1. At this session of the General Assembly many good indications can be seen on the surface. In spite of this, deep below the surface, the crisis of this Organization continues.
2. Compared with the previous session, the twentieth session of the General Assembly shows certain signs of improvement. It seems to be able to get down to normal activities, and this is a great achievement in itself. The Security Council has proved its effectiveness, at least to a certain extent, by its intercession with the Governments of India and Pakistan, and a new approach may open to the question of Kashmir. The friends of India and Pakistan are freed from their anxieties. One could even say that the atmosphere of the general debate reflects an attitude of good-will on the part of the delegations, tending to remove the differences and to explain the causes of insoluble contradictions.
3. In spite of the good results and in spite of the careful and cautious handling of burning questions, a deep-rooted crisis is lurking below the surface of normal activities, the crisis that prompted the frustration of the previous session. When we examine the present activities of the United Nations in order to get a realistic picture of them, we would do well to compare them with the expectations Member States have cherished during the past few years regarding the twentieth Jubilee session of the General Assembly. Since 1960, when the Declaration on the liquidation of the colonial system was adopted, it has been stated in this hall again and again that by the time of the twentieth session all the colonial territories should have regained their independence and sovereignty. And what is the situation now? Not only have all the left-overs of the colonial era not been liquidated, but a colonial war par excellence has been brought to the Indo-Chinese peninsula.
4. Five years ago, when many Heads of State and Government took part in the deliberations of the General Assembly, availing themselves of the opportunity to establish personal contacts for the benefit of international co-operation, it was expected that the jubilee session would be an even more notable gathering of responsible leaders of nations, making a great step forward to implement the provisions of the Charter conceived twenty years ago with a view to delivering the world of free and independent nations from the scourge of war.
5. It is obvious that this Organization at present is far from being able to make possible such far-reaching meetings; it must be satisfied with much more modest perspectives. And, confronted with the dangers of the present world situation, we have even to be thankful if these perspectives should turn, at least partially, into reality. Two years ago, at the time of the Moscow partial test-ban Treaty, it did not seem unreasonable to suppose that a new door had opened and that, through a new approach, the dangers of a thermonuclear war might gradually be eliminated for ever. Since that time, however, there has been no appreciable progress — even the number of nuclear Powers has increased, and it is easy to enumerate at least ten more States which are preparing, overtly or covertly, their own atomic forces.
6. It was expected that, as a result of the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development a new sort of economic co-operation might be realized between developing and developed nations for the benefit of the needy. Although not much time has elapsed since the Conference held its first session in Geneva, still it is obvious that not only has no improvement come about, but the situation has even deteriorated. What the developing nations can offer for sale has lost in world market value, and at the same time the prices of goods they have to import have gone up.
7. It may be helpful to look behind the scenes and to search for answers to the questions: What are the real causes of superficial improvements, and, on the other hand, what are the causes of the deep-rooted crisis of this Organization, or, rather, of the present world situation as reflected in the fundamental difficulties of the United Nations? For the answers to these questions may point out more clearly what kind of obstacles are barring the way to real and essential improvement in the field of international co-operation.
8. This twentieth session of the General Assembly can get down to its normal work because, during the year of stalemate, it has once again become obvious that this Organization is an inevitable historical necessity in the present state of power relations. By the decisively firm and persistent attitude of the Soviet Union, France and a good number of other States, all attempts to divert the United Nations from its Charter have been wrecked. The demands of the developing nations of Asia, Africa and Latin America have given the United States to understand that it has no perspective in paralysing further the normal activities of this Organization. Consequently, these Member States, which have once again rescued the United Nations from being destroyed, have a special right to say what they expect from this Organization. For the sake of a real and essential improvement in this Organization and in the world at large we must give special heed to what they have to say.
9. As to the capability of the Security Council for taking action, and as to the at least partial effectiveness of its action in the India-Pakistan case, it is due to the co-operation of all Member States, especially to the mutual understanding of the Soviet Union and the United States, that a common and effective action has become possible. Only by strengthening the spirit of co-operation in accordance with the provisions of the Charter is it possible to work out areal and essential improvement in this Organization and in the world as a whole.
10. While on this subject, I feel it most appropriate to say a few very warm words in acknowledgement of the good services rendered by the distinguished Secretary-General, U Thant, and the President of the nineteenth session, Mr. Quaison-Sackey. My delegation wishes to thank Mr. Quaison-Sackey, the Foreign Minister of Ghana, for his untiring efforts in dealing with the affairs of the General Assembly during the time of most peculiar difficulties and for his ceaseless endeavours to ensure the normal activities of this session. My delegation highly appreciates our Secretary-General's devotion to the principles of the Charter. I extend to him my delegation's gratitude for his efficiency in working out a better understanding of controversial matters aggravated by tremendous tensions and dangers.
11. In the same way as slight superficial improvements are prompted by heeding the developing nations and by a slight degree of co-operation between the Soviet Union and the United States, it is precisely owing to the lack of necessary consideration for the needs of the developing nations and to the very limited co-operation of the great Powers that the fundamental crisis of this Organization and the dangerous controversies of the present world situation so stubbornly persist.
12. It was indeed in the interest of international peace and security or, more precisely, for the sake of the small nations that twenty years ago the five great Powers, by drafting the Charter, assumed the greatest responsibility for the functioning of this Organization. The five great Powers are, so to say, bound together by their permanent membership in the Security Council and by their special rights in passing valid resolutions regarding vital matters of international peace and security. In this respect, the provisions of the Charter were based upon the experiences of the Second World War. In the anti-fascist coalition, the Soviet Union and the United States, together with their allies, in spite of their differing social systems, devoted themselves to a common cause, and that was beneficial to the whole future of the entire human race. The same alliance was to be maintained to create a new universal order, and the Charter provides for such an alliance of the great Powers, in their own interest and, at the same time, for the sake of all smaller nations of the world. It Is in the Interest of the whole world, that is to say, in the interest of all smaller nations as well, that we should keep vigilant In the United Nations and be careful not to permit a loosening of the obligations and rights of the great Powers in the Security Council. If the obligations and rights of the great Powers in the Security Council were loosened, a situation would arise in which one or another of the great Powers could use this Organization against the others. Consequently this would mean the final collapse of all hopes in connexion with this Organization for constructive international co-operation in an orderly world.
13. What are the possibilities, ways and means by which the five great Powers can get together with a certain measure of responsibility for the universal order?
14. It is self-evident that as long as the representation of the People's Republic of China in this Organization remains unsolved, there is no possibility of real co-operation among the five great Powers either inside or outside the United Nations. It is necessary to point to the impossibility of any such co-operation both inside and outside this Organization; in other words, all negotiations regarding disarmament questions remain futile, here or elsewhere, as long as the representation of China proper in the United Nations remains an open question. The United States makes no secret of the fact that the main responsibility for preventing this fundamental issue of the United Nations from being solved rests upon the United States. This session of the General Assembly has already heard something or other to the effect that the United States has made a pretext for opposing the solution of this question, which is much more a problem of this Organization and of the favourable development of international life than a problem of the People's Republic of China. China can manage — as is proved — without this Organization, This Organization, however, is unable to get along and to continue working efficiently without the presence of the People's Republic of China. The continuation of the present absurd state of affairs may lead even to the dissolution of this Organization.
15. The decision of Indonesia to leave the United Nations because of the Intrigues of colonial Powers is a warning to all to reconsider certain aspects of the activities of colonial Powers In this Organization. In a statement by the Foreign Minister of Pakistan during a Security Council debate, we have already had the opportunity to hear that Pakistan might be compelled to leave the United Nations if certain States continue to use this Organization against the real interests of nations. The representative of Cambodia raised the question in a similar vein.
16. The United States may have the right to maintain certain reservations against the attitude of the People's Republic of China on some or many international issues; however, it has no political or moral reason to voice criticism in this Organization with a view to shutting the door on the People's Republic of China. It is the United States that is trying to keep the People's Republic of China under military threat from the Pacific Islands, from Taiwan, from South Korea, from Indo-China, by aggressive military organizations and alliances established in several parts of Asia. The United States has lost every right, if it ever had any, to hurl criticism at the People's Republic of China. At this twentieth session of the General Assembly, Member States will render the best service to this Organization if they raise their voice for the only realistic solution of the representation of the People's Republic of China in the United Nations.
17. Although France is present in the United Nations, its absence from the disarmament negotiations paralyses any talk on disarmament issues. Thus, only incomplete agreements can be reached either in or outside this Organization. Therefore, careful consideration should be given to the arguments of France in support of its reluctance to participate in the disarmament negotiations. A meeting of the five major Powers, as proposed by France, certainly could improve prospects both for the United Nations and for general world issues, including disarmament matters. It could open the way for the permanent members of the Security Council at least to exchange views on real issues of common interest and could create the preconditions for some degree of co-operation.
18. A new Geneva conference on South-East Asia could be the next opportunity for such a coming together of representatives of the major Powers. Only efforts to eliminate the most crucial issue of the present deterioration of the world situation can create the preconditions for a really new start in improving international co-operation. In other words, as long as the United States' aggression in Viet-Nam continues, there is no possibility of a really favourable development in international affairs; and, in the same way, the further the escalation of the war goes on, the worse the situation will become. The dangers re suiting from the ever-intensifying warfare in Viet-Nam overshadow all aspects of international life and almost all the agenda items of this General Assembly. A steady deterioration is going on. The aggression in Viet-Nam poisons the relations between East and West. It complicates even the mutual relations of the Western allies. It prevents the international organizations from paying sufficient attention to the needs of developing nations. It has only one beneficial effect: it helps both the socialist States and the developing nations to overcome their respective differences in the interest of strengthening the anti-imperialist front against the aggressor.
19. In order better to understand the United States attitude in this military and political adventure in the Indo-China area, it is helpful to recall some facts of recent history. In these days, both of the opposing parties refer time and again to the 1954 Geneva Agreements as a model for the settling of pending issues. United States representatives in this controversy seem to forget that their predecessors at the time of the 1954 Geneva negotiations were against the peaceful settlement of the Indo-China issue. At that time — and this is on the record of history — the United States went out of its way to persuade the French not to enter into any ceasefire agreement and any peaceful arrangements for the future, Yes, it went out of its way to persuade the French to continue their war in Indo-China. At that time France was offered all sorts of military aid by the United States. But the more realistic attitude of the Governments of France and Great Britain wrecked all these manoeuvres, At about the same time that the Geneva agreements were signed, the representatives of South Viet-Nam accused the French of having accepted arrangements for the future peaceful settlement of the affairs of Viet-Nam, The statement of the United States representative of that time was practically along the same lines.
20. Then came the United States adventure with Laos, with Cambodia. All was wrecked again on the stubborn resistance of those nations. Then came the second Geneva Conference, in 1962. After all these failures and losses of prestige, the United States started a new adventure, this time directly in Viet-Nam, in the beginning through South Viet-Namese puppets, but, in the process of escalation of the military operations, it has become more and more evident that this is a war of the United States itself, in which the United States is directly engaged. Until recently we heard about the necessity, of the presence of 200,000 United States troops in Viet-Nam. A few days ago, a new figure came up, to show the gloomy outlook of the United States. It was said that for the occupation of South Viet-Nam the United States would need to ship one million troops to Viet-Nam. It is most probable that this escalation of the war by the United States will go on until the United States war casualties reach at least the level of their losses in the Korean war. If arguments in words cannot convince the United States administration of the necessity of a peaceful settlement, the arguments of war will be convincing enough.
21. We have been told here in this debate and elsewhere in various terms that the United States wishes for a negotiated settlement and that it has made proposals for negotiations. It has even been said that the United States has asked its allies, some of the non-aligned nations and the Secretary-General, personally, to use their good services with the Government of the Democratic Republic of Viet-Nam with a view to initiating talks on Viet-Nam. And it has been said also that all peace offers have been refused. The real picture is entirely different. With full knowledge of the opinion of the Government of the Democratic Republic of Viet-Nam and that of the National Liberation Front of South Viet-Nam regarding the war issues, I have to state that no real peace offer has been made so far on the part of the United States, either directly or through intermediaries. Until the aggression, the bombing raids and the threats of bombing are stopped, no proposal for talks has any value at all. If the United States wishes to be taken seriously with regard to any peaceful settlement, it must bring to an end any sort of aggression against Viet-Nam.
22. The Viet-Namese people are not alone. They have supporters powerful enough to help them defend themselves against any escalation of the war. Within the limits of its modest capabilities Hungary stands with those socialist and non-aligned nations that give evidence of their full solidarity with the Viet-Namese people suffering from a mad and senseless war. We support in every possible way the demands of the Government of the Democratic Republic of Viet-Nam and of the National Liberation Front of South Viet-Nam. Only recently an official representation of the National Liberation Front of South Viet- Nam was set up in Budapest. The question of Viet- Nam does not fall within the competence of the United Nations. None the less, States Members of the United Nations can exercise beneficial effects upon international events in order to create the necessary preconditions for bringing about a new Geneva conference for the sake of safeguarding peace and security in South-East Asia. Such a common action on the part of Member States would be most beneficial to this Organization and to the world situation in general.
23, We have to keep in mind the existence in the Far East of a most peculiar danger point where a fire can break out at any time, namely, South Korea. A few weeks ago I made a short visit to the Democratic People's Republic of Korea, and I happened also to visit Panmunjon. More than twelve years have elapsed since the cease-fire agreement was signed. In spite of this, even today foreign troops are stationed in South Korea. Even today it is under the flag of the United Nations that United States army commanders discuss frontier incidents with representatives of the Democratic People's Republic of Korea. After twelve years of "cold war" confrontations and provocations, it is high time to remove the flag of the United Nations which is used there in contradiction of the provisions of the Charter. It is high time to withdraw all foreign troops from South Korea. It is high time to give the Korean people full scope to handle their own affairs without any foreign interference. All legal or illegal efforts made there in the name of the United Nations should be abandoned as useless. An entirely new start should be prepared in the light of the historical realities of Korea.
24. In either the worsening or the improving of the worm situation as a whole, in the allaying of enmities inside and outside this Organization, the state of the controversial issues in Europe plays a considerable role. Today, just as in the past, conditions in Europe can have beneficent or harmful effects as well upon the rest of the world. To solve the pending European questions is in the interest of all the nations of the world.
25. Recently, slight changes have taken place for the improvement of interstate relations in Europe. States members of the Warsaw Treaty Organization have widened their contacts with most of the European NATO States. Relations are developing between States of different geographical regions of Europe. Negotiations regarding co-operation between States on a regional basis — for instance Central European and all-European — have now received a new impetus.
26. The Hungarian People's Republic pays due attention to these trends and, according to its capabilities, plays its part in promoting them. Being situated in Central Europe, in the Danube Valley, which through long centuries was one of the main hotbeds of international hostilities, Hungary is especially interested in negotiated solutions of international disputes and in a consistent application of the principles of peaceful co-existence. Were it not for the escalation of war in Viet-Nam, which overshadows international relations in Europe in the same way as, or even to a greater extent than, in the rest of the world, we in Europe could have made still greater progress in strengthening international co-operation and security on a regional and all-European basis.
27. The main sources of European anxieties are related to the German question. The crux of the matter is not the division of Germany. For the time being this is a social and historical necessity, On the basis of the existence of two German States, the German people could find the ways and means to restore unity. The dangers inherent in the German problem, which threatens all Europe and the world at large with a series of new conflicts, emanate from the political and military aspirations of some ruling circles in West Germany which strive to re-establish the old frontiers of Germany as they were at the time of the Hitler régime. German expansionism is a threat to East and West alike. In the face of such dangers, the very fact of the existence and development of the German Democratic Republic is a most beneficial factor for ensuring European peace for the sake of both West and East.
28. Any political or military support which the Western Powers, in the framework of NATO or outside it, give to the German expansionary goals increases the dangers inherent in the European situation. On the other hand, any support which Western Powers and States of Asia, Africa and Latin America give to the German Democratic Republic by widening their economic, cultural and diplomatic contacts with it, contributes to facilitating the peaceful solution of the German question and consequently to delivering the world from a menace deriving from outstanding European questions. This is so because in this manner conditions could evolve under which representatives of the two German States could begin to settle between themselves, in a peaceful way, the real questions of the German people.
29. In dealing with the problems of European cooperation on a regional and all-European basis, I think it is most appropriate in this context to extend to you, Mr. President, as representative of a great European nation, the sincerest congratulations and good wishes of my delegation. On the very day when you were elected President of this jubilee session of the General Assembly, your deputy was our guest in Budapest, where he came in order to sign a new cultural agreement between Hungary and Italy, which are bound together by traditional economic, cultural and political ties of long standing. In times past, the territory of today's Hungary was the eastern front-gate of the Roman Empire; and later, in a capricious turn of history, some parts of Italy were under Hungarian rule. In present-day Europe, your great country, Mr. President, has good possibilities for contributing to the creation of the necessary conditions for more extensive international contacts in the interest of European security. I wish this General Assembly, under your guidance, success in improving the international atmosphere to such an extent that it might also exert beneficial effects upon the state of affairs in Europe.
30. There are a number of very important items on the agenda that may give opportunity to Member States to come closer together in order to create the preconditions for further improvement in international life. The agenda items proposed by the Soviet Union regarding a declaration on the principles of noninterference and regarding an agreement on nonproliferation of nuclear armaments touch upon vital issues of constructive interstate relations and the disarmament negotiations. The proposal for a world conference on disarmament may open the way to a new start in bringing together the five major Powers, The reports on colonial and apartheid issues will certainly promote the liquidation of the colonial system. As a result of a careful consideration of these issues, this Organization may receive a new impetus towards paying more concentrated attention to the needs of the developing nations.
31. The resoluteness and efficiency of the delegations In their efforts to take steps to enhance international co-operation and lessen the dangers of war can be strengthened if it is kept in mind, during the debates on all important matters, that the war in Viet-Nam and its escalation constitute the main obstacle to a more favourable development and that the continuation of the escalation of the war can lead to incalculable consequences. Therefore, to stop the aggression in Viet-Nam is the most urgent task of all forces of goodwill in all parts of the world. To stop the aggression in Viet-Nam is the most urgent task of all of us.