Luxembourg

Before discussing the international situation, which this year again can only be described as critical dangerous and explosive, I must associate myself with my colleagues in expressing our sincere congratulations to you, Sir, on your election to the presidency of this session. Your reputation as a seasoned diplomat, your long experience acquired in the course of a brilliant career and your deep knowledge of the workings of the Organization will enable you, I am certain, to conduct the proceedings of the General Assembly with all the skill required in these difficult times. 2. I should like to take this opportunity also to express very sincere thanks to some other outstanding persons, and first to Mr. Kittani, President of the thirty-sixth session, for the masterful and tenacious manner in which he assumed his heavy responsibilities. 3. Our thanks go also to Mr. Waldheim, who for 10 years as Secretary-General saw to the proper functioning of the Organization. His tireless dedication and the matchless skill with which he carried out his duties deserve our appreciation. 4. Finally, let me turn to the new Secretary-General, Mr. Perez de Cuellar, who since he assumed his functions has brilliantly succeeded in convincing us all of his exceptional qualities and his tireless dedication to the service of the Organization. I wish to reiterate to him our assurance of full and constructive cooperation on the part of the Government and people of Luxembourg. 5. The sessions of the General Assembly offer us an opportunity each year to take stock of the world situation. The Danish representative, speaking yesterday at the 8th meeting on behalf of the 10 member States of the European Community, presented the views of the Community on the world situation. It goes without saying that we fully subscribe to his statements, so that I may confine myself to emphasizing certain problems which are of particular concern to us. 6. In our view, the world situation has steadily worsened since last year. The fundamental equilibriums which have dominated our globe since the Second World War are breaking down; the worst economic crisis since the war continues to beset us without respite; there are more and more centres of conflict. Thus East-West relations, which are essential in determining the political situation of the moment, continue to deteriorate. Events in Poland, especially since last December, have added dangerously to this tension, so that the process of detente between East and West, which was so promising, not so long ago, has suffered serious setbacks. 7. In our view, detente can only be one and indivisible. Our position in this regard is clear and in conformity with the principles of the Charter of the United Nations and the Final Act of Helsinki. These two documents guarantee inter alia the right of each people to choose and freely develop its own political, social, economic and cultural system, as well as to determine its own laws and regulations. Logically the Helsinki document refers to the necessity for each State to abstain from any intervention, direct or indirect, in the internal or external affairs falling within the national competence of another State, whatever their mutual relations may be. I need not stress here that all the countries of Eastern Europe have solemnly subscribed to the 10 principles of the Final Act. The events in Poland are in flagrant contradiction of those principles. The same is true of the Soviet Union's invasion of Afghanistan. Such flagrant violations have in no way served the process of strengthening mutual confidence. Thus it is not surprising that East-West relations have been seriously affected. 9. A return to dialogue among all the component parts of Polish society and respect for the rights of self- determination of the peoples concerned are essential for the restoration of a climate of true and lasting detente. 10. For our part, we remain firmly attached to the concept of such a true detente and an improving climate of confidence between East and West. We hope that, in the framework of the Conference on Security and Co operation in Europe, it will prove possible to achieve an agreement on a balanced text guaranteeing real progress in all spheres, when the Madrid review session resumes its work in November. 11. In view of the slowness of the process of disarmament, the convening of a conference on disarmament in Europe, in conditions enabling tangible results to be achieved, seems to us to be more indispensable than ever. The concentration of weapon systems on the old continent, which is by far the highest in the world, has reached unacceptable proportions. 12 In view of the disappointing results of the second special session devoted to disarmament, we think that a regional approach, with a smaller number of participants, to the problems of the reduction of armaments might be more realistic, and offer better chances of achieving tangible results. This does not mean that we oppose the carrying out of the world-wide efforts. On the contrary, the United Nations ought indeed to be able to play a more important role in this process than it has been able to do so far. Unfortunately, the second special session devoted to disarmament, in which so much hope had been placed by millions of citizens of good faith throughout the world, did not give any grounds for justified optimism in this regard. 12. That special session of the Assembly, however, did have the merit of producing a considerable impact on public opinion and beginning a process of creating awareness, the effects of which may be felt only in the medium or long term. We hope that the new phenomenon of the pacifist movement—which should be allowed to express itself freely, even though efforts are made to prevent it—will succeed in bringing moral pressure to bear throughout the world to advance the cause of disarmament, so vital for the future of humanity. 13. The nuclear nations have a special role in the disarmament process. I take this opportunity to say how much importance we attach to ensuring that negotiations between the United States and the Soviet Union on nuclear weapons of medium range lead rapidly to tangible results. We Europeans are indeed the first to be concerned about this type of weaponry and for us the success of those negotiations is of primordial importance. 14. We hope also that the negotiations begun this year between the United States and the Soviet Union on strategic arms reduction lead to results within a reasonable length of time and we are confident that the proposals of the West submitted within the framework of the Vienna Talks on Mutual Reduction of Forces, Armaments and Associated Measures in Central Europe will make it possible to bring about a progressive reduction of military forces. 15. If disarmament is a key problem in East-West relations, it is equally true of North-South relations. In this context the problem is mainly one of conventional armaments and the disproportionate financial burden of armaments on the heavily burdened budgets of most developing countries. 16. However, the predominant issue in North-South relations is clearly the economic problem. The longest and most severe economic crisis since the last war has had a particularly damaging effect on the developing countries, primarily the least advanced. That crisis, in my view, is the main reason why it has not been possible so far, despite long and laborious negotiations, to start global negotiations aimed at establishing a new international economic order. 17. Luxembourg has always been, and remains, favourable to the launching of global negotiations. Considering the time spent on negotiating merely the procedure and the agenda, without its leading to an acceptable result for all, this session may well be our last chance. If we do not succeed in getting the process under way now, this ambitious and grand undertaking may remain a dead letter. Have we been too ambitious in our objectives in wishing to attack all the problems at a stroke? Is an undertaking of such dimensions viable in these times of crisis? Are there other alternatives which are less ambitious but morerealistic and have better chances of success? These are questions that must be answered at this session. 18. In this regard I should like to observe that if our hopes should be dashed and if global negotiations do not get under way—which we hope will not be the case—we ought not be too rigidly wedded to primarily theoretical concept but try to attack the problems from a less ambitious but more concrete point of view. 19. What is important is that we should succeed in continuing the dialogue and that we persist in seeking a solution, whether it be global or consists of several partial phases. We should not lose sight of the fact that it is the principle of interdependence that is the governing factor, interdependence in an increasingly complex world. 20. Unfortunately, the economic difficulties of today lead to nationalistic reactions and self-protection. The spectre of protectionism is once again looming on the horizon. Have we so soon forgotten that the principal cause of the unparalleled economic boom following the Second World War was the determined support of the principles of free trade of goods and services? 21. Experience has taught us that protectionism inevitably leads to a limitation of growth, indeed a reduction in the volume of world trade, and to particularly damaging repercussions on the small and weak. That does not exclude the fact that countries whose economies are close to autarchy, which of course are less seriously affected, do not escape the consequences of a world economy in recession. 22. My country, which in view of its size is particularly aware of its dependence and of interdependence in general, has always been especially attached to the concept of free trade in goods and services. I therefore take this opportunity to emphasize that one must not give in to protectionist temptations which may in the short run be alluring but lead, through an escalation of counter-productive results, inescapably to a negative balance-sheet for all trading partners. 23. I wish also to say a word on hunger in the world. This question, which is the most urgent of all, should have absolute priority. It is indeed absolutely unacceptable that in certain parts of the world malnutrition should be the rule when food surpluses are being improperly used elsewhere and indeed destroyed in order to maintain a level of prices acceptable to the producers. The right to decent nutrition is one of the most fundamental human rights, if not the most fundamental, and should be guaranteed for all. 24. The United Nations and its specialized services have rendered particularly precious assistance in all areas where hunger threatens, but we must observe that the problem is far from being resolved. Perhaps we are over emphasizing food aid per se , that is, the mere supply of food products, whereas it would certainly be better to enable the populations concerned themselves to meet their own needs. 25. After these considerations of East-West and North-South problems, I should like to turn to the principal areas of tension in the world today. We must unfortunately observe that since last year there has been a tendency for conflicts to increase. The unfortunately "traditional" areas of conflict have been compounded by a new one, that of the South Atlantic. On that occasion, one of the members of the European Community was the victim of grave violations of the principles of the Charter, namely those of non-resort to the use of force and the peaceful settlement of disputes. 26. My country, itself a repeated victim of annexation and occupation by foreign Powers, can never condone resort to force or violation of the right of peoples to self-determination. 27. As for the Middle East, the situation has deteriorated continually since the last session of the General Assembly. The gravity and the inherent dangers of that crisis, which has continued to shake that part of the world since the end of the Second World War, have been emphasized at countless meetings of the Security Council and at the seventh emergency special session, when the Assembly met to consider the problem on three separate occasions. 28. The tragic events which have continued at an infernal pace in Lebanon since the invasion in June by Israel led about 10 days ago to the horrible massacre of some 1,000 Palestinian civilians in two refugee camps in Beirut. That criminal and irresponsible act, just like the act committed against President-elect Bashir Gemayel, can only be condemned. Like its partners in the European Community, Luxembourg is convinced that the future of the Lebanese State can be assured only if all troops at present occupying the country—those of Israel or the Syrian Arab Republic—withdraw as soon as possible. 29. As for the negotiation of a comprehensive peace for the region, events in Lebanon have shown the need for all parties to be involved, which means the Palestine Liberation Organization as well. The principles that should guide those negotiations are, more than ever, the security of all States in the region, including the right of Israel to exist; justice for all peoples, including the right of Palestinians to self- determination with everything that that implies; and, finally, mutual recognition of all parties concerned. 30. I would not wish to fail to welcome the new American proposals announced by President Reagan on 1 September, as well as the resolution which the heads of State and Government of Arab countries adopted unanimously on 9 September at Fez at the end of the Twelfth Arab Summit Conference [,4/37/696]. These different ideas, American and Arab, could encourage concrete progress in the quest for a just and lasting peace, to which the people of the Middle East have aspired for so long. A necessary precondition, however, is the establishment of a climate of confidence which is still lacking. 31. Another dangerous and explosive conflict, of which there is too little discussion in the Assembly, is also present in the Middle East. I am referring to the particularly bloody war between Iran and Iraq which has led to a huge number of victims and great material damage. This is another dangerous destabilizing factor in the region of the Middle East, which has been so sorely tried. It is important that reason overcome fanaticism and that a negotiated solution put an end to that blood-bath. 32. In Asia, two serious drawn out conflicts continue to be of concern. The main responsibility for these two conflicts tails to a super-Power, whether it is guilty of direct intervention, as in Afghanistan, or indirect intervention, as in Kampuchea. 33. The occupation of Afghanistan by Soviet troops in flagrant violation of the fundamental principles of the Charter is now in its third year, despite the vigorous objections of all justice-loving peoples and the courageous resistance of the Afghan people. We reiterate our deep devotion to the right of the Afghan people to self-determination and its right to return to its previous status of neutrality and non-alignment under international guarantees. 34. In Kampuchea, on the pretext of eliminating an inhuman genocide regime, Viet Nam has imposed a puppet Government upon which it seeks to confer legality. Without wishing in any way to acquiesce in the barbarous policies of the Pol Pot Government, we remain convinced that the invasion by Viet Nam is contrary to the principles of international law. We shall never subscribe to the idea that it is incumbent upon a more powerful neighbour to decide on the well-being of another nation. We believe that it is high time for the people of Kampuchea, after such trials and suffering, at last to have the opportunity itself to decide on its own future, and we welcome the formation of a coalition Government as an important step in that direction. 35. In Central America, there is no end to dangerous tension. Although there has been some progress in certain countries, the situation remains unstable and the peoples of the region are far from having achieved the kind of coexistence enabling them to live in peace and security. Interesting proposals have been put forward by certain countries, and we would hope that they will contribute to diminishing tension in the near future. 36. In Africa, there are still numerous conflicts—in Somalia, Chad or the southern part of the continent. Let us say at the outset that the painful problem of apartheid in South Africa is not near to an acceptable solution. We condemn this ignoble attack on the dignity of the human person and we remain convinced of the imperative need to abandon this policy of racial discrimination if a dangerous escalation of violence in southern Africa is to be avoided. 37. Nevertheless, I should like to end on a somewhat more optimistic note with regard to this part of the world: indeed, the Namibian conflict seems close to a solution. We hope that it will soon be possible to eliminate the last remaining obstacles in order to enable the Namibian people to determine its own future. 38. In this respect I wish to emphasize how deserving are all those who played a constructive role in the solution of this problem, whether from the group of five Western States or the front-line States, and I should like to see others take inspiration from this model, which proves once again that when people come to the negotiating table with the firm intention of succeeding, even the most thorny problems can be resolved in a manner acceptable to all. The picture of the international situation I have just drawn is especially bleak. Rather than allowing ourselves to be discouraged and falling prey to pessimism, we should consider this bitter reality as a new challenge and redouble our efforts to reverse this trend. 39. The Organization—at least if we persist in upholding the Charter—is a precious instrument in this regard. However, we must make use of this instrument with deftness and dexterity if it is to function according to the intentions of its founders. Hence, we must guard against abusing it or making inadequate use of it, be it for propaganda purposes or for short-term political gain. In particular, we must ensure that every organ functions in keeping with its mandate and the principles enshrined in the Charter. 40. Let us guard against bringing before the organs of the Organization problems they are not competent to deal with. Otherwise, the only result would be a profusion of texts whose impact would be inversely proportional to their number. That would only lead to false hopes followed by political discontent from a public which is already weary of the few successes of the United Nations in certain specific tragic and easily identifiable problems. 41. Those few thoughts concur with the substance of the Secretary-General's analysis of the situation in his report on the work of the Organization. That report, made without complacency, speaks to certain weaknesses of the Organization but, above all, addresses itself to Governments—that is to say, to us—inviting us to go beyond short-term political expediency and rediscover the true objectives of the United Nations. 42. The fact remains that the Organization offers a unique advantage, allowing constant dialogue amongst all of us. It is up to us to preserve this advantage and develop it to its full potential, so that the Organization, in accordance with paragraph 4 of Article 1 of the Charter, can be "a centre for harmonizing the actions of nations in the attainment of common ends" and remain so for future generations.