75. Mr. President, let me first add my voice to the mighty chorus of approval that has greeted your election to the Presidency of the General Assembly. You bring to this office your great talents as parliamentarian and statesman. We know you will lead our deliberations with wisdom, firmness and tact. We extend to you our most cordial congratulations.
76. This general debate takes place in an international situation that gives rise to grave concern. We may not have cause to fear a general war. Such a war would mean suicide and, despite harsh words in some quarters, it cannot be seriously considered by the responsible leaders in any country as a rational means of foreign policy. But the prevailing tension has other harmful effects. Armaments are increasing, Efforts to achieve disarmament have been frustrated. The necessary economic and social advances in the developing countries are being hampered.
77. I would like in these remarks to deal with some aspects of the world situation as we see it, starting with the role of the new nations in the world community, then passing to the urgent issue of disarmament, and finally trying to draw some conclusions as to the part that our Organization could usefully play against the background of the serious conflicts that occupy our attention.
78. One of the most important developments in the post-war era is, of course, the process of rapid decolonization. The right of each nation to freedom can no longer be questioned. In the cases where this right has not yet been recognized in practice, efforts must continue to give the peoples concerned an opportunity to decide their own future. Suppression of national aspirations by violence can lead only to more violence.
79. National aspirations have gone parallel with expectations for a better life, for social justice and for equal opportunities. There has been, indeed, a revolution in the attitudes and motivations of the peoples in the new emerging States. It should surprise nobody that the forms in which these expectations come to be expected are also often revolutionary. We have to reckon with a long period of*difficult adjustment. During this period there are risks of national aspirations turning into nationalistic ambitions and of internal battles spreading to the international arena. In areas where the political and strategic interests of the great Powers are in conflict, legitimate demands for national freedom and social advancement may be suppressed or exploited by outside forces.
80. It is in this perspective that we should view the work of the United Nations in helping the less developed nations on the road to social reform and to rapid economic development. In our view, the more developed countries — all of them — have a common interest in stepping up the speed at which this work proceeds and in extending its scope and effectiveness. We have therefore greeted with great satisfaction the proposals for merging the Special Fund and the Expanded Programme of Technical Assistance and for setting a new and higher target for the new combined programme. The Swedish Government is willing to make a contribution in keeping herewith.
81. We shall also do everything in our power to find practical and realistic solutions to the vital problems dealt with in the recommendations of the Conference on Trade and Development. The Nordic countries co-operate closely in these efforts. It is our sincere hope that further discussions within the Conference will gradually make it possible to identify areas offering opportunities for concerted and constructive action.
82. Two aspects of the work for economic and social advancement deserve special attention. One concerns the population question or, to put it in more human terms, the problem of poverty and ill-health arising when too many children are born in families and communities that cannot afford to rear them. It is imperative that measures in this field be taken parallel with steps to further economic growth. We are happy to note that there is an increasing awareness everywhere of the need for the United Nations to give assistance in the field of family planning whenever such assistance Is requested.
83. The other aspect of particular interest to my Government is the United Nations action in the field of Industrial development. We are aware that industrialization is a necessary part of any programme for economic growth. It is a process which has to be closely integrated with the development of other sectors of society, especially agriculture. The social consequences have to be carefully considered so as to avoid the evils that often accompanied rapid industrialization in the past, The Swedish Government wishes the United Nations to take vigorous action to further an integrated approach to all these problems. We shall support an expansion of the United Nations facilities in the field of industrialization.
84. Against the background that I have now indicated, developments in Africa deserve special attention. By setting up a regional organization in accordance with the relevant provisions of the Charter, the African States have professed a common responsibility for peace and economic well-being on their great continent. They do not view their system of cooperation as an exclusive one. They are aware of the danger of creating new dividing lines. They wish to develop a new and fruitful relationship with the other continents. They have demonstrated their firm attachment to the United Nations in many ways. To this session of the General Assembly they have submitted concrete proposals designed to promote co-operation between the Organization of African Unity and the United Nations. Like the Latin American countries before them, they have asked the General Assembly to give its approval to their plans for giving their continent the legal status of a nuclear-free zone [see A/5975]. The African States deserve the encouragement and the support of all other States Members of the United Nations in the pursuit of these noble aims.
85. There is no doubt that the policy of apartheid in South Africa is a hindrance to peaceful evolution on the whole continent of Africa and may have the most serious repercussions also in other parts of the world. In the interest of the African peoples, the United Nations should bring increasing pressure to bear on the South African Government and take other steps aimed at opening prospects for a future in freedom and dignity for all people In South Africa. We still believe that this dual approach to the problem is the most promising one. It has our full support.
86. In the meantime there is much that individual Member States can do to relieve the plight of those suffering from persecution and to prepare South Africans to fill responsible posts In the non-racial society which sometime has to come. The Swedish Government follows with great interest, and contributes to the existing United Nations programmes for help to refugees from South Africa and for the training and education of South Africans. We would welcome an expansion of these programmes. We shall also support the suggestion that the educational programmes for South Africa, South West Africa and the territories under Portuguese administration at some time be merged into a single programme under joint administration.
87. Several speakers have referred to disarmament as the most urgent question of our time. I fully share that view. All the world demands that the Increasing stockpiling of the means of total destruction be halted, be limited, be controlled. The nuclear Powers must realize this and the other countries must Insist that these Powers make some sacrifices to achieve agreement. As one of the countries represented at the Eighteen-Nation Committee on Disarmament, we in Sweden have closely followed, and also taken active part in the extensive discussions on this problem. Although no specific results were achieved in Geneva, it should be noted with satisfaction that it was possible for the Committee to resume its work last July, in spite of the increased international tension. It must also be noted that many interesting suggestions were put forward in the course of the Committee meetings. It is highly desirable that the Eighteen-Nation Committee should continue its negotiations as soon as possible after the General Assembly has terminated its consideration of the disarmament problem. Let me express the hope, which I am sure we all share, that when the Committee reconvenes, it will meet in a political climate less tense than that of the last months.
88. At the meetings of the Eighteen-Nation Committee In Geneva, members concentrated on the problem of collateral measures. Those partial measures which were given priority in Geneva were a comprehensive test-ban and a treaty on non-proliferation. Such steps are designed to freeze the present nuclear situation, The efforts of the Committee and of this Assembly should be aimed at reaching simultaneous agreements which, combined, would place obligations on both the nuclear Powers and the non-nuclear Powers. On those two issues, the positions of the great Powers have so far remained irreconcilable.
89. The group of eight countries which do not belong to the Warsaw or NATO alliances have presented their thinking in two memoranda. In both documents a link is established between the question of a complete nuclear test ban, on the one hand, and the question of preventing continued proliferation of nuclear weapons, on the other.
90. In the memorandum on a comprehensive test ban the non-aligned countries indicate different methods of reaching that goal. They say that one method would be a formal agreement, facilitated by scientific cooperation and by further technical developments. They appeal to the nuclear Powers to suspend, pending an agreement, all underground tests. They mention specifically the advantages which international seismological co-operation can offer in this connexion, increasing the possibilities of verification. Consequently they draw attention to the possibility of a temporary suspension of underground tests as a step on the road towards an agreement, but not as a substitute for an agreement. The document ends with the words:
"The eight delegations reaffirm their stand that all nuclear weapon tests should cease immediately."
That is a reminder of the general attitude of the non-aligned countries. That attitude has been confirmed in many resolutions by the General Assembly condemning all nuclear weapon tests.
91. In the other memorandum, the eight countries call attention to the fact that an agreement on nonproliferation has to be accompanied by tangible steps to halt the armaments race of the nuclear Powers. I wish to underline that we consider a linking of those collateral measures to be both natural and necessary. Thus, if the non-nuclear countries are requested to accept a moratorium on the proliferation of nuclear weapons, there ought to be an equivalent undertaking on the part of the nuclear countries to refrain, during the same period, from all — consequently also underground — tests. We have listened with interest to what the Danish Foreign Minister had to say on this subject [1345th meeting] and we find ourselves in agreement with his way of thinking.
92. Like so many other countries, Sweden also holds that it is a fair and urgent demand that measures designed to freeze present nuclear capabilities be coupled with measures designed to hinder additional countries from procuring some of that same military strength. The comprehensive test ban would in fact have that double-sided effect, and that is the reason why we want to give it first priority.
93. We recognize the importance of the problem of verification. The Swedish delegation in Geneva submitted a memorandum on international co-operation for the detection of underground explosions. My Government is prepared to take part in the creation of an efficient, world-wide surveillance system — what might be called a "detection club". This would mean the establishing of a network of technologically advanced seismological stations. We are taking steps to set up one such station in Sweden.
94. The Scandinavian countries are free of nuclear weapons. That is also the case with other groups of countries — for instance, in Latin America and in Africa. There are thus large de facto denuclearized areas. It would be tragic if world developments led to a change in this situation. The nuclear Powers have an extraordinary responsibility to see to it that new members are not added to the nuclear club and that they start reducing their own nuclear capabilities, including their production of fissionable material for military purposes. It is possible that, if agreements on the issues I have just mentioned are not reached before then, a world disarmament conference will be useful in furthering such agreements. A world conference must be very carefully planned. If it is to be meaningful, all the great Powers, including the People's Republic of China, should take part in the discussions. In the meantime, as I said earlier, the work of the Eighteen-Nation Committee must continue.
95. May I now say a few words about the serious tensions and conflicts that are now uppermost in our minds? The causes of these tensions and conflicts are manifold and often go far back in history. It is seldom meaningful, and may sometimes be counterproductive, to try to establish a balance-sheet of rights and wrongs or to issue indictments against mistaken and harmful policies of Governments In the past. It is our task to look ahead and to use all our Influence to try to make all countries adhere to the code of international behaviour laid down in the Charter, It is also the right and duty of all of us frankly to state our opinions and our convictions.
96. Of all the trouble-spots in the world, the Viet-Namese conflict is potentially the most serious one. A large-scale war is in progress, with some of the nuclear Powers directly or indirectly involved. It is of vital importance that further escalation of the conflict be avoided and that the issue be settled by peaceful means in accordance with the wishes of the Viet-Namese people themselves. At some stage they must be given the right to decide their own future without foreign intervention and without internal terror. To this end the hostilities have to stop, possibly by steps leading to a gradual reduction and localization of the fighting, Attempts at bringing about talks between all the parties concerned must not be relaxed at any time or hampered by the presentation of preliminary conditions.
97. It is harmful to the authority of the United Nations that the Organization is reduced to the role of an on-looker while a war is in progress. There are many reasons for this situation. One of them is that the Government of the People's Republic of China is not represented in the organs of the United Nations. We have felt for a long time that the absence of such representation will create increasing difficulties for our Organization. In our view, the United Nations should offer the opportunity to the People's Republic of China to take part in our work for peace and wellbeing in accordance with the Charter.
98. With deep satisfaction we have greeted the resolutions of the Security Council on Kashmir and the decision of the parties to abide by these resolutions. The cease-fire is only a first step. The Security Council has now committed itself, by its resolution 211 (1965) to consider "what steps could be taken to assist towards a settlement of the political problem underlying the present conflict".
99. The Security Council must now, with a sense of urgency, choose and pursue some realistic approach to the problem which will take into full account the views and interests of all parties, including the Kashmiri people themselves. It would seem that neither of the countries involved can afford a continuation of this conflict; nor can the world community do so.
100. The problem of Cyprus is still before the United Nations. The real difficulty with regard to this problem is, of course, how to bring about a state of peaceful coexistence between the two population groups on the small island. The United Nations has taken on a twofold task — namely, to assist in maintaining law and order and to help bring about a solution by offering its mediatory services. These two aspects of the task are parallel and of equal importance. The presence of the United Nations Peace-keeping Force (UNFICYP) on the island is unthinkable in the long run without progress being made in the negotiations between the parties.
101. The Force was originally intended to stay in Cyprus for a period of three months. Six times now that period has elapsed and there is still no solution in sight. In his report of 12 December 1964, the Secretary-General expressed the opinion that UNFICYP would, in the absence of progress towards a political solution, begin to produce diminishing returns. The Secretary-General pointed to the risk that the effectiveness of UNFICYP "should become the pretext for failure to find a solution to the fundamental problem of Cyprus". The Secretary-General has recently repeated this point of view. We find ourselves in complete agreement with his opinion. We therefore believe that the opportunity provided by this session of the General Assembly should be used to make a genuine effort to facilitate and hasten a political solution acceptable to all Cypriots, be they of Greek or of Turkish descent. There is danger in further delay, and the Members of the United Nations — in particular those of us contributing troops to the United Nations operation in Cyprus — are entitled to expect renewed efforts by the parties concerned to solve their differences.
102. The problems of Kashmir and Cyprus demonstrate one of the main difficulties with which our Organization is faced in its search for peace.
103. On the one hand, Member States have accepted a firm obligation to settle their disputes by peaceful means and to refrain in their international relations from the threat or use of force. Military action across international borders is prohibited except in the exercise of the right of self-defence. No single State is now allowed to act as international judge, arbitrator or policeman. One could have wished that the United Nations would be enabled consistently and effectively to exercise such functions. That is not the case and will not be the case in the foreseeable future.
104. At the same time, our Organization has achieved undoubted success in helping Member countries to keep the peace after a conflict has been brought under control and the fighting has stopped. The United Nations has, indeed, acquired considerable experience in the art of maintaining truces. We have been less successful in our efforts to maintain peace, if this word is to carry its full meaning of harmonious relations between peoples and of justice for all. It seems to me, therefore, that the General Assembly would be well advised, as early as this session, which has before it the timely proposal of the United Kingdom [A/5964], to direct its special attention to the problems of peaceful settlement and peaceful change. There are two kinds of tasks that I have in mind. The first is to try to cope with potentially dangerous situations at an early stage, before they reach the level of open conflict and bloodshed. The second is to help bring about political solutions to problems in regard to which there has been a stalemate after a truce has been established. If such endeavours are to succeed, flexible and effective mechanisms must be made available for mediation and conciliation under the auspices of the United Nations, in addition to the already existing organs for arbitration. Some guidance for the development of new mechanisms might be sought in the practice of mediation between the parties on the labour market in many countries. The main thing, however, is that there should be trust in the objectivity of the institutions and persons that are at the disposal of Member countries for mediation and conciliation. Institutional arrangements, no matter how ingenious they look on paper, are of little value in the harsh reality of international politics unless they are supported by an increased willingness to make use of them.
105. During the last year, our Organization has gone through perhaps the most serious crisis in its history. The crisis has been overcome by joint efforts on the part of all Member countries, large and small. We are agreed that the financial difficulties should be solved through voluntary contributions, with the highly developed countries making substantial contributions. We are entitled to expect all Member States to take early action in accordance therewith, thus demonstrating our common interest in the survival and the strengthening of the United Nations. We cannot afford to stand still. We must push on, In the words of our distinguished Secretary-General:
"...the most important thing we can do ... is to think back to the tragedies and agonies which made the Charter possible and, in resolving that humanity shall never be so afflicted again, rededicate ourselves to its aims and ideals".
This is the moment, it seems to me, to reaffirm in concert our determination to let the principles of the Charter — all the principles of the Charter — guide our actions. Such a unanimous declaration would be a fitting memorial to the twentieth session of the General Assembly.