My fellow leaders, today is the fourth time I’ve had the
great honor of speaking to this assembly as president of the United States. It will be my last.
I’ve seen a remarkable sweep of history. I was first elected to office in the
United States of America as a U.S. senator in 1972. Now, I know I look like
I’m only 40. I know that.
I was 29 years old. Back then, we were living through an inflection point, a
moment of tension and uncertainty. The world was divided by the Cold War.
The Middle East was headed toward war. America was at war in Vietnam, and at that point, the longest war in America’s history.
Our country was divided and angry, and there were questions about our
staying power and our future. But even then, I entered public life not out of despair but out of optimism.
The United States and the world got through that moment. It wasn’t easy or
simple or without significant setbacks. But we would go on to reduce the
threat of nuclear weapons throughout the — through arms control and then
go on to bring the Cold War itself to an end. Israel and Egypt went to war but
then forged a historic peace. We ended the war in Vietnam.
The — last year, in Hanoi, I was — met with the Vietnamese leadership, and
we elevated our partnership to the highest level. It’s a testament to the
resilience of the human spirit and the capacity for reconciliation that today
the United States and Vietnam are partners and friends, and it’s proof that
even from the horrors of war there is a way forward. Things can get better.
We should never forget that. I have seen that throughout my career.
In the 1980s, I spoke out against apartheid in South Africa, and then I
watched the racist regime fall.
In the 1990s, I worked to hold MiloSevic accountable for war crimes. He was
held accountable.
At home, I wrote and passed the Violence Against Women Act to end the
scourge of violence against women and girls not only in America but across
the world, as many of you have as well. But we have so much more to do,
especially against rape and sexual violence as weapons of war and terror.
We were attacked on 9/11 by Al-Qaeda and Osama bin Laden. We brought
him justice.
Then I came to the presidency in another moment in a crisis and
uncertainty. I believed America had to look forward. New challenges, new
threats, new opportunities were in front of us. We needed to put ourselves in
a position to see the threats, to deal with the challenges, and to seize the
opportunities as well.
We needed to end the era of war that began on 9/11. As vice president to
President Obama, he asked me to work to wind down the military operations
in Iraq. And we did, painful as it was.
When I came to office as president, Afghanistan had replaced Vietnam as
America’s longest war. I was determined to end it, and I did. It was a hard
decision but the right decision.
Four American presidents had faced that decision, but I was determined not
to leave it to the fifth. It was a decision accompanied by tragedy. Thirteen
brave Americans lost their lives along with hundreds of Afghans in a suicide
bomb. I think those lost lives — I think of them every day.
I think of all the 2,461 U.S. military deaths over a long 20 years of that war.
20,744 American servicemen wounded in action. I think of their service,
their sacrifice, and their heroism.
I know other countries lost their own men and women fighting alongside us.
We honor their sacrifices as well.
To face the future, I was also determined to rebuild my country’s alliances
and partnerships to a level not previously seen. We did — we did just that,
from traditional treaty alliances to new partnerships like the Quad with the
United States, Japan, Australia, and India.
I know — I know many look at the world today and see difficulties and react
with despair, but I do not. I won’t.
As leaders, we don’t have the luxury.
I recognize the challenges from Ukraine to Gaza to Sudan and beyond: war,
hunger, terrorism, brutality, record displacement of people, a climate crisis,
democracy at risk, strains within our societies, the promise of artificial
intelligence and its significant risks. The list goes on.
But maybe because of all I’ve seen and all we have done together over the
decades, I have hope. I know there is a wa- — a way forward.
In 1919, the Irish poet William Butler Yeats described a world, and I quote,
where “Things fall apart; the centre cannot hold; Mere anarchy is loosed
upon the world,” end of quote.
Some may say those words describe the world not just in 1919 but in 2024.
But I see a cri- — a critical distinction.
In our time, the center has held. Leaders and people from every region and
across the political spectrum have stood together. Turned the page — we
turned the page on the worst pandemic in a century. We made sure COVID
no longer controls our lives. We defended the U.N. Charter and ensured the
survival of Ukraine as a free nation. My country made the largest investment
in climate and clean energy ever, anywhere in history.
There will always be forces that pull our countries apart and the world apart:
aggression, extremism, chaos, and cynicism, a desire to retreat from the
world and go it alone.
Our task, our test is to make sure that the forces holding us together are
stronger than those that are pulling us apart, that the principles of
partnership that we came here each year to uphold can withstand the
challenges, that the center holds once again.
My fellow leaders, I truly believe we are at another inflection point in world
history where the choices we make today will determine our future for
decades to come.
Will we stand behind the principles that unite us? We stand firm against
aggression. We — will we end the conflicts that are raging today? Will we
take on global challenges like climate change, hunger, and disease? Will we
plan now for the opportunities and risk of a revolutionary new technologies?
I want to talk today about each of those decisions and the actions, in my view,
we must take.
To start, each of us in this body has made a commitment to the principles of
the U.N. Charter, to stand up against aggression. When Russia invaded
Ukraine, we could have stood by and merely protested. But Vice President
Harris and I understood that that was an assault on everything this
institution is supposed to stand for.
And so, at my direction, America stepped into the breach, providing massive
security and economic and humanitarian assistance. Our NATO Allies and
partners in 50-plus nations stood up as well. But most importantly, the
Ukrainian people stood up. And I ask the people of this chamber to stand up
for them.
The good news is Putin’s war has failed in his — at his core aim. He set out to
destroy Ukraine, but Ukraine is still free. He set out to weaken NATO, but
NATO is bigger, stronger, and more united than ever before with two new
members, Finland and Sweden. But we cannot let up.
The world now has another choice to make: Will we sustain our support to
help Ukraine win this war and preserve its freedom or walk away and let
aggression be renewed and a nation be destroyed?
I know my answer. We cannot grow weary. We cannot look away. And we
will not let up on our support for Ukraine, not until Ukraine wins a just and
durable peace [based] on the U.N. Charter. (Applause.)
We also need to uphold our principles as we seek to responsibly manage the
competition with China so it does not veer into conflict. We stand ready to
cooperate on urgent challenges for the good of our people and the people
everywhere.
We recently resumed cooperation with China to stop the flow of deadly
synthetic narcotics. I appreciate the collaboration. It matters for the people
in my country and mether- — many others around the world.
On matters of conviction, the United States is unabashed, pushing back
against unfair economic competition and against military coercion of other
nations in — in the South China Sea, in maintaining peace and stability across
the Taiwan Straits, in protecting our most advanced technologies so they
cannot be used against us or any of our partners.
At the same time, we’re going to continue to strengthen our network of
alliances and partnerships across the Indo-Pacific. These partnerships are
not against any nation. They are building blocks for a free, open, secure, and
peaceful Indo-Pacific.
We are also working to bring a greater measure of peace and stability to the
Middle East. The world must not flinch from the horrors of October 7th.
Any country — any country would have the right and responsibility to ensure
that such an attack can never happen again.
Thousands of armed Hamas terrorists invaded a sovereign state, slaughtering
and massacring more than 1,200 people, including 46 Americans, in their
homes and at a music festival; despis- — despicable acts of sexual violence;
250 innocents taken hostage.
I’ve met with the families of those hostages. I’ve grieved with them. They’re
going through hell.
Innocent civilians in Gaza are also going through hell. Thousands and
thousands killed, including aid workers. Too many families dislocated,
crowding into tents, facing a dire humanitarian situation. They didn’t ask for
this war that Hamas started.
I put forward with Qatar and Egypt a ceasefire and hostage deal. It’s been
endorsed by the U.N. Security Council. Now is the time for the parties to
finalize its terms, bring the hostages home, en- — secure security for Israel,
and Gaza free of Ha- — of Hamas’ grip, ease the suffering in Gaza, and end
this war.
On October 7th — (applause) — since October 7, we have also been
determined to prevent a wider war that engulfs the entire region. Hezbollah,
unprovoked, joined the October 7th attack launching rockets into Israel.
Almost a year later, too many on each side of the Israeli-Lebanon border
remain displaced.
Full-scale war is not in anyone’s interest. Even as the situation has escalated,
a diplomatic solution is still possible. In fact, it remains the only path to
lasting security to allow the residents from both countries to return to their
homes on the border safely. And that’s what working — that’s what we’re
working tirelessly to achieve.
As we look ahead, we must also address the rise of violence against innocent
Palestinians on the West Bank and set the conditions for a better future,
including a two-state solution, where the world — where Israel enjoys
security and peace and full recognition and normalized relations with all its
neighbors, where Palestinians live in security, dignity, and self-determination
in a state of their own. (Applause.)
Progress toward peace will put us in a stronger position to deal with the
ongoing threat posed by Iran. Together, we must deny oxygen to terrorists —
to its terrorist proxies, which have called for more October 7ths, and ensure
that Iran will never, ever obtain a nuclear weapon.
Gaza is not the only conflict that deserves our outrage. In Sudan, a bloody
civil war unleashed one of the world’s worst humanitarian crises: eight
million — eight million on the brink of famine, hundreds of thousands
already there, atrocities in Darfur and elsewhere.
The United States has led the world in providing humanitarian aid to Sudan.
And with our partners, we have led diplomatic talks to try to silence the guns
and avort — and avert a wider famine. The world needs to stop arming the
generals, to speak with one voice and tell them: Stop tearing your country
apart. Stop blocking aid to the Sudanese people. End this war now.
But people need more than the absence of war. They need the chance — the
chance to live in dignity. They need to be protected from the ravages of
climate change, hunger, and disease.
Our administration has arri- — has invested over $150 billion to make
progress and other Sustainable Development Goals. It includes $20 billion
for food security and over $50 billion for global health. We’ve mobilized
billions more in private-sector investment.
We’ve taken the most ambitious climate actions in history. We’ve moved to
rejoin the Paris Agreement on day one. And today, my country is finally on
track to cut emissions in half by 2030, on track to honor my pledge to
quadruple climate financing to developing nations with $11 billion thus far
this year.
We’ve rejoined the World Health Organization and donated nearly 700
million doses of COVID vaccine to 117 countries. We must now move quickly
to face mpox outbreak in Africa. We are prepared to commit $500 million to
help African countries prevent and respond to mpox and to donate 1 million
doses of mpox vaccine now. (Applause.) We call on our partners to match
our pledge and make this a billion-dollar commitment to the people of
Africa.
Beyond the core necessities of food and health, the United States, the G7, and
our partners have embarked on an ambitious initiative to mobilize and
deliver significant financing to the developing world. We are working to help
countries build out their infrastructure, to clean energy transition, to their
digital transformation to lay new economic foundations for a prosperous
future.
It’s called the Partnership for Global Infrastructure and Investment. We’ve
already starting to see the fruits of this emerge in Southern Africa and in
Southeast A- — Asia and in the Americas. We have to keep it going.
I want to get things done together. In order to do that, we must build a
stronger, more effective, and more inclusive United Nations. The U.N. needs
to adapt to bring in new voices and new perspectives. That’s why we support
reforming and expanding the membership of the U.N. Security Council.
My U.N. ambassador just laid out our detailed vision to reflect today’s world,
not yesterday’s. It’s time to move forward.
And the Security Council, like the U.N. itself, needs to get back to the job of
making peace; of brokering deals to end wars and suffering; th- — (applause)
— and to stop the spread of the most dangerous weapons; of stabilizing
troubled regions in East Africa — from East Africa to Haiti, to Kenya-led
mission that’s working alongside the Haitian people to turn the tide.
We also have a responsibility to prepare our citizens for the future. We’ll see
more technological change, I argue, in the next 2 to 10 years than we have in
the last 50 years.
Artificial intelligence is going to change our ways of life, our ways of work,
and our ways of war. It could usher in scientific progress at a pace never seen
before. And much of it could make our lives better.
But AI also brings profound risks, from deepfakes to disinformation to novel
pathogens to bioweapons.
We have worked at home and abroad to define the new norms and standards.
This year, we achieved the first-ever General Assembly resolution on AI to
start developing global rules — global rules of the road. We also announced a
Declaration of — on the Responsible — Responsible Use of AI, joined by 60
countries in this chamber.
But let’s be honest. This is just the tip of the iceberg of what we need to do to
manage this new technology.
Nothing is certain about how AI will evolve or how it will be deployed. No
one knows all the answers.
But my fellow leaders, it’s with humility I offer two questions.
First: How do we as an international community govern AI? As countries
and companies race to uncertain frontiers, we need an equally urgent effort
to ensure AI’s safety, security, and trustworthiness. As AI grows more
powerful, it must grow also — it also must grow more responsive to our
collective needs and values. The benefits of all must be shared equitably. It
should be harnessed to narrow, not deepen, digital divides.
Second: Will we ensure that AI supports, rather than undermines, the core
principles that human life has value and all humans deserve dignity? We
must make certain that the awesome capabilities of AI will be used to uplift
and empower everyday people, not to give dictators more powerful shackles
on human — on the human spirit.
In the years ahead, there wa- — they may be — may well be no greater test of
our leadership than how we deal with AI.
Let me close with this. Even as we navigate so much change, one thing must
not change: We must never forget who we’re here to represent.
“We the People.” These are the first words of our Constitution, the very idea
of America. And they inspired the opening words of the U.N. Charter.
I’ve made the preservation of democracy the central cause of my presidency.
This summer, I faced a decision whether to seek a second term as president.
It was a difficult decision. Being president has been the honor of my life.
There is so much more I want to get done. But as much as I love the job, I
love my country more. I decided, after 50 years of public service, it’s time for
a new generation of leadership to take my nation forward.
My fellow leaders, let us never forget, some things are more important than
staying in power. It’s your people — (applause) — it’s your people that matter
the most.
Never forget, we are here to serve the people, not the other way around.
Because the future will be — the future will be won by those who unleash the
full potential of their people to breathe free, to think freely, to innovate, to
educate, to live and love openly without fear.
That’s the soul of democracy. It does not belong to any one country.
I’ve seen it all around the world in the brave men and women who ended
apartheid, brought down the Berlin Wall, fight today for freedom and justice
and dignity.
We saw it — that universal yearning for rights and freedom — in Venezuela,
where millions cast their vote for change. It hasn’t been recognized, but it
can’t be denied. The world knows the truth.
We saw it in Uganda EBGF [LGBT] activists demanding safety and
recognition of their common humanity.
We see it in citizens across the world peacefully choosing their future — from
Ghana to India to South Korea, nations representing one quarter of humanity
who will hold elections this year alone.
It’s remarkable, the power of “We the People,” that makes me more
optimistic about the future than I’ve ever been since I was first elected to the
United States Senate in 1972.
Every age faces its challenges. I saw it as a young man. I see it today.
But we are stronger than we think. We’re stronger together than alone. And
what the people call “impossible” is just an illusion.
Nelson Mandela taught us, and I quote, “It always seems impossible until it’s
done.” “It always seems impossible until it’s done.”
My fellow leaders, there is nothing that’s beyond our capacity if we work
together. Let’s work together.
God bless you all. And may God protect all those who seek peace.
Thank you.