78. Mr. President, on behalf of the Turkish Government and myself, may I offer you our heartiest congratulations on your election as President of the General Assembly. At this time, so full of dangers for world peace, we are convinced that, with your outstanding qualities as a statesman, your wide experience of international problems and your devotion to the cause of international peace and co-operation, you will make a very valuable contribution to the work of the Assembly. Your election is also a well-deserved tribute to your country, Italy, which is a friend of Turkey, and is noted for its efforts to secure greater understanding between all peoples.
79. I should like to take this opportunity to pay tribute also to H.E. Mr. Quaison-Sackey, Minister for Foreign Affairs of Ghana and President of the nineteenth session of the General Assembly, whose exceptional qualities enabled him successfully to carry out the arduous task of overcoming the difficulties of a particularly dangerous period in the history of the Organization.
80. I am particularly pleased to welcome, on behalf of the Turkish people and Government, those countries which have recently joined the United Nations family. The Gambia, the Maldive Islands and Singapore are the latest representatives in our Organization of the independence movement of peoples throughout the world, a movement which my country is proud to have been one of the first to promote. Turkey warmly welcomes the accession of colonial peoples to independence and unreservedly supports all United Nations efforts in this direction.
81. Guided by this attitude, we condemn not only colonialism in all its forms, but also racial discrimination and apartheid, as Incompatible with the principles of the Charter and the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, and as prejudicial to the maintenance of peace. This happy evolution towards the complete ending of colonialism is likely to strengthen still further the moral influence of the United Nations, which is so necessary for the maintenance of the peace upon which the future of mankind ultimately depends.
82. The Charter remains the source of all our hopes and the symbol of all mankind's noble ideals of peace, an international society founded on justice and freedom, the preservation of human rights and human dignity, and economic and social development to ensure a decent standard of living for all peoples. It embodies the deepest aspirations of mankind, and the principles which it proclaims represent the criteria by which the actions of all countries, large and small, are judged by world public opinion. Besides this moral force, it should be emphasized that, on the practical level, it is due to the untiring efforts of the United Nations that international cooperation in many spheres has today become a reality. The Organization has also contributed to the settlement of many disputes; it has played a constructive and effective role, not only in the emancipation of colonial peoples, but also in helping their countries to overcome the many difficulties of the first stage of independence.
83. Above all, the United Nations has been of great service in the field of peace-keeping operations, by organizing United Nations forces or observation missions, which have helped to prevent a worsening of international conflicts and to establish a more favourable climate for peaceful initiatives to secure settlement of disputes. At a time when local conflicts are tending to proliferate and thereby to promote chain reactions which could lead to a general conflagration, this function of the United Nations must be strengthened and organized on a realistic basis. Of course, we look forward eagerly to the day when it will be possible to establish a permanent United Nations force under Article 43 of the Charter, thereby ending the arms race and unilateral recourse to the use of force. But we are still far from that goal, and in the meantime more limited peacekeeping efforts must not be neglected.
84. If we are to continue peace-keeping operations effectively, we must take all aspects into account in settling this problem. First, we must settle the still unresolved question of financing. Secondly, we must define more accurately the respective prerogatives of the General Assembly and the Security Council in this field. Thirdly, the administrative, technical and financial procedures for such operations must be worked out. We are grateful to the delegation of Ireland for the draft resolution [see A/5966/Rev.2] which it has submitted to the Assembly, and we hope that that draft will lead to a fruitful exchange of views, enabling substantial progress to be made on this question.
85. In the same context, the problem of the peaceful settlement of disputes is of vital importance. Unfortunately, in a number of cases we see countries resorting to force in order to settle disputes, and this state of affairs imperils peace, not only between the countries directly involved but throughout the whole world. An effective system for settling existing or future conflicts by peaceful means has become an urgent and imperative necessity. As long as such a system is not set up, and the procedure and institutions for settling conflicts is not established, the danger of resort to force and to war will not have finally passed. Turkey has always favoured the establishment of an adequate system for peaceful settlement of international disputes. It even proposed, at the San Francisco Conference in 1945, the institution of compulsory jurisdiction by the International Court of Justice in international conflicts. We believe that an effective system for the solution of conflicts by peaceful means would be the only way of preventing disputes from deteriorating into armed confrontations, with all the dangers which they may involve for world peace. This question has been included in the agenda of the Assembly [item 99] and the Turkish delegation will not fail to make its contribution to the discussion of the matter, which it considers vital for the maintenance of international peace and harmony.
86. These comments on the need to establish a system for the peaceful settlement of disputes leads us logically to a review of recent serious developments, which make a study of the Organization's activities in this field more and more urgent. One of the most tragic conflicts at present afflicting the world is the Indo-Pakistan dispute, which has dealt a further serious blow to the already shaky peace of the Asian continent. Turkey has from the outset given its full support to the efforts of the Secretary-General and the Security Council to bring about a cease-fire, and we note with satisfaction that those efforts have resulted in an ending of the bloodshed.
87. However, the cease-fire which has been achieved, and which we hope will be respected, is not in itself an adequate long-term solution, because the situation will remain explosive as long as the essence of this conflict is not resolved. India and Pakistan bear heavy responsibilities for the maintenance of peace in their region and throughout the world.
88. That is why we believe that these two great Asian countries should realize their obligation to seek at all costs a just and fair solution to this conflict, which has so gravely prejudiced their relations for eighteen years and which has led them to the brink of war. In their efforts to resolve this conflict which divides them, they will clearly have the full support of all peace-loving countries. The Kashmir dispute must be solved through negotiations, taking into account the resolutions of the Security Council on this question.
89. Another conflagration in the same part of Asia is threatening world peace. The fighting in Viet-Nam, which has been going on for years, has taken on the dimensions of a real and increasingly destructive war, which the world is watching with anguish. It is quite clear that there can be no military solution to the conflict and that the continuation of hostilities can only increase the sufferings of the Viet-Namese people, who have not known peace for more than twenty years. It is also clear that the military confrontation is likely to escalate still further, thereby increasing the risk of a general conflict. The only way to stop this tragic course of events would be to start negotiations between the countries concerned without further delay, on the basis of the 1954 Agreements, in order to put an end to this dangerous war and to create conditions in which the people of Viet-Nam can again find peace and have confidence in their own future.
90. I should like also to refer briefly to a European problem which, although it does not appear on our agenda, is of vital importance for the consolidation of peace and the application of the principles set forth in the Charter of the United Nations. I refer to the problem of the reunification of Germany, which has remained unsolved since the end of the Second World War. We feel that the German people's profound yearning for national unity is legitimate and that their exercise of the right freely to express their wishes will assist in strengthening peace in Europe.
91. Other problems have remained unsolved for many years. Among them is the question of Palestine, which has a human as well as a political aspect and, by its continuation, seriously threatens stability and tranquillity in the Middle East. The extremely serious events which have recently occurred in certain regions of the world have proved that time does not bring an end to conflicts. The solution of this problem is the more imperative since it involves the fate of over a million refugees, whose precarious and tragic situation continues to be a source of deep concern. This question must be solved according to the principles of law and of justice.
92. The agenda of this twentieth session of the General Assembly again includes the question of Cyprus because, despite Turkey's efforts to solve this conflict by peaceful means, it has proved impossible to arrive at a settlement. This dispute continues to threaten peace and stability in our region and is still a constant source of human suffering. Almost two years have elapsed since the tragic events of December 1963. I do not want to engage here in accusation or recrimination, because I am still convinced that the discussion of this serious conflict must take place in as calm an atmosphere as possible in order to facilitate an objective examination of the problem and encourage all the parties concerned to redouble their efforts to end a situation that is distressing and even explosive.
93. This being my position, and taking into account the fact that the question of Cyprus is to be examined in detail in the First Committee, I shall content myself here with describing this painful problem in broad outline and as briefly as possible. I should like to stress the fact that the conflict, apart from its political aspect, has a human aspect that must never be forgotten. For two years an entire community has been eking out a precarious existence in anguish and misery. The reports which the Secretary-General of the United Nations has submitted to the Security Council describe in all their tragic scope the sufferings which the Turkish community in Cyprus has had to endure.
94. These reports confirm the fact that more than 3,000 houses belonging to Turks have been either totally or partially destroyed, that more than 200 Turks have been taken as hostages and that there is no longer any hope for their lives, that 25,000 Turks have been forced to abandon their homes and seek refuge in other areas in order to ensure their safety, and that 25,000 others have been deprived of all sources of income. Fifty-six thousand persons, or almost half the Turkish population of Cyprus, have thus suffered directly the disastrous consequences of this painful conflict, have been deprived of all means of subsistence and have been stripped of their property and their goods. This shows how important it is that a solution be found to this dispute, not only to prevent a worsening of the political conflict, but also to put an end to a human tragedy that can no longer continue.
95. In considering the question of Cyprus, I think we must first of all endeavour carefully to examine all the elements of the problem.
96. In the first place, we must remember that this is not the first time the problem of Cyprus has been discussed by the General Assembly. The matter was discussed repeatedly between 1954 and 1958, when Cyprus was still a British colony. At that time, the Greek Government sought the application of the principle of self-determination, not in order to ensure the granting of independence to the Turkish and Greek Cypriots, but simply to secure the annexation of the island to Greece. That claim took no account of the historical and geographical ties between Turkey and Cyprus, or of the existence on the island of two communities each of which refused to submit to the other. Turkey, on the other hand, considered that equitable application of the principle of self-determination should also take into account the aspirations of the Turkish Cypriots and their concern for security vis-à-vis the Greek community, which had repeatedly expressed deep hostility towards them, and that the question could not be solved outside the context of Turkish-Greek relations.
97. Confronted with these two opposing views, the General Assembly recommended in 1956 [resolution 1013 (XI)], and again in 1958 [resolution 1287 (XIII)], that a solution to the conflict be found through negotiation among ail the parties concerned. Therefore, we must first of all remember that the General Assembly has already made a careful study of this problem and has recommended all the parties concerned to seek a peaceful, democratic and just solution by negotiation. This recommendation thus rejected the argument that the question of Cyprus could be settled by taking into account only the desires of the Greek community on the island.
98. The Turkish and Greek Governments, aware of their responsibilities and guided by the resolutions of the United Nations, co-operated with the two communities on the island and with the Government of the United Kingdom with a view to reaching a final settlement of the conflict. The arrangement agreed on provided for the creation of an independent State of Cyprus endowed with a Constitution that took also into account the special situation in Cyprus, namely, the existence of two distinct national communities. The Constitution granted communal autonomy to both groups and equitable participation in the administration of the island. The balance established between the two communities merely legalized a situation which had existed for four centuries; the Turks and the Greeks had always carried on a separate existence in the island and had enjoyed substantial autonomy in their communal affairs, regardless of the sovereign Power in the island.
99. The independence of Cyprus based upon the principle of co-administration by the two communities constituted a solution in keeping with the principles of self-determination and justice, and with the need to preserve harmony and understanding between Turks and Greeks both in the island and throughout the Mediterranean, and thus permitted the two communities to coexist peacefully on the island and to co-operate in its administration. Furthermore, that arrangement excluded both enosis and partition, and gave birth to the Republic of Cyprus as an independent State.
100. Secondly, we must take into account the resolution [186 (1964)] adopted on 4 March 1964 by the Security Council, which still has the question of Cyprus before it.
101. I should like to take this opportunity of reiterating my Government's thanks to Canada, Denmark, Finland, Ireland, the United Kingdom and Sweden, which have placed military contingents at the disposal of the United Nations Force in Cyprus, to Austria, Australia and New Zealand, for their police units, and to all those, more numerous still, that have contributed to the financing of the Force.
102. It is thanks to the United Nations Force that the lives of thousands of men, women and children have been saved. However, the presence of the Force has not prevented extremely serious acts committed against the Turkish community in violation of the Security Council resolution of 4 March 1964. In order to perpetrate these acts, an enormously expanded military force was set up, despite the Security Council resolution I have just mentioned. Furthermore, it was stated repeatedly and unequivocally that these forces were intended to ensure the union of Cyprus with Greece, not peace on the island. The presence of these forces has always constituted a threat and an instrument for intimidation of the Turkish community. Recourse to force was preferred to the path of negotiation and understanding. The Greek Cypriots have always done everything in their power to destroy constitutional order in Cyprus.
103. The recent move by the Greek administration of Cyprus to extend the mandate of the President of the Republic and of Parliament and to amend the electoral law was likewise inspired by a determination to win by force at all costs and to repudiate the understanding. It is clear that this last attempt was also intended to substitute faits accomplis for legality. The Turkish Government found itself obliged to request an immediate meeting of the Security Council in order to draw the Council's attention to the grave dangers inherent in this new challenge to treaties and to the resolutions of the Council. The Security Council, after lengthy deliberations, adopted a resolution [207 (1965)] based essentially on the report of the Secretary-General, which indicated that the Greek Cypriot action had increased tension in Cyprus.
104. The Council therefore invited all parties to avoid any action likely to worsen the situation. We hope that this resolution will be scrupulously respected and that the Greek Cypriots will refrain from again resorting to any such action, which can only reduce still further the chances of settling the dispute by peaceful means.
105. Another basic element in the question of Cyprus is respect for contractual obligations; these can be changed by negotiation and only with the agreement of all the parties concerned. This principle lies at the very root of international relations and is mentioned in the preamble of the Charter of the United Nations. It is also included, I may recall, among the ten Bandung principles. As a Member of the United Nations having assumed all the obligations of the Charter, and also pursuant to the rules of international law, it is clear that Cyprus must scrupulously respect its commitments. Turkey has said nothing to suggest that treaties may not be modified. But it is obvious that treaties must be respected until such time as they are modified by an agreement among all the contracting parties.
106. In advancing their argument that Cyprus is free to repudiate the treaties and to unite with Greece, the Greek Cypriots invoke the principle of self-determination. But this argument is simply a distortion of a noble principle. The Cypriot people, that is to say the Turkish and Greek communities, have already made use of their right or self-determination, and it is because of and following the exercise of that right that Cyprus gained its independence. The two communities were free to opt for either one of two alternatives: they could either choose to be attached to their respective mother countries, or they could decide to co-operate in the administration of the island and, in that case, to choose independence. They made the latter choice. The principle of self-determination is now being cynically invoked for the sole benefit of the Greek community in order to justify enosis and the disintegration of an independent State, contrary to the aspirations of the entire Turkish community.
107. The Greek Cypriots have long been careful in international forums, knowing that the policy of annexation did not command the approval and support they desired, to avoid using the word "enosis" in open meetings, and have made every effort to create the impression that what they wanted was independence without the contractual obligations which they had assumed vis-à-vis the co-signatories of the treaties governing the status of Cyprus. But in Cyprus itself the Greek Cypriot leaders were reiterating more and more categorically that enosis was a sacred mission and that everything possible would be done to achieve it.
108. Today, seeing that their goal of enosis can no longer be disguised and that this ambivalent language is beginning to damage their own position, the Greek Cypriots no longer hesitate, as we have seen at recent meetings of the Security Council, to admit openly that their objective is nothing other than enosis. What is difficult to understand in their attitude is their failure to realize that one cannot make use of a principle in order to destroy that same principle. Furthermore, it is inadmissible that the Turkish community, which chose independence, should now be forced by the mere will of the Greek community to participate in the attempt to destroy that independence.
109. The position of the Turkish Government on the question of Cyprus is clear. It is based upon equity, justice and law. That Government resolutely opposes any attempt to solve the problem by recourse to faits accomplis or to force; it fully supports the principle of respect for international commitments and therefore considers that treaties cannot be modified except with the approval of all the parties concerned — which, incidentally, is in full conformity with the principles of the Charter and the rules of international law. The Turkish Government has at no time considered depriving the other parties concerned, particularly the Greek Cypriot community, of their contractual and legitimate rights; but it also has a responsibility to protect the constitutional and legitimate rights of the Turkish community. Its main concern is entente, on the island, between the two communities and entente, in the Eastern Mediterranean, between Turkey and Greece. Entente on the island cannot be brought about by one community's domination of the other, or by putting an end to the island's independence and annexing it to another State. Today, as in the past, we are convinced of the need to settle this question by negotiation and by an agreement between the parties, and not by faits accomplis or by violence.
110. Consequently, we welcomed with satisfaction the opening of preliminary talks between Turkey and Greece on the problem of Cyprus. In my Government's opinion, the object of these talks is to facilitate the search for a solution which would be acceptable to all the parties concerned. We earnestly hope that the discussions which will take place at the United Nations on the question of Cyprus will be constructive and will nave the way for a negotiated settlement. Such a settlement is indispensable for the maintenance of a genuine and lasting peace on the island and in the region.
111. The problem of disarmament, which the Assembly is to discuss this year in the light of the meetings of the Disarmament Commission, and the question of adoption of effective measures within the framework of the United Nations Charter for the maintenance of international peace and security are problems still outstanding whose solution is essential for the well-being of mankind as a whole. During the years in which the United Nations has been dealing with these problems, no appreciable progress has been made and we have witnessed instead a race to acquire both nuclear and conventional weapons. It may, unfortunately, be true that recent international developments have affected the atmosphere of détente and the present state of tension cannot be regarded as very conducive to constructive discussions of disarmament. That is no justification, however, for abandoning our efforts in this important field. Whatever the nature of the obstacles in our path, we must persist unrelentingly in our efforts for, with the advances being made in military technology and the boundless growth in the destructive power of weapons, only general and complete disarmament, accompanied by measures to guarantee the security of all countries, can save present and future generations from an unprecedented disaster.
112. For this reason, any programme of general and complete disarmament must be balanced, must cover both nuclear and conventional weapons and must involve successive stages and a system of effective international control. A disarmament plan which does not have all these features would, in our opinion, be likely to create a dangerous disequilibrium, which, instead of serving the cause of peace, would gravely jeopardize it by exposing us all to incalculable risks.
113. Along these same lines we must study collateral disarmament measures. These are extremely valuable because they gradually pave the way towards general disarmament, help reduce international tension, and, if they are well conceived, may halt and even reverse the arms race.
114. In this context, the question of the non-proliferation of nuclear weapons naturally assumes importance and we hope that the discussions begun on this question in the Disarmament Committee will culminate in an agreement. This measure cannot be considered in isolation, however. It must be accompanied by parallel measures which will make it really possible to stop the arms race and bring about a reduction in armaments. A non-proliferation treaty would be meaningless if the nuclear Powers continue to increase their atomic stockpiles and if the non-nuclear countries alone undertake not to acquire or produce these weapons. A non-proliferation treaty should therefore be supplemented by the accession of all countries to the partial test-ban treaty, by the complete prohibition of all nuclear tests — including underground tests, by the freezing of the production of nuclear weapons and delivery vehicles, and by a reduction of existing stocks. Moreover, we must remember that nuclear disarmament measures will not be sufficient so long as no progress has been made towards the reduction of the conventional weapons which exist in the arsenals of every country. National security is endangered both by the accumulation of conventional weapons and by that of nuclear weapons. The present conflicts have in fact arisen mainly from the use of conventional weapons.
115. All these questions are on the agenda of the Disarmament Committee, which, in view of the technical and detailed nature of the problem, we really regard as the appropriate organ for holding useful discussions on the various aspects of disarmament. The Disarmament Commission has adopted a resolution inviting the Assembly to study the question of convening a world disarmament conference. We voted in favour of that resolution because we feel that the Assembly should explore every possibility of giving a new impetus to the work of disarmament. Such a conference would obviously have to be very carefully prepared, however, if it is to make a genuine contribution to the process of disarmament.
116. At the last session, we informed the General Assembly of the efforts made by Turkey to develop its relations with all countries of the world in order to contribute to the greatest possible extent to the strengthening of international understanding and harmony on the widest possible scale. One of the fundamental principles to which we adhere in our foreign policy is that of maintaining good relations with all our neighbours on the basis of mutual confidence and respect, equality of rights and non-interference in domestic affairs, developing our co-operation with them and avoiding situations likely to create tension and conflicts in our region. This being our attitude, we are pleased at the development of our relations with all our neighbours.
117. We believe that we have established genuine good-neighbourly relations with the Soviet Union. Our relations with the Balkan countries have also developed very satisfactorily.
118. Relations between Turkey, Iran and Pakistan continue to be marked by sincere friendship and our joint efforts in the sphere of regional co-operation for development have reached the practical stage. Our relations with the Arab States, for which we have deep feelings of friendship and cordiality, have become increasingly close and we are pleased to note that conditions are conducive to an increase in our co-operation with those countries in all fields.
119. May I now briefly touch on the economic activities of the United Nations.
120. Our present session is taking place at a time when the first five years of the United Nations Development Decade have already elapsed. Undoubtedly, the efforts made by the United Nations and its related organizations, as well as by the Member States, for the achievement of the objectives of the Decade are most praiseworthy. However, we must agree that the results obtained so far are not commensurate with our hopes. It appears that the great majority of the developing countries will not have achieved by 1970 the rate of economic growth planned for the Decade. Furthermore, the volume of capital provided for the developing countries has declined. Finally, it must be noted that the external debt of the developing countries is increasing rapidly.
121. The activities of the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development have, of course, been an important and constructive element in the Decade. This new international machinery, the legal status of which was defined in General Assembly resolution 1995 (XIX), has been extremely effective in spite of its brief existence. The Trade and Development Board, the main organ of the Conference, has already held two sessions. The four main Committees of the Board and their numerous subsidiary bodies have already been set up.
122. During the last session of the Trade and Development Board substantial progress was made in the implementation of the recommendations of the Conference. Turkey, as a developing country, attaches great importance to this and is ready to carry out the tasks which may be incumbent upon it.
123. Realizing that economic and social progress depend primarily upon self-help, Turkey is determined to use all its national resources and to avail of all its possibilities in order to further its development.
124. To conclude this part of my statement, I would like to pay a tribute to the United Nations family of organizations for its unceasing efforts to help in solving the problems confronting the developing countries. In particular, I would like to mention the programmes of technical co-operation that are so valuable in ensuring a rational and maximum utilization of available resources.
125. We are meeting at a critical moment in world development, at a moment when all men are anxiously wondering whether the scourge of war, which has reappeared in certain regions of the world, is going to spread and engulf the whole world in an unprecedented catastrophe. The United Nations symbolizes the ideal of a just and durable peace and it is the task of our Organization to seek every means of avoiding such a catastrophe and of rekindling in us hope for the future. We are convinced that the Organization will not fail.
126. I would not like to leave the rostrum without expressing our profound gratification at the forthcoming visit to the United Nations of His Holiness Pope Paul VI.