Zambia

I wish to congratulate you, Sir, on your election to the presidency of the thirty-seventh session of the General Assembly. I am convinced that with your vast knowledge and experience in international relations you will ably steer the Assembly towards a successful conclusion. I assure you of my delegation's full co-operation. I wish on this occasion to commend your predecessor, Mr. Kittani of Iraq, for having ably presided over the General Assembly at its thirty-sixth session. I wish also to commend the Secretary-General for the impressive manner in which he has discharged the responsibilities of his office. We wish him every success. 2. We are meeting once again to continue our collective efforts to find solutions to world problems. Since the last regular session, there is very little that we can point to in the direction of progress that we have achieved. Indeed, the year has been one of the most turbulent in recent times. 3. The international community has witnessed not only the perpetuation of tensions and rivalries, which have now become the order of the day, but has also watched with horror and apprehension as some of these tensions and rivalries have flared into open warfare, resulting in loss of human life and occasioning untold misery for surviving victims. The continuing armed conflict between the Islamic Republic of Iran and Iraq, the conflict in the South Atlantic, the Israeli invasion of Lebanon and subsequent massacre of Palestinian civilians in the Shatila and Sabra refugee camps in Beirut, the grave situation in southern Africa and the deterioration in the relations between the super-Powers, among others, have been of great concern to the international community. 4. Of equal concern to us in Zambia is the fact that so many international and regional bodies whose essential purpose is to find peaceful solutions to world problems have been deadlocked. For example, the Organization of African Unity [OAU] and the countries of the non-aligned movement have not been able to meet at summit level this year as scheduled. Furthermore, the Security Council, an institution which the Organization established for the purpose of maintaining international peace and security, has been reduced to a mere debating forum and its resolutions are now honoured more in the breach than in the observance. We are thus drifting into a situation where the United Nations will no longer be in a position to protect the weak or the humble from wanton aggression by the strong and the bully in our midst. 5. We live under the shadow of a nuclear holocaust and in an era where conventional weapons have proliferated 'and have been perfected. Efforts by the Organization to bring about general and complete disarmament under effective international control have so far not yielded any meaningful results. It is regret-table that at the second special session devoted to disarmament the Assembly could not even adopt a document on a comprehensive programme• of disarmament. The current disquieting international situation demands that we rededicate ourselves to the cause 'of general and complete disarmament under effective international control. As recent public demonstrations supportive of disarmament have shown, the peoples of the world are growing restive and impatient at the lack of progress in the field of disarmament. 6. Allow me now to turn to the problems relating to the state of affairs in the international economy. When the developing nations called for the establishment of a new international economic order way back in the mid-1970s, their aim was not to redistribute the existing wealth throughout the world, thereby scaling down the level of affluence in the developed communities. On the contrary, their primary concern was to create conditions that would allow them to develop their material and human potential to the full and consequently eradicate poverty, hunger9 disease and ignorance which are rampant in their own countries. Accelerated development of the developing countries poses no threat to the economies of the developed countries. It can only lead to the attainment of better conditions of Jiving for an mankind and an equitable sharing and utilization of the resources of our one world. However, our concerted attempts to bring about a fair and just economic system have foundered at every turn. Past negotiating conferences such as the Paris talks, the fourth and fifth sessions of UNCTAD, the third conference of UNIDO, the Committee Established under Resolution 32/l7( on the preparations for the launching of the global negotiations, and many others have not yielded tangible results. Today the international community is in a much worse condition. than it was a few years ago. 7. The developed countries are experiencing least growth rates, persistent and rising unemployment and instability in their currencies. For them the problem of how to rescue their economies from further recession and possible collapse. They have accordingly resorted to protectionism and restrictions in trade, investments and transfer of resources, measures which themselves are exacerbating, the already fragile and declining economies. 8. The developing countries, on the other hand, are experiencing decreased export earnings coupled with increased costs of essential imports such as food and energy, an escalating external debt burden and a tight reserve situation. Under these circumstances they have no aliern2tive but to reduce their overall economic activities and as a result per capita gross national product declines from year to year. The consequence of that situation in most developing countries, especially in Africa, has been an increase in the incidence of absolute poverty. 9. These trends do not augur well for the economies of either the developed or the developing countries, especially when they manifest themselves at such an early stage of the Third United Nations Development Decade. Here too we need to review the collective decisions we took two years ago when we set out the policy guidelines of International development Strategy for the Third United Nations Development Decade. Concerted efforts have to be undertaken to reverse the present trends. The international community has already diagnosed the world economy and ascertained that the remedy lies in structural adjustments. 10. My delegation is of the view that the responsibility for promoting development and meeting the needs of our peoples naturally rests with national Governments. None the less. the international community, including the United Nations system itself, should assist in mobilizing the resources and expertise necessary to help those countries in need to resolve their numerous developmental problems. 11. The current situation is more alarming, not only because of the magnitude and dimensions of the economic recession but also because of the erosion of international co-operation and the limitations in certain policies which are instituted to deal with recession. In a world of rising expectations and increasing communications between nations and social groups, a lack of response to the pressing demand for improving the quality of human life can be a real source of conflict not only at the national but also at the international level. In this respect, the level of voluntary contributions to UNDP, to mention but one, has experienced a decline. There is real danger that, if the present trend in voluntary contributions to the various .United Nations development-oriented agencies continues, the much cherished and noble aims and ideals of the United Nations body in this regard are likely to be compromised. 12. My delegation firmly believes that institutional changes and structural reforms in the world economy which could contribute to lasting solutions to our current problems can only result from a global and integrated approach to these problems. The global negotiations, which were decided upon by the General Assembly in its resolution 34/138, offer the best chance to the international community to achieve the desired objectives. It is through meaningful inter-dependence and collective action that economicprogress will be achieved. We hope that the global negotiations will be launched in the not too distant future and that they will result in concrete measures which all countries will find It easy to adopt, and thereby bring about the necessary structural changes leading to the establishment of a new international economic order. 13. The international political agenda is made up of many and complex problems which equally provoke grave concern and require urgent solutions. Let me now briefly reiterate Zambia's position in respect of some of them. 14. We are concerned about the increase in the great Power rivalries in and around the Indian Ocean. We want to see the long-delayed Conference on the Indian Ocean, to be held at Colombo, convened urgently with a view to adopting effective measures to fulfil the aims and objectives of the Declaration of the Indian Ocean as a Zone of IS. We support the efforts by the Organization. including the good offices of the Secretary-General. to find political solutions and to obtain the withdrawal of foreign forces from Afghanistan and Kampuchea. 16. We support the efforts of the Democratic People's Republic of Korea to bring about the reunification of Korea and once again call for the immediate and unconditional withdrawal of foreign troops from South Korea. 17. We remain steadfast in support of the independence, sovereignty, territorial integrity and non-aligned status of the Republic of Cyprus. We call for meaningful progress in the intercommunal talks and for an early agreement on the withdrawal of foreign forces from Cyprus. 18. I wish now to focus particularly on the questions of southern Africa and the Middle East~ as well as to outline briefly Zambia's perception of the institution of the United Nations. 19. The situation in southern Africa still looms over us as one of the major factors contributing to the deterioration in international relations. The issues in that perturbed region are well known. I wish none the less to recount them. They are, first, the continued illegal occupation of Namibia by South Africa; secondly, the policies and practices of apartheid of the South African regime; and, thirdly, South Africa's military aggression against and its destabilization of neighbouring Independent African States. 20. Four years have passed since the Security Council adopted resolution 435 (1978) on Namibia. That resolution was welcomed by the international com-munity as a practical and realistic basis for the termination by South Africa of its illegal occupation of Namibians for the Territory's process to its long-delayed independence. To date, Namibia remains under illegal South African occupation as the numerous efforts undertaken to put resolution 435 (1978) into effect have ~en of no avail. 21. This session of the General Assembly takes place against the background of renewed efforts to break out of the impasse over the implementation of resolution 435 (1978). Consultations involving the South West Africa People's Organization [SWAPO], the front-line States and Nigeria on the one hand and the contact group of five Western States and South Africa on the other have been held in the last three months here in New York with a view to resolving outstanding issues pertaining to the implementation of the United Nations plan for the independence of Namibia. These consultations resulted in agreement on virtua1ly all relevant issues. The one important out-standing issue concerns the electoral system to be used to elect a constituent assembly in Namibia. South Africa has not made its position known on this issue. 22. It is the firm view of my Government that the momentum which has been generated in regard to the independence of Namibia should not be lost. We wish to see the implementation process begin without further delay. South Africa should not be given any pretext to frustrate further the implementation of resolution 435 (1978). We would, therefore, utter a caution against the introduction of extraneous issues which would have the effect of delaying the independence of Namibia. In this regard, we reject the linkage that is being insisted upon between Namibia's independence and the presence of Cuban forces in Angola. There would be absolutely no justification for Namibia's independence to be delayed on account of issues which are clearly outside the, -letter and spirit of resolution 435 (1978). 23. On the question of apartheid and minority rule in South Africa, my country has been unequivocal in condemning that obnoxious system. We have repeatedly warned South Africa that a people cannot be suppressed forever. Already, the struggle by the non-white people of South Africa has become formidable. The march is on, and no amount of arms, mass arrests, police brutality or torture will stop it until the apartheid system is destroyed and majority rule is established in that country. 24. It is true that the racist regime has become more ruthless in suppressing the uprising by the oppressed majority, but so too has the people's determination to fight that regime intensified. The policy of bantustanization and the concept of divide and rule, whereby the regime is trying to play the Coloured and Indian communities against the black people by allowing the former a few more privileges than their black colleagues, will deceive no one. They have been exposed for what they are: desperate manoeuvres aimed at perpetuating apartheid. 25. The oppressed people of South Africa wish to see the establishment of a democratic system of government in their country. That is a quest for Justice that requires support from the rest of civilized mankind, including in particular those countries of the Western world which invest heavily in South Africa, and which, through those strong economic links with Pretoria, could bring maximum pressure to bear on the South African regime to abolish apartheid and bring about majority rule. 26. Let those who have interests of any sort in South Africa not be blinded by the massive short-term profits that they are reaping under apartheid. It will be in their long-term interest to exert effective pressure on South Africa lo abandon the apartheid system. 27. My Government is also seriously concerned about South Africa's continued acts of aggression against front-line and other States in southern Africa. As the international community is well aware, South African military forces continue to this day to occupy part of Angolan territory in flagrant violation of the sovereignty and territorial integrity of Angola. In addition, South Africa persists in carrying out military incursions and cross-border raids into Angola under the pretext of hot pursuit against SWAPO freedom fighters. South Africa is also persistently engaged in clandestine and open operations which embrace military aggression and economic subversion as well as harassment of the neighbouring independent African States with a view to destabilizing them. 28. It is in the light of that situation that I urge those who are allies of the Pretoria regime not only to point out the folly of its adventurism, but also to cease giving support to it. I also urge the Assembly to demand urgently the complete and unconditional withdrawal of South Africa's military forces from Angola, and the cessation of all its acts of aggression against and destabilization of the front-line States and other neighbouring States. 29. With regard to the Middle East problem, I wish to express my Governments indignation at and condemnation of the unprovoked and premeditated invasion of Lebanon by Israeli forces and the cold-blooded massacre of innocent Palestinian civilians in refugee camps. The loss of civilian live~ and massive destruction of property caused by the Israeli invasion of Lebanon are reminiscent of the holocaust of the Jewish people themselves in Nazi Germany, and should be unreservedly condemned by all peace-loving peoples the world over. It is ironic that a people which suffered so much under Nazi Germany tyranny should now have become the standard-bearer and apparent admirer of Nazi-type atrocities. 30. I wish to state that the solution of the problem does not lie in the liquidation of the Palestinian people or in their expulsion from Lebanon. It is foolhardy for Israel to believe that it can put an end to the legitimate and cherished aspirations of the Palestinian people through massive use of force of arms. 31. The invasion of Lebanon and the massive loss of innocent lives in that country have highlighted the urgent need to find a lasting solution to the Middle East problem, at the core of which• lies the question of the inalienable right of the Palestinian people to self-determination and to the establishment of an independent state in Palestine. 32. We call upon those who have the leverage to exert pressure on Israel to abandon its acts of aggression against its neighbours and to recognize the rights of the Palestinian people. We remain convinced that a just and comprehensive solution to the problem of the Middle East should be found within the frame-work of the United Nations. 33. The report' of the Secretary-General on the work of the Organization, which is before the Assembly, is incisive, frank and objective. He has eloquently expressed the concerns of many people all over the world who believe in the United Nations and want the Organization to be strengthened so that it can meet the cha1lenges of the present-day world and fulfil its historic role in the maintenance of international peace and security. 34. My delegation welcomes the report of the Secretary-General. The events of this year above all require that .we take a critical look at the peace-making and peace-keeping role of the United Nations, particularly that of the Security Council, which regrettably seems to have been reduced to the role of a mere spectator while some of its permanent members have actively pursued initiatives of their own outside the framework of the United Nations. 35. If we truly believe in the institution-the United Nations-we cannot and should not, as its Member States, merely give lip service to the Organization. nor should we seek to find solutions based on narrow national interests to important problems of universal interest and concern outside the United Nations framework. 36. Political will on the part of all Member States is of the essence if we are to strengthen the United Nations and revitalize its role in the maintenance of international peace and security. We need political will to implement and strictly adhere to the resolutions and decisions of the United Nations. We need political will to engage earnestly in a constructive dialogue to examine and perfect the mechanisms for promoting the aims and objectives of the United Nations. 37. Let me say specifically that it remains the considered view of the Zambian Government that all Member States should do everything possible to support the work of. the Special Committee on the Charter of the United Nations and on the Strengthening of the Role of the Organization. No single issue should be considered sacrosanct. The Special Commit-tee should have the latitude to consider all issues relevant to the strengthening of the United Nations and enhancing its effectiveness in resolving the problems which trouble international relations. 38. The United Nations remains the only hope for mankind in the long search for lasting solutions to the multifaceted problems confronting our one world. Let us therefore rededicate ourselves to the purposes and principles of the United Nations and do all we can to ensure that the Organization lives up to the expectations envisaged by the founding fathers.