52. We are sorry to note that the President is still indisposed. However, it is a great pleasure for me, in taking the floor at this time, to offer to the President, on behalf of my delegation, most hearty congratulations on his election to the high office of the President of this Assembly.
53. His unanimous election is a tribute to the imperishable achievement of his country’s past. The light of the splendour and greatness that was ancient Rome's has continued to shed its radiance through the many centuries which have passed. It remains as a legacy to our present civilization and it has made a substantial contribution to our international norms and procedures. His personal qualities and talents are too well known and fully appreciated for me to elaborate further upon them. Suffice it to say that his wisdom, industriousness and dedication fill us all with, great hope and confidence. The twentieth session of the General Assembly has a list of many difficult and dangerous problems on its agenda. We, who have conferred on him the honourable but onerous task of guiding this Assembly, have no doubt that he will use those great qualities and talents of his to bring about positive accommodations that will work towards the settlement of these problems. We should like to wish him a speedy recovery.
54. The year 1965 is an auspicious one in the life of this Organization. In the first place, it marks the twentieth anniversary of the United Nations, and earlier this year we celebrated this event with appropriate ceremonies at its birthplace, San Francisco. In the life of any human organisation, as in that of any human organism, we are entitled to expect, on the passing of the second decade of existence, the attainment of a certain maturity, the emergence of a certain assurance, and evidence of a readiness .and determination to assume its rightful responsibilities. In the second place, 1965 sees the beginning of the second half of the United Nations Development Decade. We have reached a mid-point in the race which was begun five years ago with so much vision and with so much hopefulness by this General Assembly. In the third place, this is International Co-operation Year, so designated to indicate this Assembly's pride and interest in the continued growth of international interdependence.
55. It is only right and proper, therefore, that we should approach the tasks of the General Assembly during this present session with most critical concern. Our duty compels us to review not merely the events which have transpired since the last session of the General Assembly, but the general record and performance of this Organization, in order to assess its strengths and weaknesses, if any, and.collectively to engage in that exercise of reappraisal which in an individual one would term "soul-searching". To commence this exercise, it is necessary to recall that we are pledged by the Charter of this Organization to outlaw war and to take whatever measures that may be appropriate to eliminate threats to the peace and to repel aggression. We are solemnly bound to promote the economic and social advancement of peoples everywhere, and we are committed to respect the dignity and worth of the human person and protect non-self-governing peoples against abuses and political and economic exploitation.
56. When the events of the past several months are considered from this point of view, we are impressed more poignantly than ever by what the Secretary-General refers to in the Introduction to his Annual Report as "the distance that still lies between us and the goals we set ourselves two decades ago" [A/6001/ Add.1, section 1]. For the whole world has been witness to the very apparent tightening of international tensions, and the dogs of war, thought to have been restrained by Chapter VI and VII of the Charter, have been unleashed in every hemisphere, almost in every continent.
57. In Latin America, the peace of the continent was shattered anew, and civil war, fanned by ideological partisanship, overleapt national confines, revealing the continuing difficulties experienced in accommodating national self-determination with hemispheric or regional solidarity.
58. In Asia, refusal to abide by the terms of previously agreed peace accords has resulted in the dragging on of a debilitating struggle which has achieved little save the increasing devastation of a region and its long-suffering inhabitants. In yet another region, territorial problems, which had simmered unsolved for many years, finally erupted into a conflagration which, despite the industry and patience of the Secretary-General and timely action by the Security Council, still refuses to be extinguished.
59. In Europe, questions of divided nations and other problems still unresolved since the ending of the Second World War have caused a revival of dormant tendencies. In our own continent, racism and colonialism, universally discredited and repudiated, have united their forces to commit fresh aggressions and aggravated genocide.
60. Against this background of clashing ideologies, undefined boundaries and moribund imperialism stand brandished the monstrous weapons of nuclear war and destruction. Tragically, but unmistakably, the existing state of international tensions and the question of disarmament are intimately interrelated. It is all the more regrettable, therefore, that despite the extensive efforts of the Eighteen-Nation Committee on Disarmament during the past months, it has again been compelled to report to this Assembly failure to "reach any specific agreement at this session either on questions of general and complete disarmament or on measures aimed at the lessening of international tension" [A/5986, para. 20]. Nevertheless, my delegation is pleased to note that the members of the Committee considered that the discussions served some useful purpose and that they may facilitate agreement in its further work. Progress in the field of disarmament — particularly of nuclear disarmament — is an urgent necessity.
61. My delegation has therefore followed with a very keen interest the attempts of the several world forces in the sphere of disarmament, both in the organized conferences under the auspices of the United Nations and in the single acts of individual Governments. We applaud the proposals made by the representative of the United States in his speech before this Assembly [1334th meeting], for the dismantling of certain numbers of nuclear weapons and the other proposals to reduce the dangers inherent in the high level of nuclear capabilities. We also welcome the other proposals to achieve general or limited disarmament. While the foregoing efforts are most laudable, it is regrettable that some countries are increasing their aggressive forces and thwarting these noble efforts by increasing their military mechanisms for global strategy considerations.
62. My delegation considers that the question of the prohibition of the use of nuclear weapons and that of restricting their dissemination and proliferation must be considered as one, and dealt with as such. The proliferation of these weapons through treaty organizations is as much a danger as that presented by individual possession of them, and, at the same time, it creates no less a possibility of their being brought into use. We would therefore enthusiastically support a convention that will prohibit the spread of nuclear weapons, whether to single nations or to groupings of nations, and prohibit their use in the present and provide for their ultimate destruction as speedily as possible. The way has already been cleared in this regard by the several nuclear Powers which have announced their intentions of halting or of reducing production of fissionable material for military use. Such action on the part of those Powers is very gratifying. Also gratifying is the widespread approval which has been given to various proposals for the creation of nuclear-free zones to be negotiated under international conventions. Therefore, it is the earnest hope and wish of my delegation that the declaration on denuclearization made by the African Heads of State and Government in Cairo in 1964, which is now on the agenda of this session [see A/5975], will be given the most active encouragement and support from all quarters. The conclusion of a convention for the denuclearization of Africa will most definitely provide for the consolidation of international peace, as well as actively reduce the strain on the economic development of that vast continent.
63. My delegation is convinced that in this important quest for agreement on disarmament and a reduction of international tensions, no effort should be spared and no avenue left unexplored. Therefore we support the proposal which Tanzania, together with other States, endorsed at the Second Conference of Heads of State or Government of Non-Aligned States held in Cairo in 1964, that an international conference should be convened under United Nations auspices — in which, however, all States should be invited to participate, whether or not Members of this Organization — with a view to concluding a general treaty on disarmament.
64. In this special year in the history of the United Nations, the Organization ought to undertake a new task of reviewing the role and function of one of its important organs: the Economic and Social Council. To achieve this task effectively, we feel that first the Organization should evaluate the records of the activities of the Economic and SociarCouncil during the past twenty years and forecast future orientation.
65. Chapter X of the Charter, in particular Articles 62 and 66, enumerate the functions of the Council in the field of international economic and social cooperation. During the past twenty years, the Council has not remained idle. It has played a useful role in United Nations activities in economic, social, cultural, human rights, educational, health and related fields. The Council, however, like any other organ of the United Nations, needs a review to keep it in step with the changed and changing world circumstances.
66. My delegation believes that the Council should from now on concentrate more on implementing those decisions which have already been adopted. There is a need to ensure that the United Nations, through its common system of organizations, is making an effective contribution towards implementing and therefore attaining the objectives enumerated in Chapter X of the Charter. At this point, a few words about the co-ordinating function of the Council are worth mentioning.
67. It is my delegation's belief that the Council's co-ordinating responsibility has not been discharged satisfactorily and is still far from being satisfactorily accomplished. The Council's role of co-ordination becomes even more important in the light of the great expansion and complexity of the activities of the United Nations family There is, of necessity, a need to give serious thought to the adequacy of the Council's interagency consultative arrangements and its consultative arrangements with the specialized agencies and the International Atomic Energy Agency.
68. After reviewing the co-ordinating role of the Council, it is only fitting that it should have with the new institution of Trade and Development that was created last year in Geneva.
69. Essentially, the Trade and Development Board has been created to deal with all matters concerning international trade as it relates to economic development. Since both the Economic and Social Council and the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development, are organs of the General Assembly, an effective working relationship, should be established.
70. We feel that this is probably enough as far as the question of the review of the Economic and Social Council is concerned at the moment. My delegation will propose specific measures to deal with the problem at an appropriate committee of the General Assembly.
71. I should now like to say a few words on the United Nations Development Decade. What has been the performance of the developing countries? And what are their prospects for attaining the objectives of the Development Decade? Here I should like to quote the President of the World Bank. Mr. George D. Woods, addressing the Board of Governors of the Bank on 27 September in Washington, said, inter alia:
"Many of the developing countries are showing what can be done to lift output and living standards. Out of eighty developing countries in the Bank's membership, about one-third have attained in the recent past rates of five per cent or more in growth of real income, the target rate of the Development Decade. A high rate of growth is different from self-sustaining growth, however, and those countries will need encouragement and support for a considerable time to come. On the other hand, in close to half the eighty countries, accounting for fifty per cent of their populations, income per head has risen by one per cent or less. Even to keep abreast of recent high rates of population growth is not a negligible achievement, but it is far from sufficient. The average per capita income in this group is no more than $120 a year. At a one per cent growth rate income levels will hardly reach $170 a year by the end of this century. In some countries it will be much lower. This is crude arithmetic. But its implications are true and sobering. If the present trends are allowed to continue 'there will be no adequate improvement in living standards in vast areas of the globe for the balance of this century. Only massive and co-ordinated efforts of both the rich and the poor countries can bring about a substantial acceleration of growth and real progress towards a tolerable level of wellbeing."
72. Then Mr. Woods went on to deal with the problems facing the developing countries, such as fluctuations of export earnings of primary commodities, the need to receive development finance from external sources and the burden of debt. On the problem of the burden of the debt accruing from external borrowing he concluded:
"In any case, the underdeveloped countries as a whole must now devote more than a tenth of their foreign exchange earnings to debt service; and the figure is still rising. On present form, amortization, interest and dividends are offsetting the actual gross flow to the developing countries from all sources by half, and will continue to offset it at an accelerating rate. In short, to go on doing what we are doing will, in the not too long run, amount, on balance, to doing nothing at all."
As to how to solve this problem he said:
"The solution of the debt problem is at least in part within J he powers and the means of the developed countries. They have already demonstrated their willingness by the creation of the International Development Associate — a major international initiative for transferring capital to the poor countries on concessionary terms."
73. This is a welcome trend in the right direction. The urgency of the problems of development cannot be overemphasized. Mr. Woods sounded the clarion call by saying:
"... development should be waged as a war, a war against intolerable living conditions that must be carried on with a determination to overcome all obstacles."
We have a war before us. Let us all combine forces to fight it relentlessly.
74. I now turn to the problems of Non-Self-Governing Territories and peoples. My delegation has always given its unqualified support to the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples that is contained in resolution 1514 (XV). In our opinion, passage of this historic resolution by the General Assembly must be taken to have supplemented the provisions of Chapters XI and XII of the Charter. It signalized international recognition of, at the same time as it legitimized, the "wind of change". It symbolized the passing of an era and the opening of new vistas of freedom and dignity for all. My delegation considers that the Declaration is a result of the universal changing of the balance of forces in favour of the progressive freedom-and-peace-loving system of the exploitation of man by man. Hence the Declaration is a clear expression of these progressive forces against the continuation of colonialism and for its eradication in all its forms and manifestations. The Government as well as the 10 million people of the United Republic of Tanzania fully and unequivocally reiterate their support of this Declaration as well as their support for the millions of people still struggling for their national liberation.
75. We have always condemned and repudiated colonialism and it is our convinced opinion that the existence of colonial territories and colonized peoples is a shame on humanity as well as a threat to human relations and therefore a threat to world peace and security.
76. Of particular urgency in this regard is the situation in the British colony of Southern Rhodesia, where a minority Government not only controls the situation but is threatening to declare unilateral independence. In this respect, it is vital that the British Government should act according to its own protestations and precedents which it has so often justified before this Assembly and this Organization. The United Nations is agreed that if the racist minority Government does seek to declare unilateral independence, there again Britain must reassert its authority by whatever means are necessary. After doing so, the British Government must then act to implement United Nations resolutions on colonialism, and speedily transfer power to a government based on the will of all the people. In Southern Rhodesia the vital thing is that it should be clearly established beyond all doubt that independence cannot be granted or allowed except on the basis of majority rule. This is the principle on which there can be no compromise. Once this is established, the timing of the transfer of sovereignty to a majority government which is representative of the people can be negotiated. Tanzania believes that it should be accomplished quickly. But the principle is more important than the timing. A betrayal of this principle is surrendering to racism; Tanzania expects the United Kingdom and the United Nations to fight racism and to uphold the principles of human dignity and human equality.
77. The question of Portuguese colonialism is another question that has persisted despite the several appeals to reason. The Portuguese Government still refuses to bow to world opinion and is seriously pursuing its brutal policies of war of oppression against the heroic peoples of Angola, Mozambique and so-called Portuguese Guinea. There is no doubt today that Portugal is one of the poorest countries of Europe, or the world for that matter, and hence continues to massacre and oppress the people of those territories in order to continue the exploitation of the rich resources that abound in them. But Portugal itself is tiny and poor, and it is a well-known fact that Portugal is receiving the active support of other Powers. The Government and people of the United Republic of Tanzania have declared themselves unilaterally as well, as through the Organization of African Unity. We are committed to the ultimate liberation of all of Africa. We therefore call upon those who tacitly and in many ways give support to Portugal, to desist from such’ activities, which enable her to thwart the expressed desires of the peoples of Angola, Mozambique and Guinea who are struggling for their independence and liberation.
78. At this stage let me again state that the United Republic of Tanzania is uncompromisingly opposed to the abominable policies of apartheid practised by the South African racist regime. The freedom- and peace-loving peoples of the world have all categorically expressed themselves against the inhumanity arising from the practices of those policies of apartheid. There is no need, I am sure, for me to elaborate here once again on the effects of such policies. Under the umbrella of those policies, the South African regime has perpetrated and continued to perpetrate the denial of human rights to the millions of African people of that region. Enough has been said about apartheid. Action, we are convinced, and hot words, is what is now needed.
79. My delegation hopes that this Assembly will support the arms embargo imposed against South Africa and the economic boycott organized by the African States, under the Organization of African Unity, that is designed to force the Verwoerd regime to abandon its inhuman and racist policies. My delegation will also reserve the right to propose, at the appropriate stage, other measures, including sanctions, should South Africa continue to flout- the resolutions of this Assembly and aroused world opinion.
80. My delegation has always declared itself against the denial to the People’s Republic of China of its legitimate right to speak as the authentic and sole voice of China in this Organization. It is the duty of this Assembly to face this question. There can be no doubt that the authority and prestige of this Organization will increase the more it approaches universality in its membership and realism in its policies. It is the earnest hope of my delegation that this Assembly will witness the restoration of the legitimate rights of the People’s Republic of China and invite that great Power to take its rightful place among this family of nations.
81. Looming over the deliberations of this Assembly, although not a specific item on the agenda, is the serious situation existing in Viet-Nam at present, a problem that is of great and urgent concern to the people of Tanzania. We are convinced that no war effort can bring about the settlement of the Viet-Nam question. A solution must be found in accordance with, and based upon, the Geneva Agreements of 1954.
82. Indeed, the question of recourse to war as a means of the settlement of disputes is disturbing to my delegation. In so declaring, we want to make it plain and clear that we distinguish very definitely the legitimate struggles for liberation carried on by oppressed peoples as distinct from the aggressive wars carried on by the forces of reaction seeking to subjugate and dominate other areas and peoples. Having made such a distinction, we must now turn to the most unfortunate hostilities between two Asian nations, Members of this Organization. The war that was unleashed between India and Pakistan was indeed very unfortunate and we are now most appreciative that the leaders of these two great Asian States are seeking recourse to the peaceful settlement of their differences over Kashmir.
83. The twentieth session presents an opportunity of great challenge to the Organization. The preceding session saw the United Nations facing its greatest crisis as a result of financial indebtedness, disagreements among its Members concerning the responsibilities and liabilities of membership, and the distribution of powers among its main organs. While it could not be said that these difficulties have been satisfactorily overcome, it has nevertheless been demonstrated that the Members are at one during the present session in their determination to preserve the Organization which transcends their disagreements and differences.
84. It is this newly demonstrated determination which has given new strength to the Organization and revived the hopes of millions of people everywhere who put their trust and faith in the United Nations as in no other earthly institution.