Ethiopia

It is indeed a great pleasure for me to extend my warmest congratulations to Mr. Ali Treki on his election to preside over the General Assembly at its sixty-fourth session. Permit me also to express my appreciation to the outgoing President for his effective leadership during the course of the previous session of the General Assembly. We are grateful to our Secretary-General, Mr. Ban Ki-moon, for the tireless efforts that he exerts to ensure that the United Nations fulfils its purpose during this complex and crucial period in our collective history. I wish to thank him, in particular, for the initiative he took to convene the special Summit on Climate Change this past week. It has now been 18 years since we, Ethiopians, managed to remove a military dictatorship of 09-52592 38 unprecedented cruelty. The consequences of lack of democracy within the context of great diversity are all too apparent. Ethiopia’s diversity leaves no room for autocracy, dictatorship, military — of whatever variety — cannot mix with the sociological make-up of the country. That was the explanation why Ethiopia was at the edge of the cliff during the last years of the military Government. The last 18 years have not been easy for Ethiopians. We had to begin again in every aspect of our lives, without exception. There was hardly any economic development throughout the entire 17 years of military dictatorship. Even prior to military rule, Ethiopia faced not just the lack of democracy, but also a stagnant economy and lack of development. However, the challenges of the last 18 years have not been limited to the weight of the past, to our legacy, in both the political and economic areas. We also had to face other challenges which have not been inconsequential in terms of affecting the tempo of our democratization and development. These challenges, however daunting they are, do not undermine our achievements, over the last 18 years, to democratize our country and lay the basis for rapid economic development. In both areas, the historic trajectory of the country has shifted. No matter what detractors might say, Ethiopia is now a country with a future and great hope. During the entire long history of the country, we have never witnessed two-digit economic growth, yet we are slated to register that rate of growth this year. That would constitute our sixth consecutive year of such a level of achievement, and it has been attained despite pressures coming from the global economic crisis. In democratic governance, the new Ethiopia has irrevocably split from the old Ethiopia in terms of both individual and group rights. With respect to the latter category of rights, Ethiopia, as has so emphatically been asserted in our Constitution, is no longer a prison of nations and nationalities. In terms of respect for individual political and human rights, if hard facts — and not an extraneous political agenda — are the measure, Ethiopia is now, all things considered, not at the tail end of countries, but in the vanguard, for its commitment to this value as well as in practice. However, over the last 18 years we have had many challenges whose negative effects cannot be overlooked. I would like to say a few words about each of the challenges that we have had, and continue, to face. The first is in the area of peace and security. Obviously, Ethiopia is part of the Horn of Africa. As a neighbour sharing a longer border with Somalia than any other country and with a large population of Ethiopian Somalis, we have been affected by what goes on in that sisterly country; indeed, it would be a miracle if that were not the case. Now, speaking of Somalia, it is time that we abandon the fiction that the war there is just among Somalis. It is not. Somalia is being hijacked by foreign fighters who uninhibitedly proclaim that their agenda has nothing to do with Somalia. Theirs is an ambition that goes well beyond Somalia, and they say that loud and clear. Those who advise them not to be so blunt have not succeeded. The Somali crisis has been with us as long as the new Ethiopian Government has been around. It is not just that we lost a partner because of the absence of a functioning Government in Mogadishu. We have also been directly affected by the crisis — a crisis, let us not forget, that is assisted and abetted by others, including by States whose authorities move with ease in and rub shoulders with members of civilized circles. It is not only rogue States, but also States that are ostensibly decent that continue to fuel extremism in Somalia and to fund its activities. Let us call a spade a spade. Today in Somalia, there is greater coordination and cooperation among those who assist the extremists than among those who profess support for the Transitional Federal Government (TFG) of Somalia. The consequences are obvious. As the latest horrific suicide attack on the African Union Mission in Somalia has shown, those destroying Somalia are being emboldened and their supporters rewarded. Conversely, the TFG authorities continue to lose confidence, as pledged support continues to dwindle in practice. The international community is being stingy even with the symbolic steps of showing resolve against extremists and spoilers in Somalia. The countries of the Intergovernmental Authority on Development (IGAD) spoke with one voice and appealed to the United Nations Security Council. African heads of State and Government endorsed unanimously the IGAD call for the Security Council to 39 09-52592 stand up and be counted in support of the fight against extremism in Somalia. However, it appears that the Council does not consider Somalia to be a priority. In the meantime, those supporting extremism have made Somalia a priority. It is critical that the international community wake up before the hijacking of Somalia by extremism is fully consummated. It is therefore unlikely that the Horn of Africa will soon rid itself of the crisis in Somalia, and there will be consequences for the work we have to do in our country in terms of development, fighting poverty and speeding up the process of democratization. That is why the peace process in the Sudan, and in particular the effective implementation of the Comprehensive Peace Agreement, is so critical for us. The Horn of Africa cannot afford the consequences of failure in the Sudan peace process. We are very close to both parties in the Sudan, and that is an asset that we want to use wisely. It would be naïve to believe that the conditions of peace and stability in our region have no influence over our domestic agenda. They do. Open societies are manifestly vulnerable to the kind of situation prevailing in the Horn of Africa. The mix of extremist forces and rogue States is not conducive to the growth of democracy in close proximity. We have other challenges as well. One has to do with climate change. It is gratifying to us Ethiopians that this challenge is drawing the attention of the world more than ever before. I wish to reiterate our appreciation of the effort deployed by the Secretary- General in this regard. We look forward to the international community’s taking resolute action in Copenhagen on the basis of the principle of common but differentiated responsibilities. We in Ethiopia have been affected by climate change in the most difficult and complex ways. The effect on our agriculture and on our plan for food security has been enormous. It is no longer every decade or so that we face drought, but rather every three to four years. If not drought, then we face floods. Either way, the consequences have been enormously damaging to our plan to ensure food security. Let me take this opportunity to thank all those partners who have stood with us to address and mitigate the adverse effects of climate change on our agricultural activities. I wish to thank in particular Secretary of State Hillary Clinton for organizing a meeting on partnering for food security on this very day. As for the Copenhagen climate change summit, it is indeed gratifying that we in Africa have decided to be innovative with respect to our representation and in connection with our approach to negotiation. Africa has decided to be represented by a single team of delegates which will negotiate on the basis of a common African position. It is an honour for Ethiopia, in the person of its Prime Minister, to lead the African negotiating team. We expect much from Copenhagen. We have had yet another challenge to our development and to the effort we have been making to deepen the progress of democratization in our country over the past 18 years. This has to do with the less- than-conducive international economic — and, I might add, political — environment within which we have to operate. What we have faced on both scores, economic and political, has been a lack of tolerance for diversity, policy-space experimentation and independent thinking. Unjustified conditionalities have abounded, both for economic and political reasons — on the one hand because of strategies derived from market fundamentalism and on the other because we dared defend ourselves against unjustified aggression. Ethiopia’s first real attempt at economic development coincided with the period when market orthodoxy made the role of the State anathema. Perhaps times have changed. We could have achieved more over the past 18 years, but what we have indeed achieved in the democratization of our society and in economic and social development is not insignificant. In fact, as I have already stated, what we have witnessed in Ethiopia over the past decade and a half is no less than a change in the trajectory of the country’s development. Moreover, we have also continued to discharge our multilateral responsibilities in our own subregion, on our continent as members of the African Union, and in the world beyond in connection with our obligations to the United Nations. In our own region, along with other members of the Intergovernmental Authority on Development, we have done whatever is necessary and within the limits of our capacity to help Somalia achieve peace and to shield it from the onslaught of extremist forces. As part of the African Union, we continue to discharge our 09-52592 40 responsibilities to maintain the pan-Africanist tradition, to contribute to the peace and security of the continent, and to accelerate the integration process of the continent brick by brick. The United Nations is an Organization which we cannot live without. We benefit from the Organization in more ways than one. We also take our obligation to it very seriously. It is in that spirit that we continue to strengthen our contribution to the United Nations peacekeeping efforts. In this we shall continue without fail. It is for that reason that I wish to conclude by reiterating Ethiopia’s commitment to the United Nations and by affirming our commitment to all efforts at reforming the Organization, including the Security Council.