It gives me great pleasure to add the voice of the delegation of
Suriname to the voices of many others that have congratulated Mr.
Hollai on his unanimous election to preside over our deliberations at
the thirty seventh session of the General Assembly. His knowledge and
experience will surely prove to be important assets for the success
of this session, especially at a time when international institutions
like the United Nations face a serious crisis. May I also take this
opportunity to express the gratitude of my delegation to his
predecessor, Mr. Kittani, for the skilled leadership with which he
guided the proceedings of the Assembly at the sessions held during
his tenure of office. I should also like to pay a tribute to the
Secretary General, Mr. Perez de Cuellar, a great son of the
courageous Peruvian people, on his election to that high post. My
country sees in him a true representative and protagonist of Latin
American and Caribbean unity. In view of the fact that Latin America
and the Caribbean region have developed a tradition of peace for more
than a hundred years, we trust that his election at this difficult
juncture in history will contribute towards international peace and
progress. We agree that, as has been eloquently stated by a great
number of speakers who have preceded me in the general debate, the
Organization is going through a serious credibility crisis. At the
same time, we note with satisfaction that this session is enjoying
the maximum attendance of the family of States Members of the
Organization. We have to face facts. The Secretary General has been
very frank in describing the present international crisis,
politically, economically and institutionally. We join the Secretary
General in calling upon all Member States to use all possible
inventiveness and creativity to equip the United Nations
institutionally in order to enhance its capacity to cope with the
present international crisis. That appeal applies in particular to
the members of the Security Council which bear a special
responsibility to ensure the urgent restoration of peace in various
regions of the world. The cause of predictability of conduct of
nations, as well as adherence to principles and rules of
international law, must guide us in our effort to prevent the
international community from slipping into a state characterized by
the primitive use of force and coercive influence. My Government
holds the view that the existing inequalities in the distribution of
economic and political advantages are at the core of the problems we
are faced with on a national and international scale. More
specifically, the present international division of labour and the
adoption of political systems conceived and propagated by States that
continue to hold power over ether States have created a situation
where the basic needs and justified interests and aspirations of the
masses are subordinated to the interests of traditionalist and
elitist Powers. Suriname has committed itself to contribute within
the limits of its capacity towards ending flagrant inequalities
existing on the national and the international levels. On the
national level, Suriname has made substantial progress in conceiving
and implementing an economic and political system based on the
interests and participation of the majority of its people. In doing
so Suriname adheres to the genuine principles of democracy. We
believe that consultation, participation and control by broad
sections of our people offer the best guarantees to achieve the goal
of nation building in a country where at least six ethnic groups from
all parts of the world were brought together during the colonial era.
Moreover, we are exerting serious efforts to make this unity an
effective instrument for the proper and effective implementation of
developmental programmes. In our international policy we have
developed a strategy geared towards maximum diversification of
development cooperation and solidarity in the struggle for the just
causes of developing countries. In doing so we adhere to the
principles of non alignment. In this respect, we reiterate our full
commitment to the basic principles of this movement, such as national
sovereignty, self determination, non interference, non intervention,
the settlement of disputes by peaceful means and the acceptance of
ideological pluralism in international affairs. Moreover, my
Government holds the view that we should continue to intensify
financial, technological and marketing relations with other
developing countries and join in the efforts of the developing world
in restructuring the North South relationship in order to create the
kind of international balance that can advance the cause of peace and
development. Taking into consideration the fact that the ongoing
decolonization of Suriname is closely linked to a clear understanding
that it must share the fate of the Latin American and Caribbean
States, Suriname will continue to participate in all endeavours to
strengthen political and economic ties with the countries of its
region. In regard to the implications of Argentina's actions to
recover its sovereignty over the Malvinas, we understand the position
of some sister Caribbean States, but those actions constitute only a
part of the Malvinas experience. The Malvinas issue made it very
clear to us that the Western States, in spite of existing treaties,
took a collective stand against 3 sister State in Latin America. That
collective action was not limited to economic measures of a coercive
nature, but extended to military, political and diplomatic support.
My Government feels that an important lesson must be drawn from this
experience. The facts have proved that it is of vital importance for
Latin America and the Caribbean States to bury their differences and
to join hands in defining and implementing clear cut programmes
geared towards economic and political cooperation. My Government
welcomes the inclusion of this question in the agenda of this session
of the General Assembly. It is our hope that a more constructive and
compromise oriented attitude will be displayed in the deliberations
to end the colonial occupation of the Malvinas, thus correcting the
injustice done to the Argentine people over many years. The Caribbean
Basin is an area of special concern; indeed, it has become explosive
in nature. We cannot but return to the historical causes of this
situation, to identify a general state of utter poverty amongst the
majority of the people, in flagrant contradistinction to the wealth
of a minority. We find in that a situation which is in itself
conducive to violence and civil war. In that regard, the introduction
of East West rivalry in the region, falsely identified as the main
source of conflict, has eclipsed the real causes of the problem. The
present situation in El Salvador, placed in the context of the
Caribbean Basin, is illustrative of this growing tension and
constitutes a danger leading to the loss of human lives and a
stagnation in development. My Government therefore favors all peace
proposals derived from a fundamental analysis of this problem. That
implies that Suriname condemns all outside interference of whatever
nature into the internal affairs of El Salvador. We call upon the
rival parties in this domestic struggle to take the road of effective
dialogue to stop the ongoing violence. The people of El Salvador are
those most capable of forging a fundamental solution to their
economic and political problems. A11 outside interference, whether
bona fide or mala fide, can lead only to further complications in the
present situation and will ultimately serve the interests of foreign
Powers, to the detriment of the interests of the majority of the
Salvadorian people. My Government pledges support to all regional
efforts to bring about an atmosphere in which such a dialogue can
take place. The principle of peaceful dialogue does not apply only to
the domestic situation of the individual States, but should be
applied also to solve the problems that have arisen between sister
States in Latin America. My Government calls upon all members of the
Latin American and Caribbean community to refrain from the use or
threat of use of force or economic measures of a coercive nature in
the pursuit of solutions to problems that are not inherent in the
actual relationship between our respective peoples but find their
cause in the colonialist and imperialist history of our continent.
The Latin American and Caribbean States should, in our opinion,
follow the wise course of seeking a peaceful settlement of disputes
so as to protect and preserve our excellent record as a region of
peace. We must face the fact that global developments present a
gloomy picture. The ongoing economic crises, combined with the arms
race, resulted in grave and explosive situations in various regions.
The tragedy that we have witnessed over a quarter of a century in the
Middle East has recently evolved into a sequence of events which have
horrified the human conscience. Even when guided by the utmost
prudence in approaching this complex problem one cannot but lay the
blame for this disturbing state of affairs on the State of Israel.
While Israel occasionally professes the wish to live in peace with
its neighbours, it has over the months systematically applied an
aggressive policy and has acted against vested principles and rules
of international law and, more specifically, against the territorial
integrity of its neighbours. In this connection I wish to recall the
annexation of the Syrian territory of the Golan Heights, the
provocative and oppressive acts of the Israeli army against
Palestinian civilians living in the occupied West Bank and Gaza Strip
and, lately, the transgression of Lebanese borders, leading to the
massacre of thousands of defenceless Palestinian men, women and
children. That crime against humanity has deservedly received
universal condemnation, not only of those who committed that savage
act but equally of those who facilitated that repulsive crime.
Reaching the goal of durable peace in the Middle East will obviously
require more than the adoption of resolutions by the Assembly and
other international forums. The fate of the numerous resolutions
adopted by the United Nations pertinent to this question is proof
that this approach is insufficient. It will require maximum efforts
by the world community in general to bring an end to the continuing
tragic events. Those members of the international community that are
in a position to bring pressure to bear on the parties to the
conflict have a special responsibility in this respect. My Government
notes with satisfaction that there is an emerging consensus. Any
solution of the Middle East conflict proposed will be futile if it
ignores the legitimate rights of the Palestinian people to self
determination and to the establishment of a sovereign Palestinian
State. It is with pleasure that I note the growing numbers of
countries adhering to this basic principle for solving the Middle
East problem. Furthermore, my delegation expresses its satisfaction
with the consensus reached during the Twelfth Arab Summit Conference
on the proposed peaceful settlement of the Middle East problem. Most
of the preceding speakers have forthrightly rejected and condemned
South Africa's illegal occupation of Namibia and its aggression
towards neighbouring States. We cannot but agree with that position.
In our view, the application of racist policies by South Africa is
not just a case of violence by a minority against the majority, but
amounts to a qualitative contempt for and lack of respect for the
people living under that system, and a clear expression of the
economic exploitation of the racial majority in that country. My
delegation therefore holds the position that South Africa's domestic
policies and its stand towards neighbouring States can be dealt with
effectively by the world community, in general, and by the developed
countries, in particular, only by applying international measures
designed to bring about a fundamental restructuring within the South
African social and economic system. With regard to the presence of
foreign troops in Afghanistan, my delegation reiterates its support
for the resolutions of the Assembly calling for their withdrawal. Our
support for a political settlement of this issue on the basis of
General Assembly resolution 36/34 remains unchanged. Concerning the
situation in the Korean peninsula, my delegation again calls upon
both parties to make all possible efforts to promote reconciliation
between the North and the South through dialogue in order to achieve
the peaceful unification of their divided homeland. it is a matter of
serious concern to our Government that very little progress has been
made in solving the problem of Kampuchea. It is our hope that the
opposing parties will approach this problem along the lines of the
basic principles laid down in the Charter of the United Nations.
Moreover, we express the sincere wish that the countries members of
the Association of South East Asian Nations together with the Indo
Chinese countries involved, can cooperate to find an acceptable
solution to the problem in order to make South East Asia a region of
peace, stability and cooperation. Within the chain of events that
have cast a shadow on the life and standing of the United Nations
during the past year, the failure of the second special session of
the General Assembly on disarmament stands out, and has given rise to
serious concern for the Attire of world peace and stability. The arms
race continues at an unprecedented pace. It is the opinion of my
delegation that the lack of tangible progress in our attempts to halt
this costly and dangerous activity will have increasingly adverse
effects on the inclination of States to settle their disputes through
peaceful means, thus making peacekeeping ever more difficult for the
United Nations. It is our belief that the availability of vast
quantities of arms is responsible for the frequent use or threat of
use of force in international relations. It is unfortunate that many
States are still inclined to believe that they can better secure what
they perceive to be their interests through military strength rather
than by relying on peaceful means. Notwithstanding the right of
individual States to take the necessary measures to defend their
territorial integrity, we cannot but condemn the acceleration of the
arms race which represents a vicious circle. Under the pretext of
protecting alleged domestic interests, States devote to it the very
resources that are needed to create the conditions for domestic and
international peace and progress, drawing upon financial, natural and
human resources that are so direly needed for development. Recent
history has proved that the use of violence between developing
countries has been detrimental to the countries involved and has
seriously weakened their capacity for independent development. We
therefore hold the view that developing countries should refrain from
any participation in the arms race, and should collectively exert
pressure on the super Powers and other powerful nations to
discontinue the absurdity of creating tension in order falsely to
justify their continuation of the arms race. We reiterate Suriname's
commitment to all regional and global disarmament endeavours. Not
since the great economic depression has the world economy experienced
such great instability and such severe disruption of sustained
growth. Independent of the levels of development or the economic
structures of various States, economic expansion has decelerated
markedly on a global scale. The situation confronting the developing
countries is manifested in increased unemployment, high rates of
inflation, serious deterioration in terms of trade and increasing
current account deficits and debt service payments. The declining
prices of primary commodities compared to the rising costs of
manufactured imports have not only seriously affected the
developmental process in many developing countries but, also as a
result, substantially affected the basic needs of their peoples.
Within the context of the present international economic situation we
believe that it is of urgent and crucial importance to launch the
round of global negotiations in the field of raw materials, energy,
trade and finance. Suriname maintains the view that resolution
34/138, by which the General Assembly decided to launch global
negotiations, incorporates the appropriate set of elements needed to
tackle the present international economic structure and achieve a
steady, equal and just economic order. It is clear that science and
technology are major instruments in the developmental process. It is
therefore regrettable that in the world of today the developing
countries are still confronted with the monopolization of scientific
and technological achievements. A few States and transnational
corporations still control the available scientific and technological
know how. In this respect my delegation considers it imperative that
any bilateral or multilateral arrangement in the field of finance and
investment, whether private or public, include clauses dealing with
the transfer of science and technology suitable to the level of
development of developing countries. On the other hand, third world
countries must continue to devise and implement programmes which may
facilitate the transfer of technology among themselves. The
international problems related to the financial crisis of the world
require close evaluation and concerted effort in order to create the
effects that are so urgently needed. We note that there are two
important tendencies in the field of investment for development. In
the first place we had a tendency to move away from multilateral aid
to bilateral aid. Secondly, we had that within bilateral treaties the
Government to Government approach is being gradually replaced by
investments through private financing institutions. Suriname is of
the opinion that these trends are detrimental to the development of
the recipient States, for the following reasons. First, they weaken
the regional integration that is vital to their international
bargaining power vis a vis the industrialized States. Secondly, they
create an atmosphere favouring measures of a coercive nature, which
seriously affects a country's capacity for its own development either
politically or economically. Thirdly, with respect to the emphasis on
private investments, in the experience of the developing countries it
is becoming virtually impossible to attract foreign investors in the
field of infrastructural and social programmes essential for
sustained and steady economic growth. As a result, investments for
industrial or commercial development are not in accord with
comprehensive planning for development. We are in favour of a blend
of bilateral and multilateral aid, within which emphasis must be
placed on multilateral aid. However, we cannot but insist that for
multilateral aid to be effective substantial changes in the rules and
procedures guiding these multilateral institutions are necessary. A
major step forward in this regard would be a fundamental change in
the existing voting structure in order to allow developing countries
greater participation in the decision making process of these
international institutions. A majority of developing countries are
faced with the problem of immense foreign debts. In this respect we
underline the need to implement part B of resolution 165 adopted by
the Trade and Development Board on 11 March 1978, at its ninth
special session, and which deals with the renegotiation of the debts
of developing countries. As a small developing and trading nation,
Suriname is sensitive to fluctuations in trade with our major trading
partners. Our prosperity, like that of many other developing
countries, depends greatly on the export of relatively few primary
products. The quantitative and qualitative improvement of our exports
is the target of ambitious industrialization programmes, which absorb
large amounts of capital. Whether we consider our present trade
position or the intended improvement, the developing countries are
faced with a growing crisis in the world market. This crisis is
mainly characterized by increasing protectionist measures by the
industrialized States. To eliminate these tradebarriers the role of
GATT must be directed towards new normative tasks, such as the
establishment of rules which do not hamper access by the developing
countries to international markets and which do not hinder their
capacity to regulate their own internal markets. Hence, my delegation
strongly appeals for a review of the international economic
institutions. Without relaxing our efforts to work for more just and
equitable terms of trade in the North South relationship, it is
important to consider the intensification of trade among developing
countries as an integral part of collective action for the
establishment of a new international economic order. My Government
holds the view that in regional, sub regional and bilateral relations
efforts should be made to concentrate on exploring and exploiting
trade possibilities between developing countries. In this respect it
is of vital importance that we take a pragmatic approach and try to
end specific areas of trade. My Government is of the opinion that the
private sector in developing countries may provide an excellent start
for broadening and deepening trade relations. The negotiations with
regard to the law of the sea, which lasted almost 10 years, ended on
30 April of this year with the adoption of the most ambitious
Convention in history, the United Nations Convention on the Law of
the Sea. This Convention, which seeks to regulate almost every aspect
of human activity in the oceans and tries to uphold the United
Nations resolution calling for the deep sea bed to be regarded as the
common heritage of mankind, is now ready to be signed officially.
From the Convention we may expect legal security, confidence and
reliability, which preclude anarchy in the area of the international
sea bed. It is regrettable that the Third United Nations Conference
on the Law of the Sea failed to meet its goal of unanimous adoption
of the Convention. In this situation, with a good many of the
industrialized States failing to support the Convention, its
viability and consequently its standing in international law are
being undermined. We reject any separate arrangement in which the
major industrialized States would simply proceed to share the sea bed
amongst themselves. We therefore fully support the statement made by
the President of the Conference on the Law of the Sea to the press on
3 May of this year, indicating that the General Assembly should be
requested to seek an advisory opinion from the International Court of
Justice on the legality of mining outside the Convention if the
mining companies proceeded to mine under unilateral legislation or a
limited multilateral agreement. We welcome the recent statement made
by the Soviet Union that it will sign the Convention, and we urgently
appeal to the States that have rejected or failed to commit
themselves to the Convention on account of rigid ideological
considerations based on a free market philosophy, or for other
reasons, to be more pragmatic and become signatories when the
Convention is presented to government representatives in Jamaica in
early December of this year. Despite all the problems involved, the
Convention can be considered as the greatest step in international
relations since the founding of the United Nations. We,
representatives of the developing countries, had hoped that the
Convention would be a major step forward towards the new
international economic order which we have so long been demanding. We
therefore call for the good will and cooperation of the
industrialized States, without which the effort to establish a regime
for, among other things, the common heritage of mankind will have
been largely wasted. Failure of the major industrialized countries to
cooperate will only justify the conclusion that the political will to
shape economic developments along equitable lines in the context of
the North South dialogue is still a long way off. I shall now turn to
a number of humanitarian and social issues. In our view, at this
session the General Assembly will need to pay more attention to the
plight of people who are forced to flee their homelands. The effects
of the 1982 war in Lebanon on the civil population will undoubtedly
add to the major concentrations of refugees and displaced persons
caused by regional conflicts during the last few years. Major refugee
concentrations in Somalia, the Sudan, Pakistan and South East Asia
continue to cause concern, because in most cases little progress has
been made in arranging for the refugees to return to their homelands.
It is our expectation that discussions at this thirty seventh session
on the status of women will focus on the World Conference to Review
and Appraise the Achievements of the United Nations Decade for Women,
to be held in 1985. We cannot but praise the good work done among the
rural and the poor women by the Voluntary Fund for the United Nations
Decade for Women. It is a well known fact that an overwhelming
majority of the disabled population of the world live in developing
countries, where the problems of resources and the lack of adequate,
trained personnel are considered to be the great obstacles to
progress. The delegation of Suriname hopes, therefore, that
international programmes established to assist the disabled will
result in an adequate transfer of technology and resources to
developing countries.
My delegation is anxiously looking forward to a progress report on
the implementation of the Specific Programme of Measures and
Activities'" prepared by the Secretary General in consultation with
Member States, specialized agencies and international youth
organizations, especially in view of International Youth Year, which
is scheduled for 1985. The increasing unemployment among the young
members of our society is causing us great concern. My Government is
trying to give high priority to resolving the problems of the young.
While we speak of the young, we should not neglect the elderly.
Although Suriname has not escaped the adverse effects of a worldwide
economic recession, the Suriname Government is taking progressive
measures to improve the situation of the aging in the fields of
health, housing and social welfare. Much has been done to provide
geriatric and other training, with the assistance of international
organizations.
We are pleased at the adoption of the International Plan of Action on
Aging at the World Assembly on Aging held in Vienna and express the
hope that this Plan will be guide for Member States in dealing with
problems brought about by the rapidly increasing numbers of elderly
persons all over the world. May I affirm ay Government's commitment
to the cause of the aged and state that a society cannot call itself
advanced or progressive if it does not respect, protect, help and
honour the elderly and the aged.
The international system has entered a new phase. The intensification
of international relations is unparalleled in history. At the same
time we find that the political, economic and institutional crisis
which we are faced with tends to discourage us in our quest for the
creation of a world in which interdependence and a more collective
approach to matters of common interest are globally accepted. My
Government is of the opinion that defeatism could be replaced by
optimism if we return to the basic principles and motives that led to
the establishment of the United Nations in 1945.
The goals of peace and development are still high on the banner of
the Organization. We call upon all Member States to support the
Secretary General in his efforts to adapt and equip the United
Nations in order to enable the Organization to cope with the present
crises. As we did in 1975, my Government renews its pledge to uphold
the principles and objectives of the United Nations.