I should like to begin by extending sincere congratulations to you,
Sir, on your election to the presidency of this session of the
General Assembly. I feel certain that the experience and knowledge
you have acquired in the course of a brilliant career will enable you
to guide the proceedings of the Assembly with all the skill required
in these troubled times. I should also like to express our sincere
gratitude to your predecessor, Mr. Kittani, who deserves our praise
for the dedication and skill with which he carried out his duties
over the past year, which was a particularly challenging time for the
United Nations. This is the first opportunity I have had publicly to
congratulate Mr. Perez de Cuellar on his appointment as Secretary
General. In his first year in office he has made an impressive
beginning which gives encouragement and hope that during his tenure
the United Nations will make greater strides towards the full
attainment of its purposes and objectives. The current session of the
General Assembly is being held against the background of an alarming
deterioration of the international situation, characterized by global
confrontation, military intervention, foreign occupation, a spiraling
of the arms race, and the frequent resort to the use or threat of the
use of force against the sovereignty, political independence and
territorial integrity of States all of this in the midst of a deep
global economic recession. A review of the agenda for this the thirty
seventh session of the General Assembly points to a growing number of
items dealing with unresolved crises, and an alarming increase in the
outbreaks of fresh hostilities. It is not without ironic significance
that it is precisely the smaller, underdeveloped and economically
more vulnerable countries of the third world, currently being
buffeted by the effects of global economic recession, which art At
the same time the focal points of tension and conflict, particularly
in the Middle East, southern Africa, Asia, as well as Latin America
and the Caribbean. For the most part these conflicts have been
intensified and made worse by the intrusion of super Power
confrontation, and as a consequence of flagrant disregard the
principles of the Charter and the by passing of the United Nations as
the proper forum within which to seek a peaceful settlement of
disputes. Recent events in the Middle East, culminating in the
abominable massacre in the Palestinian refugee camps in Beirut, have
shattered some long held illusions. But the military prowess of the
Israelis has not destroyed the basic fact. That basic fact is that no
lasting peace and stability is possible unless the fundamental right
of the Palestinian people to statehood is satisfied. Jamaica holds
firmly to that view. Equally, we believe that all States in the area
are entitled to exist within their internationally recognized
boundaries. We note that important initiatives have been taken by the
Twelfth Arab Summit Conference at Fez, and by the President of the
United States, Ronald Reagan, to try to give a new impetus for a
settlement of the Middle East problems. It is clear that there are
many obstacles ahead, but it is noteworthy that there is now at least
a common factor, and that common factor is a recognition that the
Palestinian people have rights which have to be satisfied. Jamaica
recognizes that the forthcoming United Nations Conference on
Palestine could have an important bearing on the settlement of the
problems of the region. The Conference output to be substantially
more than an exchange of views. It should try to make specific and
realistic recommendations which would be helpful in the peace making
process. In fact, we are tempted to suggest that the issues with
which it is dealing and the international climate are such that the
Conference ought to be held earlier. It is clear that the
circumstances which gave rise to the need for a conference, and the
assumptions on which its convening was based, have been largely
overtaken by events. Its importance and its usefulness, therefore,
will depend upon itsability to seize the propitious signs. The United
Nations must not cease in its efforts to find a formula for cessation
of hostilities in various parts of the world. We wish to draw
particular attention to the war between Iraq and the Islamic Republic
of Iran which has been going on for two years now and which has
already taken thousands of lives, and left thousands more wounded,
and we join in the pleas to both parties to end the conflict.
Similarly the pivotal roles of the non aligned movement and the OAU
in the anti colonial struggle and in the quest for peace, detente and
disarmament must continue. The events in the Middle East and other
areas demonstrate the failure to enable the peace keeping mechanisms
of the United Nations to function as intended. They also underscore
the need for more systematic and imaginative use of the Security
Council to monitor areas of potentially dangerous conflict. Over the
years the practice of the permanent members has inexorably expanded
the range of their interest and has brought so many minor areas of
tension under the umbrella of their perceived interest that the
collective security system has broken down. It has to be noted that
too often the permanent members of the Security Council resort to use
of the veto with scant regard for the overall interests of the
international community, and in disregard of their own obligation to
maintain international peace and security. The institutional marriage
of the nineteenth century concept of the Concert of Europe with the
concept of collective security implicit in the Security Council, has
not worked in the interests of the international community. Something
has to be done to remedy this situation; I congratulate the Secretary
General on his departure from recent practice by presenting to the
members of the Assembly a brief, easily read, and challenging
invitation that they should pause and consider the state of the
Organization and decide to do something about its shortcomings. The
Secretary General's report on the work of the Organization [/37/V] is
a direct challenge of the most profound kind addressed to every
member of this body. To the Security Council as a whole, it is a
challenge to recognize how far we have departed in practice from
standards which were contemplated and set for us by its founders. The
report is equally a challenge to every Member. State to think again
about the readiness with which we have been prepared to accept that
the whole United Nations must remain flouted, ignored and powerless,
if the Security Council, whose main responsibility is the
preservation of international peace and security, is unable to act.
Jamaica maintains that the entire United Nations collective security
system should not remain hamstrung and powerless because the Security
Council is deadlocked. In the name of my Government, I renew
Jamaica's commitment to the provisions of the Charter. Jamaica
endorses the suggestion that a workable system of collective security
should be reintroduced. We solemnly commit ourselves to the search
for such a process and to the effective implementation of any useful
measures which may be found so as to restore to the Security Council
an effective capacity to discharge its responsibility for the
maintenance of peace. We urge that a meeting of the Council should be
called before the end of this session of the Assembly, which should
be attended at the very highest levels, and which will deal with the
effectiveness of the Security Council in discharging its
responsibilities for the maintenance of international peace and
security. We further urge that the General Assembly should assign the
subject of the Secretary General's report on the work of the
Organization to a Main Committee at this session, in which the Member
States would actively consider the implication of the Secretary
General's report, and the action they might take when the Security
Council is unable to act. Another subject of urgent concern is that
of Namibia. The movement towards independence for Namibia continues
to be slow, notwithstanding the hints from the contact group that
progress has been made. South Africa continues to block effective
action. Security Council resolution 435 (1978) must be fully
implemented. Jamaica does not share the view that the independence of
Namibia should be linked to the withdrawal of Cuban troops from
Angola. The two are separate issues and must be dealt with
separately. We condemn South Africa's continued military aggression
and campaigns of destabilization against Angola and the other front
line States. In South Africa Itself, the policy of continues to be
more deeply entrenched every day. All the internal institutional
changes point in the direction of a further entrenchment of this
abhorrent system. Yet we are told that sanctions are inappropriate in
this case, while there are exhortations to apply them elsewhere;
alleged forced labour is decried elsewhere, while the brutal
treatment of the entire black population of South Africa is glossed
over or excused. The criteria used to assess the problems of black
people are always different, and a failure to apply the same
standards is always clothed in specious excuses and sophistry. We
cannot allow this degrading situation to continue. Jamaica deeply
regrets that the recent second special session of the General
Assembly devoted to disarmament failed to achieve any significant
results, particularly as regards a comprehensive programme of
disarmament. This is a major disappointment. The world community had
expected much from this special session, particularly at a time when
many States are embarking on dangerous rearmament programmes which
they mistakenly believe will enhance their security. They must be
made to realize that this absurd and perilous escalation of the arms
race in both the nuclear and the conventional field consumes valuable
resources which could more profitably be spent on economic and social
development, particularly in developing countries, to correct the
neglected problems which are the root cause of the struggles in the
various regions. It is estimated that some $500 billion are being
spent annually on armaments, whereas at the same time, according to
the statistics compiled by the Organization, 450 million people
suffer from hunger or malnutrition; there is an annual infant
mortality rate of 12 million babies who die before their first
birthday; 42 million people are blind, or nearly so; 2 billion people
do not have water that is safe to drink; 250 million people live in
urban slums or shanty towns; 870 million adults cannot read or write;
500 million people have no jobs or are less than fully employed; and
130 million children are unable to attend primary schools. These
statistics frighten us. This is the nature of some of the global
social problems and these are what we want addressed when we say that
money now spent on armaments could be better used for development.
Jamaica hopes that Member States will now take increasing account of
the concern manifested by the masses of people for effective
disarmament measures, and that this will encourage a renewed
commitment to general and complete disarmament. The World Disarmament
Campaign which was approved by the special session, will certainly
contribute to that end. Furthermore, the pledge by two nuclear weapon
States on the non first use of nuclear weapons is also a welcome step
in the right direction, and Jamaica hopes that the remaining nuclear
weapon States will make similar commitments in this regard. In the
midst of all these problems, we cannot ignore that singularly
important achievement of the United Nations, the adoption of the
United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea on 30 April 1982.
Jamaica is among the developing and developed countries that welcome
this event. The Convention has codified and progressively developed
international law in several important areas, but I cite the
following as its most significant achievements. First, the
proclamation that the area beyond national jurisdiction is the common
heritage of mankind is a significant landmark in the history of
international relations. We believe that the regime which it
establishes for the exploration and exploitation of the natural
resources of the deep sea bed is just and equitable, and will operate
to the mutual advantage of developed and developing countries.
Secondly, the Convention has solved the age old question of the
breadth of the territorial sea by the establishment of an economic
zone of 200 miles, including a territorial sea of 12 miles. It is the
firm view of my Government that the Convention contains a body of
rules on the rights and duties of States which is the law that
governs the uses of the sea. A major achievement of the Conference
which we wish to highlight is the exemplary use in its proceedings of
the device of consensus as a system of decision making. It is indeed
remarkable and commendable that in a Conference in which as many as
150 countries participated and which extended over eight years, the
negotiations were almost entirely conducted and concluded without a
vote being taken. Jamaica has a great sense of pride at having been
selected as the site of the International Sea Bed Authority, of the
Preparatory Commission for the International Sea Bed Authority and
for the International Tribunal for the Law of the Sea, and of the
ceremony for the signing of the Convention from 6 to 10 December
1982. I want to assure you that Jamaica is sensitive to the
obligations which go with the conferment of those honours. As you are
aware, the Preparatory Commission comes into being on the signing of
the Convention by 50 States and will commence its work within 90 days
thereafter. It is obviously essential that, consistent with the
programme and objectives of the Preparatory Commission, adequate
provision be made for its effective functioning. That is a
recommendation of the Group of 77 which we fully endorse. We exhort
all States to sign and ratify the Convention as quickly as possible
so that it will enter into force in the shortest possible time. An
early entry into force of the Convention can only operate to the
advantage of all countries, developed and developing, particularly
where it deals with the regime for the exploration and exploitation
of the deep seabed. We would not wish anyone to be left in doubt as
to our view that activities in the international seabed area can take
place lawfully only within the framework established by the
Convention on the Law of the Sea. We hope that no country or group of
countries will engage in actions or adopt measures whose effect will
be to undermine the Convention. We are not only beset by political
turbulence and insecurity; we are confronted once again with a dismal
picture of the world economic situation. The indicators are
discouraging. They demonstrate the further entrenchment of world
recession and stagnation. In 1981 the international economy recorded
a growth of only 1.2 per cent, that is, one third of the rate
achieved in the recession prone decade of the 1970s. For the
developing countries, growth in 1981 was 0.6 per cent, representing a
fall in per capita gross domestic product, which was a novel
experience in the developing world in the post independence period.
My own region, Latin America and the Caribbean traditionally an area
of relatively high growth, has been severely affected. Gross national
product in the region actually declined by 0.4 per cent and per
capita gross national product declined by 2.7 per cent. World trade,
itself a powerful determinant of the pace of economic growth, also
presents a grim picture. Last year, for the first time in nearly two
decades, world trade showed virtually no growth, after a minimal
growth of 1.5 per cent in 1980. The situation is compounded by the
alarming decline of 22.5 per cent in the prices of primary
commodities between January 1981 and June of this year. Developing
countries, notwithstanding the decline in their earnings as a result
of this, are constrained to increase their imports in order to
provide the basic necessities for their populations. The downturn in
global economic activity, as evidenced in the growth and trade
indicators, has caused a worsening in the debt situation and the
prospects for many developing countries. For 1981 the total external
debt for capital importing developing countries was in the area of
$500 billion, an almost threefold increase since the latter half of
the 1970s. The gravity of the debt situation is revealed by a
comparison of certain features in international financing between the
beginning of the 1970s and the present. During that period, the
average debt service ratio of the oil importing developing countries
increased from 8 per cent to 19 per cent. Average maturities on loans
contracted by developing countries fell from 20 to 12.7 years, and
the interest burden on developing countries, measured in relation to
their gross national product, increased four times. This brief
analysis of the global economy is intended to highlight the need for
immediate action if we are to avert the collapse of the international
system. We are all agreed on the necessity to achieve a rate of
economic growth consistent with the aspirations of our peoples and
the requirements for achieving international peace and security. In
seeking to fulfil those objectives, we must make a special appeal to
the developed countries to desist from the application of
protectionist trade policies. The experience of the 1930s has shown
that measures by developed countries to protect sectors in their
economies that have lost their competitive edge in the international
marketplace are self defeating. They serve only to contract
international purchasing power and to generate unemployment in their
own economies as well as in the economies of the developing world
that provide markets for their exports. Jamaica is firm in the view
that the marketplace and work place of the developing world hold the
best solution for reflation without inflation. The unsatisfied and
growing demands of the consumer market and the unsatisfied and
growing capabilities of the work forces of a growing number of
developing countries need only the catalyst of expanded credit
resources to fuel an expansion of trade through export led growth.
Jamaica commends for the consideration of the Assembly the essential
features of our Prime Minister's presentation on this subject at the
joint World Bank and International Monetary Fund meeting in Toronto
in September. There Jamaica emphasized the urgency of introducing
emergency measures which would be immediately implemented to assist
those member countries which are on the brink of collapse and
reinvigorate international trade and investment. Jamaica considers
that the Fund's Eighth general Review of Quotas provides a good
opportunity to create credit as a means of trade expansion.
Accordingly we support the early conclusion of the review of quotas
in 1983 as called for by both the Intergovernmental Group of 24 on
International Monetary Affairs and the Interim Committee of the Board
of Governors on the International Monetary System. We fully support
also the need for selective allocations and a substantial increase of
quotasóan increase which in our view should not be less than 50 per
cent. Jamaica is of the view that increased liquidity for trade
expansion could also be accomplished by the expansion of trade
credits, utilizing excess liquidity in the commercial banking system
accumulated through the increased savings resulting from current anti
inflationary strategies. As practice has developed, these savings are
likely to be available only for short term financing. The concern of
commercial banks about current levels of credit exposure to
developing countries indicates that an intermediary to trigger a
meaningful flow of these under utilized resources may be necessary.
One such intermediary mechanism already exists in the Bank's lending
programme, through an export development fund for export trade
credit. With appropriate modifications this mechanism could fulfil
the purpose of a ready and available instrument to mobilize ready and
available resources to be utilized by ready and available productive
capacities, to expand trade, growth and employment on a basis
consistent with the objectives of the adjustment process. The
financial dislocations brought about by the global energy situation
continue to inhibit the search fbr economic stability within the oil
importing developing countries. The development of non conventional
sources of energy must therefore remain a priority. Jamaica looks
forward to the report on the progress made by the Interim Committee
on New and Renewable Sources of Energy on the implementation of the
Nairobi Programme of Action fbr the Development of New and Renewable
Sources of Energy. Jamaica is concerned that the effectiveness of the
World Bank in the development process could be eroded, as evidenced
in the obstacles being placed in the way of establishing an energy
affiliate to support an expanded programme for energy investment. I
have focused on a few of the elements inhibiting the economic growth
of developing countries and hence of the global economy. It should
now be obvious to all that the issues are so closely interrelated as
to necessitate a coherent and integrated approach to deal with them.
No one should at this stage find it useful to argue in favour of
separating the concerns of the North from those of the South. The
crisis in the international economy and the measure of collective
fears are reflected in the concerns which all countries, including
those with surpluses, have regarding the world wide balance of
payments situation. The concern of the Assembly must, however, go
beyond simple accounting indices. We must be aware of the
implications of such indices for the quality of life of those we have
the honour to represent. The global economic recession's net effect
on them is increasing unemployment brought about by the weakening in
the world demand for goods and services. High levels of unemployment
now threaten the social and political order in both the North and the
South. In the developing world, unemployment levels of up to 30 per
cent are not unusual. Vast sectors of young and courageous
populations have never had the chance to secure gainful employment.
The employed live daily under the threat of loss of jobs because of
the decline in the prices of primary products, because of
bankruptcies and closure of factories and other productive
operations. These are brought about by the effects of economic
recession transmitted through the network of international economic
linkages. We have throughout the years debated priorities from the
perspectives of the North and the South and accommodation of what we
have perceived as our just aspirations. I submit that we must now
face up to the global priority. We must bring to bear our
intellectual capacity and our political authority to halt the global
economic recession and correspondingly to induce growth and
development internationally. This calls fbr all of us, rich and poor,
to recognize the basic reality of the 1980s, and that basic reality
is the force of global interdependence. A few years ago the concept
of interdependence was the basis fbr interesting but largely semantic
debates. Today interdependence is an inescapable reality. The
proposed global round of negotiations, which has been under
consideration for the past three years, must now be recognized as
offering the best prospect of bringing about the changes required to
establish an economic system which can fulfil the aspirations of our
time. Jamaica hopes that the sense of realism which has been shown by
the developing countries on this issue will be reciprocated by the
North in order to facilitate the commencement of global negotiations
in early 1983. The establishment of the necessary framework must be
concluded by this thirty seventh session of the General Assembly. Our
obligations to each other derive from our interdependence. We simply
cannot live without one another. The recognition of that fact must
constantly mould our actions so as to bring about a peaceful, just
and prosperous world. That is Jamaica's objective.