necessary measures for reaching other agreements, as was stated from this rostrum by the President of the United States, Mr. Kennedy [1209th meeting].
51. If this is so and if practical measures for eliminating the danger of world war can live up to words and desires, then this session of the General Assembly should take advantage of the favourable circumstances in order to make progress in the solution of questions affecting peace and international security. Today, the General Assembly speaks in the name and with the voices of all continents. The more than a hundred States represented here, regardless of whether they are large or small, developed or developing, can all contribute to the solution of urgent problems.
52. The delegation of the Ukrainian SSR, on behalf of its Government and people, would like to express its feeling of profound satisfaction at the conclusion of the agreement banning nuclear weapon tests in the atmosphere, in outer space, and under water. We say this because we feel that the treaty has in the main disposed of the problem of the cessation of nuclear tests, and this is what the Ukrainian SSR, together with other States, has always worked for on the international scene.
53. The conclusion of an agreement in afield as sensitive as that of nuclear weapons strengthens respect for the method of negotiation in solving controversial problems, a respect which had been shaken as a result of the frequent failure of international negotiations, this in turn being due to the tendency of some participants to "grind water in their mortars", as a Ukrainian proverb so neatly puts it, without any thought of reaching this or that agreement at the same time. It is not so important whether these negotiations are conducted under the auspices of the United Nations or outside it, or whether the participants meet in Moscow, at Washington or on the beautiful shores of Lake Geneva; what are important, first and foremost, are the results of the agreement, which further the cause of peace and lead to the isolation of those forces which favour the use of arms to settle issues in dispute. The fact that the negotiations resulting in the ban on nuclear weapon tests in the three environments were concluded by the three nuclear Powers outside the Eighteen-Nation Committee on Disarmament in no way detracts from the authority of the United Nations or runs counter to its purpose of saving "succeeding generations from the scourge of war".
54. On the contrary, in the conditions of today, when the matter of paramount interest is not the platonic desirability of peace but how best to ensure peace and avert nuclear catastrophe, the Moscow Treaty can with full justification be regarded as a political achievement of the United Nations. The majority of the States present here have taken a direct part in the search for a test ban agreement within the framework of the United Nations so as to restrict the harmful effects of radioactivity on human, animal and plant life. Thus the invisible war of the atom against man which resulted from nuclear tests in the atmosphere, in outer space and under water has now been halted.
55. It is no accident that the attention of the General Assembly has been drawn to the Moscow Treaty, for this was to be expected. The energetic support and approval of the Treaty from the rostrum of so lofty an International forum as the United Nations has changed —and this too we are happy to note— the very content of the discussion: irritation, animosity and unwillingness to co-operate in the solution of pressing problems is giving way to reason and a realization of the need to listen to the pulse of international life,
56. In any event, the eighteenth session of the General Assembly has begun its work in an atmosphere of change and hope. The engine driving the cold war has slowed down somewhat. Yet its exhaust gases are still poisoning the political reality which surrounds us. Against this background, the turbulent course of the arms race stands out particularly sharply. The arms race is near and dear to the hearts and pockets of certain circles which, under cover of talk of national security, lay stress on weapons of mass destruction. At the same time, the enemies of peaceful coexistence act as though they were lovers of peace, a fact which cannot be overlooked in evaluating the present international situation. Therefore, the struggle of the peace-loving peoples for a relaxation of tension in no way implies that they are slackening their vigilance against the intrigues of those who support a militarist policy of disaster.
57. The Government of the Ukrainian SSR is convinced that general and complete disarmament, and this alone, is the most important and the decisive condition for peace and a guarantee of peace. The way to a durable peace lies through disarmament, and not through the stockpiling of nuclear weapons. Accordingly, the real solution of the problem of disarmament urgently requires not only our strictest devotion to the idea of general and complete disarmament but also our recognition of the need for further practical measures to achieve it.
58. In order to get the disarmament talks moving again, the delegation of the Soviet Union has proposed the convening, in the first quarter or half of 1964, of a conference of the States members of the Eighteen-Nation Committee on Disarmament with the participation of political leaders at the highest level [1208th meeting, paras. 130-132], We are in favour of convening such a conference.
59. The success of the disarmament talks will also be fostered by the Soviet Union's new proposals for a so-called "nuclear umbrella" [ibid.,paras. 133-138],
60. As our delegation understands it, the present position is that during the disarmament process a limited number of intercontinental, anti-missile and anti-aircraft missiles would remain in the hands of the Soviet Union and the United States of America on their own territories not only until the end of the second stage of disarmament (as had been envisaged earlier), but also until the end of the third stage: that is, until the completion of the whole process of general and complete disarmament. In his statement on 1 October of this year. Lord Home called this proposal constructive [1222nd meeting]; he recognized that it disposed of one of the objections of the Western Powers to the earlier proposals of the Soviet Union on the so-called "nuclear umbrella".
61. The General Assembly expects that other Powers too will not be slow in showing their desire to eliminate any obstacles to general and complete disarmament. Perhaps the elimination of these barriers should begin with such measures as the conclusion of a nonaggression pact between the States members of the Warsaw Pact and NATO, measures for the prevention of sudden attack, a reduction in the number of troops in the territories of the two German States, cuts in the military budgets of States and the creation of nuclear-free zones in various parts of the world.
62. The reports on the success of the negotiations between the United States, the Soviet Union and the United Kingdom concerning a prohibition against the placing in orbit of objects carrying nuclear weapons are very encouraging. If some kind of agreement could be reached in this matter, it would undoubtedly have a favourable effect on international co-operation in the use of outer space and would create conditions favourable to various other agreements in this field within the framework of the United Nations. The Soviet Union has indicated on various occasions that for the attainment of the lofty goal of a lasting peace, it is prepared to do everything in its power, not in words, but in deeds, in order to reach agreement on peace and international security.
63. The peaceful settlement of the Caribbean crisis has shown that the idea of a reasonable compromise in the interests of peace is infinitely more powerful than a headlong rush to the brink of war. The first green shoots of confidence which appeared in the world after the signing of the Treaty banning nuclear weapons tests have not as yet, unfortunately, spread to Central Europe.
64. Germany continues to be the apple of discord between East and West. The policy of one of the German States —the Federal Republic of Germany— is, as is well known, inspired by ideas of revenge and has as its goal a revision of the results of the Second World War and of the existing German frontiers. A fanatic hostility towards the socialist State —the German Democratic Republic— makes the policy of the Federal Republic of Germany provocative in character,
65. The Adenauer Government has even tried to use its adherence to the Treaty banning nuclear weapons tests as an opportunity to make statements which do nothing to promote a peaceful settlement of the German question. Bonn has also taken steps to prevent an exchange of views concerning a non-aggression pact between the members of NATO and the Warsaw Pact countries; Obviously, Mr. Adenauer hopes that the Treaty will be the first and at the same time the last step towards a reduction of tension and, with his former intransigence, is trying to ensure that the Bundeswehr gains access to the nuclear weapons of the North Atlantic bloc.
66. The people and Government of the Ukrainian SSR take a very serious view of the plans for giving the Bundeswehr access to nuclear weapons. In this connexion what is important is that that State in Europe which is openly seeking a revision of its frontiers, namely the Federal Republic of Germany, would directly or indirectly gain access to these lethal weapons.
67. At the present time, nuclear weapons (the prohibition and complete annihilation of which are, incidentally, at the basis of the Soviet programme for general and complete disarmament) are concentrated for the most part in the hands of two or three Powers. It is not difficult to see how complicated the attainment of an agreement on disarmament would become if the fatal process of transferring these weapons into many hands was encouraged.
68. A policy which opens the door to the nuclear arming of the Federal Republic of Germany, at least in the form of a nuclear pool with the other members of NATO, is a grossly misguided one which is fraught with the gravest of dangers to peace. The acquisition by the Federal Republic of Germany of nuclear weapons in any form will be regarded by the Soviet Union, the Ukrainian SSR and the other socialist States as a direct threat to their vital national interests and as an open violation of those interests and the rights of the States which were victorious in the Second World War against Hitler Germany, and they will be compelled to take all necessary measures to ensure their own security.
69. The objectives of the peace-loving States in regard to the German question are very clear and definite: they want to write "finis" to the Second World War; they want the boundaries of the European States, including the two German States, to be defined in due legal form in a peace treaty; and they want the situation in West Berlin to be normalized through the termination of the occupation regime there, Finally, they wish to prevent the Federal Republic of Germany from gaining access to nuclear weapons.
70. A German peace treaty is the direct road to peace and European security. The attempts of the West German revenge-seekers to bring about a revision of the frontiers erected in Europe after the Second World War must be ended once and for all.
71. A political reality which the Western Powers obstinately refuse to face is that there are two German States, not one, and that each of them is developing along Its own lines within its own boundaries. The German Democratic Republic is in the vanguard of the countries striving for the strengthening of European security.
72. The problems which the Soviet Government insists must be solved —namely, general and complete disarmament, and a peaceful settlement of the German question— are not local problems affecting the great Powers alone; on the contrary, they are sources of discord, whose ramifications, whether we like it or not, directly affect the hearts of people everywhere, whether they live in Asia, Africa, Europe or America,
73. The cause of peace would be considerably impaired if problems of this kind were considered, so to speak, from a purely geographical angle; in other words if interest in them diminished with the distance from the source of the gathering tension or if these unsettled problems were regarded from some special European, African, Asian or other vantage point.
74. If the world is indivisible, responsibility for eliminating the hotbeds of tension is also indivisible. Take, for example, Cuba; Cuba is of course a part of Latin America, but at the same time it is a part of the world, which is indivisible so far as the preservation and strengthening of security is concerned. At the time of the crisis in the Caribbean region, the United States gave an undertaking that it would not attack Cuba and that it would restrain its allies from doing so in the future.
75. These undertakings, together with those given by the Soviet Union, made it possible to surmount the most dangerous international crisis that has erupted since the end of the Second World War. The Members of the United Nations have expressed the hope that the overcoming of this crisis will serve as an incentive for the establishment among the States in the Caribbean region of relations which will preclude interference in the internal affairs of Cuba.
76. We observe, however, that the long-outmoded methods of dictation and pressure being applied to Cuba are fraught with the most serious dangers to peace. These methods, as Mr. Gromyko, the Minister for Foreign Affairs of the Soviet Union, so rightly said: ", . . have been dangerous wherever attempts have been made to use them. It is far from superfluous to emphasize this at this time. The Soviet Government is doing so in the hope that no one will attempt to change by force the order in another country, even a small one, and that all States will strictly observe the principle of non-interference in the internal affairs of other countries" [1208th meeting, para. 118].
77. One of the principal results of present world development has been the collapse of the colonial system. On the ruins of the world's colonial empire have been built some fifty new, sovereign national and multinational States. Colonialism, however, is not yet dead and, what is more, is trying to ward off its ultimate demise. One of the most striking examples of this is the situation in the Portuguese colonies. Portugal's rulers are trying by barbarism, terror and murder to keep the people of their enslaved colonies in their former bonds of slavery, obviously unaware that the calendar shows that we are already in the second half of the twentieth century. Vestiges of colonialism also persist in other Territories, and not only in Africa.
78. The struggle for national freedom and independence has become a mighty torrent engulfing all Territories where colonialism and oppression still prevail. This struggle cannot be confined to any region or continent. Human rights cannot be subdivided into the rights of the black, white or yellow races.
79. We do not recognize racial antagonism, which is the creed of the colonialists. All people must be free and equal. Our ideal is the equality of all races and nationalities without exception as exemplified in the law and practice of our Soviet State, where all peoples live as a single brotherly family.
80. The Ukrainian delegation takes this opportunity to support, on behalf of its Government, the resolutions which were adopted at the Conference of Heads of African States and Governments held at Addis Ababa, and which call for the quickest possible eradication of colonialism and the provision of practical assistance to the peoples fighting for their national independence.
81. The success of that Conference confirmed once again the great efforts being made by the African people for unity in the struggle against colonialism, and for the complete emancipation and liberation of all Africa. We fully support, in particular, the unanimous demand of the Conference for the discontinuance of all assistance to the Governments of colonial Powers which might use such assistance to crush the national liberation movement in Africa.
82. The representatives of the Western Powers have recently been making quite a few speeches criticizing the old colonialism. However, words alone are not the answer. Why is it that, whenever the discussion turns to specific coercive measures in regard to the "classical" type of colonialist, this militant enthusiasm immediately vanishes?
83. It is precisely the policy of certain States which allows the racialist Government of South Africa to continue, despite everything, its inhuman policy of apartheid, under which the overwhelming majority of the indigenous population of that country is being persecuted,
84. It is high time for the allies of the colonial Powers to make a choice: either support for the African States striving for national independence and freedom, or friendship with the countries which are oppressing the African peoples. In this matter there is no middle ground.
85. Taking the Declaration on the granting of independence to colonial countries and peoples [resolution 1514 (XV)] as its point of departure, the General Assembly must even at this session prepare and adopt specific resolutions on the liquidation of colonial regimes in the Territories where they still exist and must compel the colonialists to bow to the will of the overwhelming majority of the peoples of the earth.
86. Co-operation in the solution of cultural, economic and social problems is an activity of the United Nations which in its differing but related forms reflects conditions in the world of today. And in this more than in anything else, the firmer the foundations of peace, the better are the prospects for all peoples to work in peace.
87. The Ukrainian delegation notes with satisfaction that items concerning economic and social development occupy a prominent place on the agenda of the current session of the General Assembly. The Government of the Ukrainian SSR has from the very beginning supported the proposal for the convening of an international conference on trade and development. Now that a resolution calling for the convening of such a conference in the coming year has been adopted [resolution 1785 (XVII)], we confidently hope that this Conference will successfully carry out all its tasks and will, on the basis of the principles of equality and mutual benefit, contribute to the normalization of trade among all States, without any kind of artificial barriers or discrimination.
88. We support the idea of establishing a world trade organization which would work in the interests of all countries and would contribute to the development of trade among all States and thus also promote their economic development.
89. The agenda of the present session of the General Assembly includes an item entitled "Planning for economic development". It is a source of gratification to our delegation that, at the sixteenth session of the General Assembly, it was one of those which drew the Organization's attention to this problem, which thereupon became a subject for discussion in the Economic and Social Council, the regional economic commissions and other United Nations bodies.
90. I should like to point out in this connexion that the material prepared on this problem by the Secretariat ought to have facilitated an exchange of experience on effective economic planning, especially in so far as the people of the under-developed countries are concerned. We note with regret, however, that this material does not entirely comply with the letter and the spirit of General Assembly resolution 1708 (XVI).
91. The Ukrainian delegation was a sponsor of resolution 1824 (XVII) concerning the role of the United Nations in training national technical personnel for the accelerated industrialization of the developing countries. That resolution drew the attention of the United Nations to one of the most important factors in industrial development, namely, the provision of trained technical personnel to man the new national industries in the developing countries.
92. We are glad that our concern with this problem which is so important to the developing countries met with understanding at the previous session of the General Assembly and was embodied in the above- mentioned resolution. The task now is to implement this resolution in a suitable manner. We know from the Secretariat's memoranda that this problem is engaging the attention of the specialized agencies, and we hope that it will continue to receive the attention of the appropriate United Nations bodies.
93. It was not so long ago that the Ukrainian SSR, together with a number of Asian and African countries, submitted to the United Nations the question of the eradication of illiteracy throughout the world. In accordance with the resolution adopted by the General Assembly at its sixteenth session [resolution 1677 (XVI)], UNESCO prepared a study which can serve as the basis for a joint United Nations -UNESCO policy in the campaign against universal illiteracy, the goal of which would be to bring the 700 million illiterates in the world into the active political and social life of their societies. Naturally, we are also interested in many other items on the General Assembly's agenda.
94. The maintenance of a lasting peace is a topic of special concern to the United Nations, Governments and peoples. In the contemporary world the unswerving application of the principles of peaceful coexistence in relations between States is the only possible and sensible policy.
95. As I mentioned at the outset, the Treaty banning nuclear weapons tests has strengthened people's faith in the soundness of the principles of peaceful coexistence. No one will any longer be able to deny that the application of these principles by the socialist as well as many other countries on various occasions during the past ten years has been the key factor in averting international conflicts which threatened to erupt into a world war. The fruits of peace spring from the soil of peaceful coexistence. We disagree with the view that radioactive ash is the best possible soil on which to build a new world.
96. To eliminate world war from human society is a difficult and complex process. That is precisely why the Government of the Soviet Union, under the leadership of Nikita Sergeevich Khrushchev, has combined unwavering steadfastness of principle with flexibility in seeking practical solutions to international disputes and why it makes use of various ways and means for the preservation of peace.
97. The delegation of the Ukrainian SSR assures the General Assembly of its sincere desire to contribute to the best of its ability to the solution of the questions on the agenda of this eighteenth session.