87. The French delegation does not conceal its satisfaction that the crisis which prevented the General Assembly from meeting normally last year, and which, had it continued, would perhaps have threatened the very future of the Organization, has been finally overcome, amidst general goodwill. One of the first and fortunate consequences of that favourable development is that this year we have been able to appoint our President according to the regular procedure and in near unanimity. We have chosen — and this is a second fortunate consequence — a statesman who is known and esteemed throughout the world for his great merit but who, as things are, is even better known and hence more highly esteemed, perhaps, in France. Our country, Mr. President, is happy to salute you through me, to express its pleasure at seeing you assume this high international office and to offer you its best wishes for success in your great task. We naturally extend these sentiments also to Italy, our ally, our partner and our friend.
88. The fact that the crisis in the functioning of the United Nations has been surmounted and that we are able to resume our deliberations does not, of course, mean that it has been possible to find a solution to all the problems that were the cause of the crisis. Such is certainly not yet the case, firstly, as regards the Organization's financial situation, which, as we know, has for long been a source of constant concern to our eminent Secretary-General. In the conclusions of the Committee of Thirty-three, the wish was expressed that the financial situation might be settled by voluntary contributions, particularly by the States which happen to have special responsibilities and resources. May I be permitted to say, as the French delegation pointed out at the time, that the problem is in reality much wider.
89. To begin with, it is wider in its definition, for none of us has a really clear idea of what the financial balance-sheet of the United Nations may be today. What with the expenses falling on the Organization, the debts of every kind that it has contracted on all sides, the distinction to be made between budgetary operations and treasury operations, taking into account what has been borrowed from one fund or another whose resources, however, are definitely earmarked, I wonder what Member States could find its way about in this situation without hesitation?
90. The problem is also wider in scope. To be sure, the prime source of the present difficulties is the accumulation of expenditures — without counterpart, for legal reasons that we all know — resulting from the United Nations operations in the Congo (Leopoldville) and, to a lesser extent, in the Near East. This accumulation, however, inevitably leads to concern also about the financial management properly speaking, not so much of the United Nations as of the specialized agencies, above all, of certain of them. The tendency towards excessive spending is inherent in all public institutions. Let us recognize that it is even greater in the case of a body like this, where responsibility is spread over a large number of countries, for the recourse which each of us has to make to his national taxpayers is far away and scarcely in evidence.
91. From this analysis, France concludes that this financial crisis should be the occasion for a comprehensive review of the situation of the United Nations, including that of the specialized agencies, in order to draw up a clear, complete and honest balance-sheet, to revise our methods, to introduce everywhere a minimum, if not a maximum, spirit of order and economy, so as to put an end to the constant and systematic increase in our expenses of all kinds. I am sure that, if that is done, it will not be difficult to put our accounts in sound order once and for all and then France would not refuse its co-operation.
92. I should not want to say any more on a subject that is necessarily unpopular. Perhaps the General Assembly might contemplate setting up a small committee, composed of especially competent experts, to study all these questions in all their aspects and to submit constructive proposals.
93. The financial problem, important as it is, is not, however, in the same category as the political problem, which in its complexity, has many other consequences. It involves the very nature of our Organization and its possibilities for action.
94. The United Nations is first of all a statute, a law, which is called the Charter. It is next a policy, entailing the need to judge, i.e., to seek to determine, not only what is desirable but also what is possible. The Charter itself foreshadowed this policy in the balance which it established between the various organs and in the precautions which it took with respect to United Nations action,
95. Indeed, such action was wisely reserved to the Security Council alone and the oft-invoked resolution [377 (V)] that was improvised during the 1950 crisis has been unable to affect this rule. The General Assembly is the expression of international public opinion and should consequently be the highest world political forum. It is inconceivable that the Security Council could act in opposition to this international opinion. In fact it has never ventured to do so, even assuming that it has ever so desired. But the Council also represents something else, namely, the confluence of the world's principal economic, military and political forces. It is natural that, if there must be action, the decision for it should come from the Council, for it is clear that without that confluence any decision would in practice be ineffective and even fraught with peril. The experience of the past twenty years has confirmed this on every occasion, and even quite recently, in the cease-fire accepted by India and Pakistan following a unanimous resolution of the Security Council [211 (1965)]. Who does not see that, in that case, the combination of influences exerted by international opinion, also nearly unanimous, and by the stands taken by the Powers represented in the Council, had a decisive effect?
96. That is why France ascribes supreme importance to scrupulous respect for the provisions of the Charter and has ^been unable to endorse, if only from the financial standpoint, audacious interpretations which, had they been adopted, would have been likely to have a profound effect on the balance, and consequently the effectiveness, of our institution. The same is true, furthermore, as regards its area of competence, which cannot, in our opinion, be extended to the domestic affairs of any country whatever; its competence is limited, and very naturally limited, to relations between States, that is to say to anything that could be of such a nature as directly to imperil world peace.
97. This being said, it still remains to specify, since this was the direct source of the crisis, what the nature of the Organization's decisions can be. I must state very frankly that the French delegation, in contrast to many, and not the smallest, of those who have preceded it at this rostrum, firmly subscribes to the thesis that it does not behove the United Nations, in the present state of the world and doubtless for a long time, to depart from the political sphere which eminently belongs to it and in which, once again, experience shows that it can be effective when it expresses itself on behalf of world public opinion with the support of , the Powers which possess the means for action. A resort to force, however, could only be an adventure. In the first place, the United Nations does not possess the material means for it: a combination of national contingents does not constitute an army, with all that that should include in the way of effective command and political authority capable of taking basic responsibility, namely, of opening fire. Secondly, it is inconceivable that such military operations would not result in deeply disuniting our nations. These observations do not apply to clearly specified supervisory operations, such as those which were organized in Palestine, or those envisaged in the recent resolution concerning Kashmir, provided, of course, that the Security Council approves them and follows up their implementation. Those are not in fact actions of force that might take on an aggressive character. On the other hand, my remarks would apply also to other measures which, without being military in the true sense, would, however, entail physical constraint. At the time of the India- Pakistan conflict, the idea of making provision in the resolution for the threat of sanctions under Chapter VII of the Charter was contemplated. Some delegations, among them the French, opposed it, pointing out that such a threat would only make things more difficult psychologically for the two parties. Moreover, its implementation would have been so problematical and would have given rise to so much dispute that by its ineffectiveness it would merely have impaired the authority of the Security Council.
98. Those are the reasons why France took the position that it did in the discussions concerning the financing of the Congo operations. At the beginning of my speech I spoke about wiping out the past. As far as the future is concerned. I say that, even though no agreement has been reached, all the uncertainties are now sufficiently dispelled for there no longer to be any risk of a repetition of distressing experiences of the past or of our finding ourselves once again in the regrettable situation of September 1964.
99. It is in these circumstances, and in particular with due respect for the institutional balances provided by the Charter, that we now view the future functioning of the United Nations with more optimism. There remains, however, one question, and everyone here is well aware of it, whose solution is necessary if the Organization is to be able to play its role fully in the preservation of world peace. I am referring, of course, to the question of China. During the fifteen years since it first claimed our attention, we have all known that the time would inevitably come when the People's Republic of China would represent that great country in the General Assembly and the Security Council and would participate in the discussion of world affairs. We are not concerned here with passing judgement on China's internal system, which is in no way within our competence. We are concerned with the United Nations itself, in which the world's most populous nation must be able to be heard, as are the dozens of States, large, small and even very small, that we have admitted since 1949 as soon as we were told that they had achieved independence and sovereignty. France entered into diplomatic relations with China in January 1964. The rightness of that decision seems to France to be confirmed now that Asia occupies a growing place in international matters and in United Nations discussion and now that it is clear that the problems of that continent cannot be settled without the direct participation of the largest Asian Power. By crying to persist in excluding it, we simply run the risk of seeing it continued to take its own initiatives on its own behalf. In our opinion, that is to no one's advantage.
100. I mentioned Asia; today it is indeed the centre of uncertainties, crises and even wars. In the sombre picture it presents, the cease-fire accepted by India and Pakistan was the happy event which I welcomed a few minutes ago, after all the speakers who preceded me. I cannot fail, in this connexion, to emphasize the part played by our Secretary-General, U Thant, who had yet another opportunity to display his qualities of determination and dedication. It now remains to implement the cease-fire provisions on the spot, a task which will not be easy, as we observe daily and as the Security Council has just been force to note by solemnly repeating its injunction the day before yesterday [see Council resolution 214 (1965)]. After that, it will be necessary to find a means of settling the Kashmir problem that will be acceptable to both parties. None of us are in any ignorance about all that the mere statement of that task implies. What I may add is my conviction that within this Organization, and in the first place in the Security Council, there will be only goodwill and understanding in the endeavour to achieve, if possible, a permanent reconciliation between India and Pakistan.
101. The Viet-Namese problem is indeed even more distressing, not only because it has been going on for years, without any sign of a settlement, but also and above all because it is a war, with all the cruelty and even ruthlessness that war entails. In referring to this subject, even if it is not within the Organization's competence, the representative of France cannot fail to mention first, most feelingly, the human suffering and material destruction which this war is bringing to the Viet-Namese people, whom the French nation knows well, with whom it worked for so long and with whom it has maintained a variety of ties since Viet-Nam attained independence — a people, in a word, whom it knows to be still its friend. For years now, and in the first place through the voice of General de Gaulle, France has spoken out clearly on the settlement which it regards as the only possible one and which, in its view, mast be based on the independence and neutrality of Viet-Nam and on non-intervention in its domestic affairs, as those principles were defined in the 1954 Geneva agreements. Negotiations to that end would probably have been immediately possible at one time. Today they are foiled by the hardening and the distrust which war cannot fail to engender. Our hope is that it will not be too long before the necessary adjustments take place, before decisions are taken, without equivocation or ulterior motives on any side, establishing the system whose principles I have just mentioned, and before the necessary international guarantees are given and the assistance undertaken which will make it possible to repair the accumulated destruction. Then, too, the future of two neighbouring States paralysed by the Viet-Namese war could be secured: Laos, still divided by hostile factions, and Cambodia, whose wise policy of neutrality is constantly being put to the test. When the time comes, all the Powers concerned will have to help to promote and achieve this general settlement. France will then be prepared to place whatever experience, influence, goodwill and resources it has at the service of peace, and then of reconstruction.
102. Europe today affords a striking contrast with Asia: no serious crisis is developing there, comparable for instance with the earlier Berlin crisis. Nevertheless, everything remains in suspense, because there has still been no settlement of the German problem. For twenty years Europe has been forced to accommodate itself to that situation. Despite periodic upheavals, it has to resign itself to living on a makeshift basis, as though the lessons of an unforgotten past and a nuclear balance made effective only by terror were sheltering it, at least for the time being, from any temptation to seek adventures. But we all know that we must not defy the future and that the time will therefore come when the German people will be reunited in accordance with the principle of self-determination and in the context of a well-established system of European security. This, of course, will have to come about peacefully and by means of a general agreement between West and East. As the division of Germany was born of the division of Europe, so the precondition for the healing of one is the healing of the other. This means a profound and necessarily gradual transformation of the present situation. We feel that France, for its part, is contributing constructively to this process, by gradually renewing relations of mutual trust with the countries of Eastern Europe, most of which are its friends of long standing. In our view, the development which we envisage and desire is the only way of proceeding. with the necessary peaceful changes and thus bringing the task necessarily bound up with the reunification of Germany and of Europe to a successful conclusion.
103. I have spoken of Europe, I have spoken of Asia. None of the crucial questions which arise there will be discussed in the General Assembly, and only the conflict between India and Pakistan is on the agenda of the Security Council, in connexion with the implementation of the cease-fire and the endeavour to find a substantive solution. We shall therefore consider the problems of that part of the world from another aspect, namely, that of disarmament.
104. I deliberately approach this big subject in the context of the international situation as a whole, and not in that of military technology or this or that particular measure. How can anyone think it possible to separate the problems of disarmament from the context in which they necessarily fall, that is, the problems of war and peace? Five years ago, the peoples had a moment of hope, as a general detente seemed to be developing in the cold war and a meeting of the big Powers was in preparation for the discussion, in particular, of a halt in the arms race. The events which we all remember cut short the undertaking; doubtless, too, the time was not then ripe for any confirmation of the prospects which seemed, fleetingly, to be emerging. Since then the opportunity has not presented itself again, for grave reasons. One of those reasons is the progressive extension of the Viet-Namese war, which makes it very difficult to seek any genuine detente. Another, clearly, is the growing and spectacular intervention of China in the world's affairs, a China which is now a nuclear Power, and the fact that its action cannot be exercised within the framework available to all the other Powers. As a result, disarmament talks can, of course, take place here or there, but they lack the necessary elements of conviction, and therefore of hope. There is talk in the General Assembly of holding a world disarmament conference. This certainly appears to be a noble idea, if there are no ulterior motives behind it. But, in order to have any meaning, could such a conference be anything other than a conference for achieving a detente, and hence peace? If that were the case, then the doors to the future would indeed stand wide open.
105. When, today, people talk of disarmament, the general tendency is to call it non-dissemination. That is probably a way, as it were an instinctive way, of saying that the nuclear weapon is the essential factor and therefore the greatest danger. France desires- dissemination no more than does any other country and it realizes that the Powers possessing the formidable privilege of atomic armament will never agree to share it with anyone else. It also knows that, in fact, behind the discussions which are taking place at Geneva and elsewhere, there inevitably lie the great international problems, in the first place — why not say so? — that of the future of Germany. But what it feels, principally, is that this is not the essential problem. If there is really to be disarmament, then what already exists must first be prevented from growing and then be reduced. In other words, the atomic Powers are involved. If they would agree to limit their production, progressively to reduce their stockpiles and to accept the necessary controls, dissemination would be clearly shown to be what it really is — a by-product and not the source of the evil.
106. Such considerations might appear naive and therefore utopian. Yet they are only a restatement of the obvious, namely, once again, that the disarmament problem is in the first place a problem of war and peace, and therefore in the first place the problem of the Powers which possess the means of making war and hence the means of establishing peace. The responsibilities incumbent upon them are immense. France has never ceased to say so. It thinks that it is never too late to say so again. Nor is it ever too late to draw the logical conclusions.
107. While so many grave questions thus remain outstanding, the world is changing, developing, organizing itself. What better evidence of this process than the sixty or seventy States which have become Members of the United Nations during the past ten years, as they achieved statehood and independence? Decolonization is the essential phenomenon of our times. It is approaching its end, even though there are still some problems and even though there are bound to be some more crises before those problems are finally settled. France is happy and proud to have made its contribution in the area for which it was responsible. May I recall that the final chapter of that great undertaking was closed for France in this very hall, on 8 October 1962, when I had the honour to support before the Assembly [1146th meeting] the application of the young Algerian Republic for membership? That, indeed, was the positive conclusion of a long and painful ordeal which, the wounds once dressed, has left a final legacy of friendly feeling and a host of common interests.
108. As decolonization nears completion, new tasks emerge, and it is to these that we must summon both the old States of Europe and North America and all the young nations for which accession to sovereignty also signifies accession to full responsibility for their own future. Development in all its forms — economic, social, human — has now become the grand design of the world. This is the task we must all assume together, in an atmosphere of solidarity and co-operation.
109. I said co-operation, for is this not the new and henceforth basic form of international action? The French Republic has made it an essential principle of its policy. That policy is to make a substantial, and more or less permanent, contribution to help the less developed countries, beginning, of course, with those where we formerly held direct responsibilities and to which we are still bound by so many ties, but progressively expanding our sphere of action, to the extent that that is possible and desired, and in the first place in Latin America, Europe's sister. We are deeply convinced that that is both our duty and in our best interests, for we cannot dissociate our interests from the general interests of the world. We also believe that such a policy must be subordinated to the express condition that we refrain from linking aid, whatever form it may take, to any political condition whatsoever and that we refrain from any intervention, in that connexion, in the affairs of our partners. Only thus will it be possible for the relations of mutual trust and brotherly collaboration that will make our task truly effective to develop, or continue, without constraint or ulterior motives.
110. The United Nations can also, and therefore must, make its contribution to the great work of development. It will do so, in the first place, by increasing the opportunities for contact among States and for better knowledge of one another, by seeking to dispel any distrust which may subsist, by working out techniques, by organizing studies and, when it is sure of its efficacy, by giving direct aid. The main thing, however, would seem to be to foster a state of mind, that is, to maintain or create a situation in which the best endowed States would willingly contribute in a variety of ways, and in which States requiring development would understand that the main task lies with them and that independence creates responsibility.
111. There is, of course, an area where, by definition, there is nothing that is not multilateral, that of international trade. The Geneva conference last year provided the first opportunity for general discussion on the subject among industrialized and developing countries. The discussion naturally turned on the problem which is crucial for the latter, namely, trade in the major basic commodities and tropical products. France has long believed that therein lies the key to many development problems. What is needed is to ensure that the earnings of producers are stabilized at a suitable level; in other words, to put an end to immoderate and incessant price fluctuations. That is a difficult task, requiring sacrifice and discipline of everyone. If it is not carried out, however, much of what is being done to promote development is likely to remain without any genuine effectiveness, as is the case today. Is there any field in which international co-operation can be more useful, and hence more justified?
112. I have come to the end of my statement. I have tried to present France's stands on both the particular and the general problems which confront the world today, and to do so as clearly and candidly as possible. Today's world, like yesterday's and like that of all times, is a difficult world, endlessly seeking peace, never certain of finding it for good. It is also a world in full transformation, in full evolution. The last world war is already far behind us. Decolonization already appears almost as a great adventure of the past. Ideologies which formerly, in a universe which they divided, seemed to be establishing themselves as permanent systems, are already beginning to lose their power, if only through their own divisions. Already the nations which the exponents of those ideologies thought they had aligned with them are beginning to recover their personalities and their freedom of action. Already, too, the innumerable nations that have emerged are beginning to be aware both of their own individuality and of the fact that, now that they have achieved independence, their internal problems of development demand priority.
113. Thus a world is emerging in which relations among States, among all States, are once more assuming prime importance. The manner of their final establishment will dictate the future of us all, and it is here that the United Nations can find its true role. A basic condition is respect of each by each, respect for independence, non-interference in others' affairs, establishment of universal co-operation on the basis of strict equality. Everything depends, too, on the conduct of the greatest Powers. Particular responsibilities devolve upon those which possess nuclear arms. The peace of mankind depends, ultimately, on the agreement, or at the least the modus vivendi, which they may establish. We must therefore settle our disputes wherever they exist, promote a true detente and show the world that our wisdom is commensurate with our resources.