16. Sir, it was with much regret that I heard of the unfortunate accident which has temporarily deprived us of the presence of our distinguished President. While I wish him a speedy recovery, allow me to extend my congratulations and the congratulations of my delegation to him on his election to the Presidency of the General Assembly — an honour well-merited and richly deserved.
17. His election is a measure of the high esteem in which his country is held. The qualities of leadership that have enabled him to hold, with great distinction, the highest offices in the Government of his country, his statesmanship, wisdom and experience qualify him for the Presidency of this great Assembly. I, on behalf of the Government of the Sudan, which enjoys the best relations with his great country, wish him all success in his great task.
18. May I also. Sir, pay tribute to his worthy predecessor, Mr. Alex Quaison-Sackey, Foreign Minister of Ghana, whose tact, patience and perseverance saved the previous session of the General Assembly from becoming completely disabled.
19. In our twentieth year, we have added to our number three more countries: the Gambia, the Maldive Islands and Singapore. We welcome them; and may I, on behalf of the Sudan, extend to them our sincere congratulations.
20. It has been said that this twentieth year of the United Nations is a year of reckoning — of stocktaking. When we reflect on the good that we have achieved we are heartened by what we see on the credit side. We have come a long way since the time when force was the only arbiter in human affairs. The noble principles of equality among men, the sanctity of human rights, the right of all people to self-determination, are now firmly established through the existence and continued functioning of the United Nations. However, the United Nations cannot rest on its laurels. Its achievements must be safeguarded with vigilance and determination if they are not to be nullified by the selfishness, greed and national pride that dominate our international dealings in important problems. The spiritual advancement of man has lagged far behind his intellectual and technological achievements; but we must realize that in most of the problems that we have to deal with we are confronted with a moral issue; we are faced with a choice between truth and justice on the one hand and national advantage, power and prestige on the other. There is a war raging in Viet-Nam. The guns have scarcely been silent on the Indo-Pakistan sub-continent. Great armies are being maintained a state of readiness — weapons of mass destruction are continuously being improved and perfected. The peoples of Asia and Africa continue to struggle for their freedom for a better life in peace and honour. All these are moral issues whose significance as such, has too often been disregarded. I am certain, however, that the only hope for us, the only vindication of our humanity is to face these issues honestly and deal with them in the way that we think right, honest and just.
21. The continent of Africa can, in many ways, provide a testing ground for the application of the principles enshrined in the Charter of the United Nations. During these twenty years of its existence, the United Nations has aided some countries in Africa through a trusteeship to full sovereignty. It has provided the atmosphere and sometimes the means and the impetus for the achievement of independence through self-determination. The principle of self-determination has been, throughout these years, the supreme instrument for combating colonialism and the guardian and guarantor of freedom in colonial territories.
22. My own country achieved its independence though the application of this principle, as exercised in 1956 by an assembly representing the whole people who freely chose independence under a unitary State. Since then we have gone through many vicissitudes; but in the end we chose democracy and a constitution that guarantees the fundamental freedoms; freedom of expression, freedom of association and freedom of worship. Men and women have equal political and civil rights. Political parties with radically different doctrines are represented in our Parliament. Trade unions and associations function freely in accordance with progressive labour laws. The programme of our Government which reflects the will and aspirations of the great majority of the Sudanese people is dedicated to the achievement of social justice and equality of economic opportunity.
23. In our foreign policy we are non-aligned in the sense that we do not judge issues in accordance with East and West bloc dispositions. We believe that the non-aligned countries represent a great and effective force for peace in the world. We denounce colonialism in all its forms and are committed to combating it in Africa, in Asia and everywhere until it is completely eradicated. On the issues of colonialism and human rights, this Assembly, through the co-operation of many of its Members, has made great strides, but many grave situations continue to beset us and threaten the peace of the world.
24. For the past eighteen years, the Middle East has been one of the most dangerous areas of conflict and strife. I do not see how it can be otherwise unless a just and honourable settlement, which seeks to undo the injustice inflicted on the Arabs, is found. The Arabs of Palestine were forced out of their homes and their ancestral land as a result of Israel aggression. They escaped with their lives from persecution, dispossession and the ever-present danger to their very existence, while the genocidal acts of Israel, backed by the joint forces of imperialism and world Zionism, pursued them relentlessly. Since then they have lived in a state of destitution. The Resolution of the General Assembly establishing the United Nations Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees in the Near East [resolution 212 (III)] recognized the threat to peace that is inherent in the situation. A later resolution of the General Assembly of 11 December 1948 [resolution 194 (III)] states that those of the refugees who wanted to be repatriated must be allowed to return and those who were dispossessed ought to be compensated. Nothing of this has happened and the state of the Palestinian refugees has been deteriorating steadily.
25. The refugees of Palestine are wards of the United Nations and the United Nations cannot relieve itself of its responsibility to them. The conscience of humanity should not be at ease until this most flagrant of injustices is redressed. Until that is done, my Government supports fully all the endeavours of the Arabs of Palestine to save their country from the Zionist usurpers.
26. A grave situation exists in Aden and South Arabia, as a result of the state of emergency and the detention of nationalist leaders. My Government deeply regrets that the Government of the United Kingdom chose not to co-operate with the Subcommittee on Aden, particularly its refusal to allow the Sub-Committee to go to the Territory. We sincerely hope that the Government of the United Kingdom will repeal the restrictive laws and make the necessary constitutional changes with a view to setting up a provisional government in accordance with the wishes of the people. Steps must be taken to arrive at an agreed plan for immediate independence. Here, as in Southern Rhodesia, .the course of action must be clear. The wishes of the people, all the people, must be freely stated and ascertained. Their government must emanate from their will.
27. In Southern Rhodesia, Mr. Ian Smith has chosen to ignore the wishes of the overwhelming majority of Africans living in the Territory, but he must be warned that he would do so at his peril. Again we appeal to the Government of the United Kingdom to make constitutional arrangements for elections on the basis of universal adult suffrage. Independence for Southern Rhodesia must not be allowed to be the travesty that the white minority seeks to make it. For our part, we have made it absolutely clear within the Organization of African Unity and in other declarations of policy that Africans will not continue to tolerate the enslavement of African majorities by a small white minority.
28. It is gratifying, however, that this Assembly has, at its 1357th plenary meeting yesterday, passed a well-nigh unanimous resolution [2012 (XX)] requesting the United Kingdom and all other Member States not to accept a unilateral declaration of independence for Southern Rhodesia by the present authorities. It is now the duty of the United Kingdom to live up to its professed views and take all necessary, steps to suppress any attempts calculated to realize the treasonous and rebellious designs of the Government of Mr. Ian Smith. In the meantime it remains to be seen which side will be victorious: the will of the majority of the human race as voiced by this Assembly or the evil forces represented by the Smith Government, aided and abetted by Portugal and South Africa.
29. It is evident that the Government of South Africa is aiming to engulf the territory of Southwest Africa. South Africa has denied that the United Nations has any supervisory authority in South West Africa. It refuses to admit an effective United Nations presence and persistently refuses to co-operate with the United Nations in applying the principles of the Charter and implementing the resolutions of the Assembly. Its expansionist policies are menacing the independence of Swaziland, Basutoland and Bechuanaland. These Territories are in need of the protection of the United Nations. The United Nations must decide once and for all on measures that will meet the continuous defiance of the despotic white minority Government of South Africa.
30. I wish here to declare my Government's full support of the proposal contained in the report of the Special Committee on Apartheid, which considers it imperative that the Security Council should decide to apply economic sanctions under the provisions of Chapter VII of the Charter [A/5957, part III, A].
31. Let us not neglect, in our preoccupation with the enormity of South Africa's defiance, that there are others who have followed its example with impunity. In 1963, the Security Council adopted resolution 180 (1963) calling upon Portugal to cease all acts of repression and to recognize the rights of the peoples of the Territories under its administration to self-determination and independence. Portugal has not implemented that resolution. The intensity of the fighting in the three Territories continues unabated. Here the allies of Portugal bear a special responsibility. They must know, they must be reminded, that they cannot claim to uphold the principles of the Charter of the United Nations while they supply arms which are used to suppress and silence the people of Angola, Mozambique and Guinea who are determined to be free of colonialism. There can be no peace in this world as long as some nations allow themselves to exploit others.
32. On behalf of my Government, I wish to reiterate our stand on the question of respect for the territorial integrity of all nations, large and small. The big Powers must be warned against the continued infringement of the integrity and independence of the smaller countries. We believe that the disruptive activities that some of the big Powers embark upon within the territories of smaller countries are not less dangerous than armed intervention. The smaller nations must be allowed to decide their own future and adopt the form of government that they themselves choose. We in the Sudan have demonstrated that it is possible for an unarmed population to defeat a military dictatorship. We received no help from anyone; nor did we ask for help from anyone. If the great Powers adhered to this principle the smaller nations would be spared a lot of suffering.
33. The people of Viet-Nam, who fought a long war against colonialism, are still engaged in a bitter struggle that shows no signs of coming to an end. The Secretary-General said on 9 July 1965: "First, there must be a cease-fire in order to prevent the further appalling destruction of life and property [in Viet-Nam], Secondly, concerted efforts should be made to reconvene the Geneva Conference ... to discuss very seriously the modalities of implementing the Agreements reached in 1965." It is imperative that this war cease and the foreign armies be withdrawn.
34. On the Indian subcontinent, the worthy efforts of the Secretary-General and the resolutions of the Security Council have led to a cessation of hostilities. But this is an uneasy truce. The root problem must be solved before lasting peace is achieved. The representatives of India and Pakistan have both spoken to the Assembly on the genesis of the problem of Kashmir. They have enumerated all the complicated factors that have contributed to the recent developments in that region, and there is no need for me to go into them again. I wish, however, to point out here that we in the Sudan have enjoyed the most amicable relations with both countries. It grieves us to see that they found themselves unable to solve this problem without resort to war — but the mere grief of a friend is poor solace. The friends of both India and Pakistan — and there are many in this Assembly — have a duty to help them in any way they can to arrive at a satisfactory and lasting solution, in conformity with the accepted principles of peaceful negotiation and self-determination.
35. With regard to the question of Cyprus, we feel that this question must be settled in a way that does not infringe on its independence and integrity, but it is essential that the Turkish minority, with its distinct religion, culture and civilization, does not suffer as a consequence.
36. While we in Asia and Africa are engaged in these grave issues of preserving our independence and upholding our rights for a free and honourable existence, we cannot neglect our duty to raise the standard of living of our people. Our economic development continues to cause us great anxiety. We must declare and emphasize that the problems of economic development in Africa and in Asia need concerted international effort. The deterioration in the terms of trade of primary commodities running parallel with the general improvement of the current balance of the developed countries means that we should increase our productive efforts merely to maintain our present conditions. The inflow of capital into Africa has generally slowed down; yet the share of the more advanced members of the group of developing countries has been more than the share of the less developed ones — a trend which clearly indicates the need for planned multilateral action.
37. So far, international economic activity has been concentrated mainly in the fields of pre-investment and technical assistance; but there is no escaping the fact that a capital development fund is becoming an urgent necessity. The United Nations Conference on Trade and Development has recognized the need and recommended the establishment of such a fund; it still remains for those countries which are in a position to contribute most towards its establishment to lend their support to the idea.
38. We maintain that the economies of the developing countries can be stabilized and fortified against the vagaries of fluctuations in demand for their products if a measure of industrialization is introduced. Their ability to absorb more and more of the products of the industrialized nations while they remain primary producers is, of necessity, rather limited. It is in the interest of the industrialized nations to concentrate on the more sophisticated industrial products and processes and help to establish some basic industries in the developing countries. By so doing they will secure an undoubted economic advantage to themselves and to the others. They will help to raise the demand for their own products. Many developing countries have already initiated industrialization plans, but the results have not always come up to their expectations. International assistance has been generally limited and uncertain. The establishment of a specialized agency of the United Nations for industrial development is an important step in accelerating the industrialization of the developing countries, and the convening of an international conference to draft the basic agreement is now an urgent necessity.
39. It is gratifying to note the willingness of the great Powers to reduce the production of fissionable material and to divert some of their stocks to peaceful uses. It is encouraging to see the consolidation of cooperative effort in the peaceful use of outer space.
40. We sincerely hope that the aspirations of the peoples of Latin America, the Balkans, Northern and Central Europe for denuclearization of their territories will be realized. We in Africa are determined to keep our continent denuclearized and hope that the spread of atomic weapons will be arrested. Nevertheless, we are concerned. We notice that while the great Powers proclaim their peaceful intentions, there exists a considerable area of disagreement as to the methods and priorities of disarmament.
41. We of the third world feel that we have as big a stake in the disarmament question as those who possess nuclear weapons. We have, therefore, supported the convening of a conference of all nations on disarmament.
42. In discussing questions of war and peace, the paradox of the United Nations without the participation of the People's Republic of China is brought forcibly to our minds. This paradox must be resolved in order to give sense and meaning to the deliberations of the Assembly. The Government of the People's Republic of China is in effective control of a territory inhabited by 700 million people; it is a great Power and, as such, must have its rightful place amongst the great Powers. Meanwhile, we must welcome every possible chance of effective participation on the part of China in the global issues of war and peace.
43. It is most regrettable that the Republic of Indonesia has withdrawn from the United Nations. We hope that its alienation will not continue any longer because, in the issues that we deal with, we stand in need of the co-operation of all, if we are to live in peace.