1. Mr. President, may I, on behalf of the Ghana delegation, congratulate you on your election to the Presidency of the General Assembly. The great qualities which you bring to this high office assure us that, under your guidance, the work of the twentieth session of the General Assembly will be significant and meaningful. I know that the Assembly will accord you the same courtesy and cooperation which I was fortunate to enjoy during my tenure of office as President of the nineteenth session.
2. I am confident that by your statesmanship, tact and impartiality you will leave your imprint on the work of this Assembly, so that all of us can proudly say with Virgil: Forsan et haec olim meminisse juvabit.
3. I should also like at this juncture to pay tribute to our indefatigable Secretary-General, U Thant, whose devotion to the cause of peace has won him universal acclaim. It is needless for me to say that his recent efforts during the Dominican and Kashmir crises have aroused the admiration of all peace-loving peoples of the world. I am happy that I came to know him intimately and appreciate his sterling qualities of leadership.
4. The Ghana delegation welcomes the opportunity afforded to all States to express their views on world problems. We do think that the expression of candid, opinion and proposals made in the general debate for the solution of problems should serve as a guide for the work of the various Committees. That is why my delegation insists on the fullest implementation of the principle of universality of the membership of this Organization. That is why we want to seethe People's Republic of China and other States represented here so that they may learn at first hand from their participation in the work of this Organization, and also contribute to the solution of world problems.
5. The twentieth anniversary of our Organization should have been celebrated in an atmosphere less charged with tension, conflict and mistrust. Unfortunately, this is not the case. There has been too little co-operation among nations of the world and far too many conflicts. Today there is war in Viet-Nam; today there is confrontation between Malaysia and Indonesia; today there is racial discrimination and oppression in many parts of the world, especially in southern Africa. And need I mention the recent unfortunate armed conflict between India and Pakistan, two members of the Afro-Asian family?
6. In spite of this gloomy picture, mankind has not lost all hope for peace. Nevertheless, the threat of nuclear war is still with us. Unless we can achieve a stable and continuing peace, all our hopes for the future may be destroyed by some inconsequential incident which might escalate what has been called a limited war into a world conflagration.
7. These limited wars, these confrontations, these endless disputes bordering on war, and these imperialist intrigues and neo-colonialist interference in the affairs of small countries, should bring home to all of us the necessity for strengthening the peace-keeping functions of the United Nations. The crisis over contributions for the financing of these peace-keeping operations — a crisis which paralysed the nineteenth session of the General Assembly — has also convinced my delegation that United Nations peace-keeping operations should be put on a permanent basis and their establishment, functions and financing clearly determined by agreement without delay.
8. At the height of the crisis last year, my delegation approached certain other delegations informally, with a proposal which we thought might have averted the crisis and at the same time provided a formula for the financing of United Nations peace-keeping operations. These proposals envisaged a United Nations peace fund to which contributions could be received from Governments, foundations and even private persons. We said that there are so many old ladies and old gentlemen with plenty of money who can afford to help the United Nations peace-keeping operations — and why not ask them to do so? A variant of this proposal is now in operation and the Ghana Government has pledged a voluntary contribution of $20,000 to help the Organization out of its immediate financial difficulties, although we ourselves have fulfilled our obligations in this matter.
9. But the contributions that have been pledged so far are quite inadequate to meet the past commitments, let alone the present and future obligations of the Organization. My delegation therefore urges all Member States to come up with their contributions and thereby give substance to the great hopes we have invested in the United Nations.
10. Osagyefo, my President, in a special address to Parliament on 3 September 1965, regarding some of the difficulties facing the United Nations, said:
"In the twenty years of its existence the United Nations has had to meet serious challenges. We in Africa, have experienced at our cost the ineffectiveness of the United Nations in the Congo; in regard to Southern Rhodesia and South Africa; and in our struggle for the eradication from our continent of imperialism, with its concomitant colonialism and neo-colonialism.
"This failure of the United Nations to deal with these problems is largely our own fault. If Africa had a solid political front and was able to speak with a united voice, there is no doubt in my mind that our problems would have been solved in the best interests of our people and with the interests of our continent primarily in mind. This is why I have, over and over again, called for a United Africa which would enable the independent African states to stand together and to mobilize all our resources to the development of the continent so that we can make a greater impact on the United Nations."
11. In Africa's search for unity, we have been misunderstood, often misrepresented and sometimes maligned. And yet, in the modern world, the inevitable drive is for closer co-operation and unity among nations. Indeed, the Charter of the United Nations specifically endorses the development of closer union among States for the maintenance of peace and international co-operation as a desirable objective. In our search for unity in Africa, we pose no threat to anybody, we do not encroach on the interests of anyone. We believe that in our unity lies the peace of Africa and the world. Our search for unity is an inescapable condition of African political and economic development and a prerequisite to the safeguarding of our sovereignty and territorial integrity. In African unity, we seek only to ensure that, in the crucial areas of foreign policy, economic development and defence, the unity of Africa should make possible the achievement of objectives to which human beings in every part of the world aspire.
12. In furtherance of these objectives, some machinery must be developed to provide the political drive and authority necessary to generate co-ordinated policies in foreign affairs, economic development and defence. That is why for us in Ghana the need for a continental Union Government of Africa is an article of faith. This is why we consider the establishment of the Organization of African Unity, of which we are members, as a step in the right direction. We are convinced that this is the only way to real African political and economic emancipation.
13. Let me say with all the power at my command that the existence of colonialism and colonial territories is a constant threat to peace, and that is why we have consistently worked for the liquidation of colonialism, neo-colonialism and imperialism in every part of the world. The fact that there are today thirty-six independent African nations represented in the United Nations sometimes creates the illusion that all is well in Africa, that colonialism has disappeared from our continent and that imperialism has been crushed. This is not so. There are territories in Africa which are still struggling for independence. There are still areas where we see strong manifestations of racialism, neo-colonialism and foreign interference. My delegation wants to make it quite clear that, so long as one single territory in Africa remains under foreign domination, no African country, no matter how extensive the trappings of independence it may command, can consider itself really free or independent. As Osagyefo, my President, said on the very day of Ghana’s independence: "The independence of Ghana is meaningless unless it is linked up with the total liberation of Africa."
14. Therefore, since our independence, we have steadfastly worked, in concert with other anti-colonialist forces, to root our colonialism in all its forms and manifestations.
15. At this juncture, on behalf of the Government and people of Ghana, I would like to welcome the Gambia, Singapore and the Maldive Islands as Members of the United Nations. We look forward to close and friendly co-operation and relations with all of them, not only in this Assembly, but also in the African family and in the larger Afro-Asian family.
16. While we take pride in the attainment of independence of many territories in Africa and elsewhere, we cannot rest until all territories that are not yet independent are free. I refer particularly to Southern Rhodesia, Angela, so-called Portuguese Guinea, Mozambique, South West Africa, Basutoland, Swaziland, British Guiana and Puerto Rico. Sometimes our efforts have been thwarted by some Members of the United Nations by a passionate resort to legal quibbling. But we can never be diverted from a dedicated purpose of destroying colonialism in every part of the world.
17. Only recently, on 24 August 1965, Osagyefo, my President, was emphatic on this issue during his address to the National Assembly, when he said:
"As long as our brothers in Angola, the so-called Portuguese and Spanish Guineas, Mozambique, Fechuanaland, Basutoland, Swaziland, South West Africa and all the islands surrounding our continent remain under the yoke of imperialism; as long as the minority settlers continue to dominate our brothers in South Africa and Southern Rhodesia, so long shall we continue to give all the help that is within our power to all those who are fighting to overthrow oppression; so long shall we strive to regain Africa's inalienable right and restore her dignity, prestige and heritage."
18. The problem of Southern Rhodesia is steadily deteriorating. Today a serious situation is developing in Southern Rhodesia which, if not prevented quickly and effectively, could result in another grave crisis such as confronted the Organization in the Congo. Mr. Ian Smith, the spokesman of the racist white minority in Southern Rhodesia, has been threatening to declare unilateral independence and has in fact made certain offensive unconstitutional move,3 in that direction. And yet the United Kingdom Government, which is the administering Power in that self-governing colony, has chosen to remain on the defensive. True, we all welcomed the firm and courageous stand taken by the United Kingdom Government against unilateral declaration of independence, but we had thought that the threat to impose economic sanctions would be matched by some positive steps to make Southern Rhodesia truly democratic and racially egalitarian. No such steps have been taken. It is not enough, and indeed it will be futile, for the United Kingdom Government to impose economic sanctions only after Ian Smith has unilaterally declared independence. This will amount to slamming the stable door after the horses have bolted. The delegation of Ghana is firmly of the opinion that the inertia of the British Government has given the impression that it is acquiescing in the gradual usurpation of power by Ian Smith.
19. Let me make it quite clear to this Assembly that Africa will not accept any transfer of sovereignty or usurpation of power. The African States have made it clear that the only acceptable solution of the Southern Rhodesia problem is the establishment of a government based on majority rule — that is, one man, one vote.
20. It is the clear responsibility of the British Government to ensure that Ian Smith does not seize power in Rhodesia. The British Government must declare that it will prevent any attempt at the unconstitutional and unilateral declaration of independence by every means, including the use of military force if necessary. We think that it is within the power of the British Government to do so.
21. The General Assembly and the Security Council have made recommendations for a solution to the problem of Southern Rhodesia. The positions taken by the Organization of African Unity, the Second Conference of Heads of State or Government of Non-Aligned Countries and the 1965 meeting of Commonwealth Prime Ministers have all advanced similar recommendations which, were the British Government prepared to move, would have at least provided a beginning in the search for a solution.
22. The Ghana Government will oppose any solution of the Rhodesian problem which does not provide for (a) the convening of a constitutional conference of all political leaders of Southern Rhodesia for the purpose of deciding on the steps by which the country should achieve its independence at the earliest possible time, and (b) the immediate release of all political leaders in detention to enable them to participate in the process of developing the constitutional framework for independence. It is our determination, in accordance with the decision of the Organization of African Unity, to recognize an African Government-in-exile should Ian Smith carry out his threat of unilateral declaration of independence, and we shall call upon all Members of this Organization to support a majority African Government-in-exile and to boycott an illegal government of the settler minority in Southern Rhodesia.
23. The concept of Portuguese administration in Africa defies all common sense. Year after year the intelligence of this Assembly is insulted with the absurd notion that a small impecunious European country has provinces located several thousand miles away in the continent of Africa. Portugal, with the assistance of its NATO allies, continues to wage colonial wars of repression to maintain this fiction of "Portuguese overseas provinces". In Angola, Mozambique and so-called Portuguese Guinea the hands of Portugal are dripping with the blood of Africans struggling to gain their sacred right to self-determination and independence.
24. We see in these territories a brutal war being waged by Portugal with weapons obtained from its NATO allies to keep their stranglehold on the African people. The United Nations, through the Security Council and the General Assembly, has adopted many resolutions deprecating the Portuguese inhuman policies in Africa. These resolutions recommended:
"(a) The immediate recognition of the right of the peoples of the Territories under its administration to self-determination and independence;
"(b) The immediate cessation of all acts of repression and the withdrawal of all military and other forces at present employed for that purpose;
"(c) The promulgation of an unconditional political amnesty and the establishment of conditions that will allow the free functioning of political parties;
"(d) Negotiations, on the basis of the recognition of the right to self-determination, with the authorized representatives of the political parties within and outside the Territories with a view to the transfer of power to political institutions freely elected and representative of the peoples, in accordance with General Assembly resolution 1514 (XV);
"(e) The granting of independence immediately thereafter to all the Territories under its administration in accordance with the aspirations of the peoples:" [Security Council resolution 180 (1963).]
25. I have quoted the Security Council resolution to impress upon the General Assembly that, in spite of this innocuous resolution, the Portuguese Government has not moved.
26. The Portuguese authorities have blatantly flouted these resolutions with the connivance of their NATO friends. The policies of Portugal in Africa cannot be considered in isolation. On the contrary, they form part of a calculated grand design to establish white hegemony in southern Africa. In league with the white settlers of Southern Rhodesia and South Africa, the Portuguese colons are creating an area of tension in Africa which poses a threat to international peace. My delegation has found it necessary to warn this Assembly of the Portuguese designs so that we shall all be prepared to meet the challenge.
27. The racist régime of South Africa, by force of arms and the supply of swashbuckling mercenaries, has been helping the racists of Southern Rhodesia and the colons of Angola and Mozambique. And in South Africa itself the white settler, régime is perpetuating its barbarous policies of apartheid and is stepping up its ruthless repression and oppression of 12 million Africans whose only crime is that their skin is black. Many resolutions have been adopted by this Assembly, dispensing pious injunctions, but nothing concrete has been done to implement any of these resolutions. In our view, there is only one way of bringing the white settler régime of South Africa to respect the wishes of this Organization and of civilized men. We should act to prevent South Africa from continuing its repressive policies.
28. It has been urged by this very Assembly, the Organization of African Unity and other organizations that sanctions can and should be imposed on South Africa. Indeed, a number of Member States are already applying such sanctions in the form of a complete trade boycott of South Africa. Yet, these measures are ineffective because the major trading partners of South Africa — Britain, the United States, France and Japan — refuse to co-operate and resolutely oppose the use of sanctions. We are told that it would be impossible to apply sanctions since this would involve a blockade of the South African coast which, they say, cannot be maintained. Such arguments are really disingenuous.
29. My delegation is reminded that, only a few years ago, the United States and the United Kingdom maintained what was in effect a trade boycott — in certain items at least — against the socialist countries of Eastern Europe and the Caribbean. Under that policy, the United States was largely able to prevent the movement of strategic goods to the Eastern European countries and China. This policy, furthermore, was carried out without any blockade of China or the Eastern European coasts. Therefore, it appears to us that these arguments regarding the impracticability of sanctions against South Africa are merely calculated to cover the fact that the imposition of sanctions will hit the interested influential investors, rather than to refute the case which has been convincingly made in favour of sanctions against South Africa.
30. The tragedy is that the intolerable situation in South Africa will be resolved one way or the other, but if this Organization does not rise to its responsibilities, then the solution, alas, will be in blood and suffering. Such an eventuality could also lead to the poisoning of relations between the races throughout the continent of Africa. This is the situation which all of us who believe in racial amity would like to avoid. We insist that other solutions should be found now to the problem of South Africa to make it possible for citizens of all races in that country and in other parts of Africa to live peacefully together. We know that, with the exception of South Africa, every State represented here has condemned racial discrimination in one form or another. It is this collective will of the United Nations which must be brought to bear on the problem of apartheid in order to prevail on South Africa to abandon once and for all its iniquitous treatment of man. As I speak today, many African freedom-fighters, like Nelson Mandela and Robert Sobukwe, are languishing in gaols mainly because of their opposition to racial discrimination — mainly because they refuse to be discriminated against because of their skin, because they are black.
31. We are today faced with another area of serious conflict which can easily lead to a war of serious proportions. I refer to the present state of affairs between India and Pakistan. It is gratifying that, through the collective will of the United Nations, the Security Council succeeded in ordering India and Pakistan to halt their armed conflict. This achievement of the Council — and, indeed, of all Members of the Organization — has been a powerful shot in the arm for the United Nations, and emphasizes the potential of the United Nations as an instrument for the maintenance of peace among nations, provided always that its Members will act collectively, promptly and with resolution. The cause of the conflict is the long-standing dispute between India and Pakistan over Kashmir. The United Nations has been seized of this problem for over seventeen years. However, our efforts have been unavailing, and it is only with great difficulty that we have averted the mutual destruction of the social and economic fabric of two great countries, which should co-operate in developing the living standards of their peoples. The war between India and Pakistan was, tragically, quite irrelevant to the search for a lasting and peaceful solution in that part of the world. As Members of an Organization dedicated to the search for international peace, we should, individually and collectively, use our influence with the two Member States to have the present cease-fire observed, and try to help them find a solution to their problems around the conference table.
32. Even though the hostilities between India and Pakistan may have temporarily overshadowed the conflict in Viet-Nam, this is also serious and a seemingly intractable problem. As a result of certain initiatives undertaken by Osagyefo, my President, it is clear that the protagonists in this conflict desire a peaceful settlement. However, there is wide disagreement with regard to the basis for a peaceful settlement in Viet-Nam. It is regrettable that positions have hardened in this conflict to such an extent that all the many approaches designed to bring about a peaceful settlement have, so far, not borne fruit. My delegation is firmly convinced that Viet-Nam, no less than any other former colonial territory, must be allowed to settle its own problems — and, in particular, those problems which involve the freedom, independence and sovereignty of its people. Any final settlement of the Viet-Nam problem must be on the basis of the 1954 Geneva Agreements and must guarantee the neutrality and unity of the area and lead to the withdrawal of all foreign military presence. It is unrealistic to suppose that there can be peace in Viet-Nam if foreign intervention continues. It is also unrealistic to imagine that the elements of a solution can be found in a situation where North Viet-Nam is subjected to continuous air attacks. It is the view of my delegation that, should these air attacks be halted for a longer period of time — say, two months — it is likely that certain initiatives designed to pave the way for a negotiated settlement would have a better chance of success.
33. An alarming feature of recent international behaviour is the assumption by the great Powers that when they wish they can find their own solutions to world problems on a unilateral basis, through the use of force as a major instrument of policy. This is only a one-way street to world war. My President, Osagyefo Dr. Kwame Nkrumah, has been most concerned with ensuring that the major parties to the dispute in Viet-Nam can be brought together to find a peaceful solution to this dangerous conflict. My delegation once again appeals to all concerned to exercise restraint and to create the conditions which can lead to peace in Viet-Nam. My delegation also appeals to all Members of the General Assembly to use their influence in whatever way possible to persuade the protagonists in this conflict that it is possible to achieve a peaceful settlement.
34. For over a year, the Cyprus crisis has continued, despite attempts by the United Nations to hold the ring while efforts are made to secure peace on that island. The delegation of Ghana Subscribed to the declaration on Cyprus made at the Second Conference of Heads of Stele or Government of Non-Aligned Countries, and we are convinced that a lasting solution of the Cyprus problem can be found only through goodwill and on a basis which guarantees the interests of both communities on the island, in accordance with the principles of the United Nations Charter.
35. It is the duty of the General Assembly to do everything in its power to find a solution to the problem of Cyprus, particularly since this Organization has assumed responsibility for peace-keeping on that island. In any such endeavour, the Government of Ghana will give the fullest support to the United Nations, and my President will also be ready to participate in any good offices which might be considered necessary to restore peace in Cyprus.
36. This catalogue of conflict, war and tension points to the need for a genuine effort toward the achievement of general and complete disarmament. If this could be done, the international atmosphere would Change considerably to enable the many localized conflicts .to be contained and eliminated. We therefore support the efforts of the Eighteen-Nation Committee on Disarmament in Geneva, which is painfully and slowly trying to achieve the basis for disarmament. Two years ago we had hoped that the partial nuclear test-ban treaty would be the key to a general willingness to persevere toward world disarmament. Regrettably, this hope has not been justified. However, my delegation does not believe that we should despair at the slow progress that is being made in Geneva. My delegation is convinced that the peoples of the world desire peace and freedom within which to develop a higher life. Herein lies the great optimism which is the driving force of efforts toward the achievement of general and complete disarmament. We are confident that the various problems of detail, such as inspection, can be overcome given goodwill and patient effort.
37. Recently, there have been proposals for a treaty on non-proliferation of nuclear weapons, and my delegation hopes that agreement will be reached on this as a major intermediate step toward the complete banning of nuclear weapons. Such a treaty can only be a step in the process toward complete disarmament and cannot, therefore, be permitted to lead to a situation where, while the major nuclear Powers still increase their stockpiles of nuclear weapons, the rest of the world is put in a position of perpetual vassalage to the nuclear Powers. A treaty on nonproliferation of nuclear weapons can only be a necessary preliminary step to complete nuclear disarmament. It cannot seek at one and the same time to prevent the spread of nuclear weapons to some countries and institutionalize nuclear weapons among others. Otherwise it will be meaningless and unacceptable. Ghana has always been opposed to the maintenance of foreign military bases in Africa and elsewhere.
38. It is our firm belief that the liquidation of such bases will be an effective step in the right direction toward general and complete disarmament. In this regard I have to point out that the African States have, in the creation of the Organization of African Unity, stated their abhorrence of foreign military bases and have advocated the denuclearization of Africa. This position has been in effect endorsed by a resolution adopted by the General Assembly at its sixteenth session [resolution 1652 (XVI)]. We also stand ready to support the creation of nuclear-free zones in Latin America and Central Europe.
39. A potential source of serious world tension is the progressively increasing gap between the prosperity of the advanced nations of the world and the grinding poverty of the developing world. As long as three quarters of the world population are incessantly haunted by the spectre of starvation, the world shall know no peace. It is, therefore, extremely important that every effort should be made on a co-operative basis to ensure that the development of the less developed nations proceeds at the fastest possible pace. While the developed countries, through generous aid, have contributed to development in many parts of the world, we believe that it is more important to enable the developing countries themselves, by their own efforts, to earn the means to finance the greater part of their development. Thus trade and not mere aid is the key to the solution of the problem of under-development.
40. There is no doubt that as long as commodity markets remain disorganized the developing countries will find themselves in progressively deteriorating circumstances, no matter how hard they work, no matter how much more increased production they can achieve and no matter how comprehensive and rational their development plans. It is imperative, therefore, that without delay agreements on the stabilization of the prices of the major commodities of the world should be undertaken and completed. Only a few years ago we in Ghana, and this perhaps goes for all primary producers, were induced to increase the production of our major export products. We put every effort into this enterprise, but when more of our products, especially cocoa, came onto the world market, prices began to drop. On the other hand, the capital equipment and manufactured products which we need for our economic development and for maintaining a minimum standard of living for our people have continued to increase in price at an alarming rate. This situation of the progressively deteriorating terms of trade has often led to drastic measures which sometimes have made our over-all problem of maintaining a decent standard of living more acute. And yet we have no alternative. The solution here is one of international co-operation in solving a problem which eventually will harm not only the developing countries but also the industrialized countries as well. Ultimately countries must sell to each other on a freely organized basis or they will have to face the deterioration of economic conditions which will become widespread and universal.
41. This Organization has a great role to play in the ordering of world economic relations on a rational basis. We in the developing countries thus welcome the establishment of the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development, for which we all worked hard, and hope that all Members of the United Nations will co-operate in making it an important and useful machinery in increasing world trade and accelerating economic development. We should not approach this Conference as opposing teams, but as members of the same team working for world progress and prosperity. In Ghana we have embarked on a seven- year development plan designed to lay the foundation of our socialist society in which ignorance, disease and poverty will forever be eradicated, in which social oppression will be no more and in which social and economic justice is guaranteed to all.
42. One of the most pressing issues before the United Nations is the seating of the People's Republic of China in the Security Council and in the General Assembly. There is often a misunderstanding about this problem. The question is not whether China should be admitted to the United Nations or not. China was a founding Member of the United Nations, and the United Nations Charter declares that China shall have a permanent seat on the Security Council. The only question which arises is: which Government shall be recognized by the United Nations as the Government of China? There is no question of "two Chinas" being represented in the United Nations. The Nationalist authorities themselves on the island of Taiwan, whose representatives at present occupy China's place in the United Nations, claim to do so not as the rulers of that island only, but as the representatives of the whole of China — a claim which we consider untenable.
43. As my President said in his speech to the National Assembly — that is, Parliament — on 3 September:
"The plain issue before the United Nations is therefore a simple question of fact. Who in reality rules China? Is it the Government of an island off the China coast with a population of some 14 million or is it the régime which commands the loyalty of over 650 million Chinese on the mainland; a Government which has undisputed control over the vast areas of China and which, in the sixteen years of its existence, has shown itself to be the most stable Government which China has had for centuries?
"The true conception of the United Nations is that it should be not only international, but universal. In other words, the United Nations must be truly representative of all the people of the world, otherwise it will fail to realize the objectives set out in its Charter. It is futile to think that the United Nations can continue to exist merely as an association of like-minded States."
44. Ghana, in keeping with its policy regarding the proper representation of China, is a co-sponsor of the item entitled "Restoration of the lawful rights of the People's Republic of China in the United Nations" [see A/5971 and Add.1 and 2]. We consider this not a cold war issue but rather as an issue whose solution will lead to peace. It is not a question of frantically rallying a few votes to postpone the inevitable decision which the Organization will make. It is a question of common sense and objectivity.
45. It is sometimes alleged by States which oppose the restoration of the lawful rights of the People's Republic of China in the United Nations that China interferes in the internal affairs of other States and pursues an aggressive policy and, therefore, cannot qualify for membership in the United Nations. Even if that were true, it would be no reason for excluding the People's Republic of China from being represented at the United Nations. If every great Power which interferes in the internal affairs of the smaller nations were to be excluded from the United Nations, this Organization might well find itself without any of the permanent members of the Security Council.
46. The Government of Ghana believes that the People's Republic of China should be seated in the United Nations as the true representative of China for the following reasons. First, the Government of the People's Republic of China rules a State more populous than any other State in the world. It is a great Power in its own right. On that ground alone, it is absurd to exclude it from the United Nations. Secondly, it should be obvious that there can be no progress towards nuclear or conventional disarmament as long as one of the world's nuclear Powers is excluded from the body whose Charter provides that it shall secure universal disarmament and world peace. Thirdly, one of the most serious problems which confront the world is the bitterness arising out of the widening gap between the increasing poverty of the developing countries and the mounting prosperity of the developed countries. As I said earlier, upon the solution of the problems of "the prosperity-poverty gap" may depend the future peace of the world. Yet one of the greatest nations of the world, with considerable experience in the problems of development, is deliberately prevented from contributing its experience, knowledge and resources to the solution of a problem which should be the common concern of all nations. For that reason those of us who represent developing countries should be the first to support the restoration of the rights of the People's Republic of China in the United Nations. Fourthly, there can be no doubt that the seating of the People's Republic of China in its rightful place in the United Nations would clear the international atmosphere considerably and make more manageable such areas of world tension and conflict as Viet-Nam.
47. It is the hope of my delegation, therefore, that firm decisions will be taken in the General Assembly at this session which will lead to the seating of the representatives of the People's Republic of China in the Assembly, the Security Council and other organs of the United Nations.
48. In conclusion, I should like to express the hope that the encouraging atmosphere which has so far characterized the beginning of the twentieth session of the General Assembly will continue and carry us through a successful session, and that the signal achievement of the Security Council in bringing about the cease-fire in Kashmir will be a beacon to further achievements by the Organization, which is the only international body for resolving world problems. In the United Nations, Ghana, in consonance with its policy of being friends to all and enemies to none, has always advocated friendly relations and co-operation among all States. In reaffirming the faith and hope bf the Government of Ghana in the United Nations, I should like to quote from the speech of Osagyefo, my President, to Parliament on 3 September 1965:
"The United Nations Organization, in spite of all its imperfections, its fumblings and its mistakes, is the only hope of mankind in its search for peace, prosperity and dignity. We must all therefore redouble our efforts towards the fulfilment of the Charter and also to ensure that this Organization becomes a meaningful instrument for the achievement of peace and harmony among the peoples of the world."
49. Ghana is an avowed champion of peace, prosperity and progress and it will continue to throw its weight on the side of all efforts which will lead to the achievement of these desirable goals.