Allow me to start by congratulating President Shahid and the sisterly country of Maldives on his election as President of the General Assembly at its seventy-sixth session. My appreciation also goes to Mr. Volkan Bozkir for his able guidance of the Assembly at its seventy-fifth session.
Congratulations are also in order for Secretary- General Antonio Guterres for once again winning the vote of confidence to serve the United Nations.
I also thank the host country for the facilities made available to us in the midst of a global pandemic.
(spoke in English)
This year’s session of the General Assembly is taking place even as we continue to grapple with the coronavirus disease (COVID-19) pandemic. The pandemic has upended all aspects of public and private life. It has also revealed the power of innovation and the enormous potential of scientific research to serve humankind.
I would like to take a moment to applaud the scientists, engineers and everyone who has played a part in the discovery and rollout of the COVID-19 vaccine. Evidently, science can serve humankind only if good faith and rationality guides politics. Unfortunately, Africa, with a negligible vaccination rate, is left waiting for the leftovers from the surplus of others owing to vaccine nationalism.
In addition, the economic devastation in developing countries from the pandemic is yet to be addressed by meaningful economic and financial measures.
We hope that countries with the means to do so will engage in cooperation that is cognizant of the global nature of the problem. With this pandemic, there is no safety in isolation. No one is safe until everyone is safe.
The true dignity and freedom of peoples lies in their ability to sustain themselves. Poverty and dependence on foreign aid cause political, governance, security and human development challenges. Global warming is the most alarming driver of poverty. Agrarian and pastoralist communities and economies such as ours with these livelihoods face an existential challenge.
The impacts of climate change are destroying arable land and biodiversity, thereby disrupting our food system. The production of cash crops suffers from problems in terms of both quality and quantity. Perennial floods and drought are straining the emergency readiness systems that we have in place.
The targets under the environmental and sustainable development agendas are overdue and can no longer be allowed to be overtaken by events. Hopefully, the twenty-sixth session of the Conference of the Parties to the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change will pave the way for climate financing and support for programmes such as the Green Belt and Green Legacy afforestation initiatives, which are restoring a long-lost ecosystem.
In the past few years, we have heard from this rostrum voices expressing justified concern and calls for a rules-based world order and viable multilateralism. Ethiopia has always been steadfast in its support for multilateral institutions. Our position emanates not from rhetoric but from our tragic ordeal during the days when a rules-based order was left in shambles.
We commend the declaration of return and renewal of commitment to multilateralism. At the same time, we see a glaring need to reiterate the fundamental values of sovereign equality, non-interference and cooperation based on mutual benefit and respect.
Multilateralism rests on the shoulders of States that ably guard their sovereignty, territorial integrity and political independence. Multilateralism will meet its objectives only if States are able and free to manage their domestic and external affairs.
Indeed, our human aspirations are inherently similar. However, our viewpoints, which are underpinned by our diversity of cultures, history and socioeconomic realities, will not always be fully
aligned. That diversity should be viewed as an asset, and no one among us should wish to prevail over the other, especially when it comes to values and policies relating to our internal and external affairs.
Three years ago, my country, Ethiopia, embarked on a promising journey of reform. The changes we introduced ushered in democracy, human rights, human development and regional stability. It also opened avenues for dialogue and unity among divergent political and interest groups. Tapping into Ethiopia’s rich history and enormous potential, the reform charted our inevitable and bright future, establishing Ethiopia as a new horizon of hope. It overturned a complex network of corruption, illegitimate political power and illicit financial flows, which had been installed at the cost of the national interest and to the detriment of regional peace.
However, the reform was not without challenges. As with any other democracy, our democratic process is an attempt to strike a balance between stability and disruption. In Ethiopia, groups that consider equality as subjugation are making their best efforts to create and prolong anarchy. At the hands of these lords of instability, we went through unimaginably inhumane attacks against citizens, the instigation of violence and the destruction of property, all of which culminated in an attack against the Ethiopian army.
On the night of 4 November 2020, in a scheme orchestrated by a criminal group, the Ethiopian National Defence Forces were attacked from within. Unsuspecting men and women in uniform were slain. The Government of Ethiopia took the necessary measures to avert the grave danger imposed on us. While the Government was addressing humanitarian needs, the disruptors applied their cruel designs with a view to aggravating human suffering. We were also caught by surprise by — and, to be honest, unprepared for — the twisted propaganda campaign that followed. Little did we know the power of privatized politics and foreign policy that clouds truth in policy decisions.
The criminal enterprise and its enablers created and advertised horrific imagery of faked incidents. As if the real misery of our people was not enough, storylines were created to match not the facts but preconceived stereotypical attitudes. The efforts of the Government of Ethiopia to meet its obligation to fulfil humanitarian needs, the declaration of a humanitarian ceasefire, the commissioning of investigations and the accountability measures taken have not mitigated the propaganda campaigns. At this stage, we are nearly convinced that humanitarian assistance is a pretext for advancing political goals.
Accused by agenda- and revenue-driven
media — and targeted by misguided politics — we are now facing unilateral coercion. Ethiopia opposed coercive measures when they were applied against others; we now opposed them being applied against ourselves. Prescriptions and punitive measures have never helped to improve situations or relations. The prudent measures we will continue to take are commensurate with the existential challenge we face. Despite the undue pressure, we shall live up to our solemn obligation to preserve the sovereignty, territorial integrity and the political independence of Ethiopia.
While cooperation and concern from our friends is welcome, we underline the need to employ a constructive approach, cultivate trust and create understanding. Attempts to extend support or even to opine on an internal issue of a State require full understanding of the complexities of the problem. It shall be noted that the challenge we are facing is not limited to the boundaries of Ethiopia. The entire region is facing a destructive path paved for it by this criminal group. Supporting Ethiopia in overcoming this group will help to sustain peace in the region.
Dialogue has always been our preferred course of action. Accordingly, Ethiopia is open to candid initiatives for peace. In this regard, we will work with the African Union and its High Representative for the Horn of Africa towards an Ethiopia-led national dialogue. We only hope that the African Union will be given the space to apply its own wisdom.
I also underscore my Government’s unreserved commitment to providing humanitarian assistance and facilitating the operations of those of our humanitarian partners that adhere to the principles of neutrality, independence and humanity and the laws of our country. Apart from this, no excuse will justify any attempt to intervene in our internal affairs. Had the plans of the internal and external destabilizers succeeded, Ethiopia would have turned into a wasteland where the greedy and the archaic feast and thrive. Furthermore, the political map of the Horn of Africa would have been altered, and its current volatility would have worsened.
Thanks to the resilience of its people and the foundational, cultural and religious diversity of
its society, Ethiopia will continue to overcome its adversaries. Ethiopia will always be a beacon of freedom and a symbol of peace. As a nation that had never posed a threat to the security of other States, we will maintain our support for regional and global stability. At this historic juncture, Ethiopia demands — and deserves — the same cooperation it extended to others in the aftermath of attacks targeting their institutions.
The political and security landscape in Africa is on a path towards times of adversity. The forcible overthrow of Governments, joint military exercises, aggression, renewed appetite for intervention in sovereign countries, subversion and mercenarism, normalized and renewed scrambles for natural resources, secret military pacts and geopolitical competition, inter alia, are becoming pervasive. Unless we swiftly change course, there will be yet another round of efforts to destabilize Africa and disenfranchise Africans in the determination of their destiny. We hope there will be more countries to lift the banner of multilateralism rather than to pursue the vagaries of unilateralism.
Accordingly, Ethiopia stands ready to avail itself of bilateral mechanisms and diplomatic solutions to resolve the border dispute with the Sudan. It is incumbent upon our two Governments to work for peace for the sake of our peoples, who share the strongest bond of fraternity.
The past year has also seen a milestone for the people of Ethiopia. Our experiment with democracy was raised an incremental level by the holding of a free, fair, peaceful and credible election, with an unprecedented level of voter turnout.
The Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam (GERD), a hydroelectric-dam project we fully financed, underwent a second-year filling. Hopefully, we have inspired others to develop local capabilities to plan, finance and complete renewable energy projects.
However, our humble attempt to light the houses of millions of Ethiopians and create hope for our young people is politicized before global bodies. That people’s project also received unending threats. Ironically, we are accused and threatened for drinking from our water. On the matter of the Nile and the GERD, our confidence is in the might of the truth, wisdom and justice that has always defined our path for cooperation. The generational desire to use our natural resources will not be stopped by colonial legacy and a monopolistic cause. We hope that our negotiating partners are prepared for a win-win outcome under the African Union-led process.
I would like to conclude my statement with a very important note on the role of my country in peacekeeping. Our troops successfully completed missions in Darfur and Abyei. They paid the ultimate sacrifice in the most isolated mission areas, facing active intercommunal clashes, unconventional warfare methods, border disputes and unabated administrative obstructions. Our troops have done justice to the most cherished name of their country through their service and sacrifice. I pay them my respects and express our pride. With the impending transition of the peacekeeping mission in Abyei, I would like to convey our best wishes for our two neighbours to amicably resolve their territorial dispute. We hope the sacrifices that we made will not be in vain.
I thank the President and assure him of Ethiopia’s full support for the successful completion of his presidency of hope.