I should like first to convey to you, Sir, the warm and sincere
felicitations of the delegation of Pakistan on your ejection to the
presidency of the thirty-seventh session of the General Assembly.
Your assumption of this high office is an acknowledgement by the
international community of your outstanding merit and qualities as a
statesman. it is also a tribute to your great country. I wish you
every success in guiding the deliberations of the general Assembly
on the complex issues facing it in the year ahead. 1 should like to
take this opportunity of expressing our esteem and admiration for
your predecessor, Mr. Kittani, who presided over the thirty-sixth
session of the General Assembly with great distinction and success. I
should also like to convey our deep appreciation to Mr. Perez de
Cuellar for his dedicated and unremitting efforts in search of peace
during a year which has seen a succession of crises and continuing
turmoil. We commend his resolve in the bleak international
circumstances of today, to strengthen the role and influence of the
United Nations in the conduct of international relations.
73. The report of the Secretary-General on the work of the
Organization is an eloquent and candid comment on the grim reality of
the international situation, which he has succinctly described as
international anarchy . in the recent past we have witnessed an
alarming intensification of conflicts and tensions, use of force with
impunity, growing mistrust among nations, increasing confrontation in
East-West relations and a new escalation in the arms race, which in
this nuclear age portends the gravest consequences for the very
survival of mankind. This spiral of violence is accompanied by a
deepening apathy regarding the principles of the Charter of the
United Nations and an indifference regarding the role of this
institution as the primary multilateral instrument for the
maintenance of international peace and security.
74. The gravity of the international scene demands a rededication
to the ideals of the United Nations in the same spirit of commitment
as ted to the foundation of this world forum after the agony and
horror of the Second World War. The strength of the United Nations,
which is indispensable to world peace, is also a measure of our
determination to achieve adjust and civilized world order and to
prevent a universal holocaust.
75. The Middle East conflict remains the most serious crisis on
the international horizon and a glaring record of persistent
violations of international law and brazen defiance of the United
Nations by an intransigent and implacable aggressor.
76. The recent massacre of Palestinians in west Beirut epitomizes
the tragedy of the Palestinian nation. The shock and indignation felt
throughout the world over this massacre should serve as a reminder of
the continuing Israeli crimes against the Palestinian people, whose
homeland has been usurped and who have been subjected to relentless
persecution. Since its occupation of the Arab and Palestinian
territories in 1967, Israel has been pursuing a systematic policy of
annexing those territories by changing their demographic and historic
character, establishing settlements there and driving the Arab and
Palestinian population into exile. In the process Israel is
determined to liquidate the identity and nationhood of Palestinians
in their ancient homeland.
77. Beyond the occupied territories, Israel desires to establish
its military diktat and hegemony in the region. It has attacked its
neighbours at will and with impunity. The brutal invasion of Lebanon,
the cruel siege of Beirut and the events which led to the Israeli
advance into the city and the massacre of Palestinians fully expose
Israeli ambitions in the region. The crisis in Lebanon should make it
clear to Israel's friends and allies that their support and
protection only encourage Israel to sustain its irredentist ambitions
on the pretext of strengthening its security.
78. The valour with which the Palestinian freedom fighters
withstood the ferocious Israeli attacks, and the sacrifices of the
Palestinian people, bear testimony to the strength and justice of
their cause, which cannot be trampled by terror and expansionism. The
Palestine Liberation Organization [PLO] has emerged with renewed
vigour as the voice for Palestinian freedom and has won international
acclaim for its restraint.
79. The proposals endorsed by the Twelfth Arab Summit Conference
at Fez constitute a major initiative for a durable peace in the
Middle East and demonstrate the sincere desire of the Arab countries
and the PLO to bring to a dignified and honourable end the chapter of
conflict in the Middle East. Predictably, Israel has rejected the Fez
plan, as well as the proposals by President Reagan, which illustrates
Israel's obsession with holding on to the occupied Arab and
Palestinian territories and its negative response to opportunities
for peace.
80. In the immediate context, it is imperative that Israel's
withdrawal from Lebanon be secured, that civilian life be fully
protected and conditions of peace and normality be restored in that
ravaged country. The agony of the Palestinian people and the justice
of its cause demand that the international community take determined
action for the achievement of durable peace in the Middle East. Such
peace depends on the imputable condition of Israel's withdrawal from
the Palestinian and Arab territories occupied since 1967 and the
restitution of the inalienable national rights of the Palestinian
people, including its right to a sovereign State in its homeland.
81. In our neighbourhood, the crisis in Afghanistan resulting
from Soviet military intervention in that country nearly three years
ago persists, with no sign of reprieve in its severity. The Afghan
national resistance has proved to be enduring and steadfast, despite
the awesome military superiority and sophisticated modem equipment
deployed against it.
82. The presence of 100,000 foreign military troops in
Afghanistan, with its dangerous portents forthe stability of the
entire region, continues to evoke deep concern in the international
community, which has consistently pronounced itself on the illegality
of that presence and has demanded its termination. The latest
expression of this international concern was embodied in general
Assembly resolution 36/34, adopted last year with the overwhelming
support of 116 Member States, which outlined, once again, the
essential elements of a just political solution of the Afghanistan
problem, namely, the immediate withdrawal of the foreign troops from
Afghanistan, the preservation of the sovereignty, territorial
integrity, political independence and non-aligned character of
Afghanistan, the right of the Afghan people to determine its own form
of government and to choose its economic, political and social system
free from outside intervention, subversion, coercion or constraint of
any kind whatsoever, and the creation of necessary conditions which
would enable the Afghan refugees to return voluntarily to their homes
in safety and honour.
83. Despite the repeated calls of the United Nations and similar
demands by the movement of non-aligned countries and the member
States of the Organization of the Islamic Conference, the end of the
crisis in Afghanistan is not in sight. It is a matter of regret that
the Soviet Union, which had traditionally enjoyed good relations with
countries of the area, including Afghanistan, and which takes pride
in its solidarity with third-world causes, should engage and persist
in an action which has caused immense tragedy to the people of
Afghanistan and which has been firmly opposed by the international
community.
84. The grave political implications of the Afghanistan crisis
are compounded by a vast and growing humanitarian problem in the
exodus of the Afghan population on a massive scale from their
country. Nearly 3 million Afghan refugees, who represent one fifth of
the total population of Afghanistan, have been forced to seek shelter
on our soil and have placed on us an enormous responsibility for
their upkeep which we have willingly accepted as our humanitarian and
Islamic duty.
85. As a country grievously affected by the crisis in its
neighbourhood, Pakistan has a direct and vital stake in a peaceful
solution of the Afghanistan problem. Consistent with the decisions of
the United Nations, Pakistan has sincerely co-operated with every
international endeavour, including the constructive efforts of the
Secretary-General and his Personal Representative on Afghanistan. The
Geneva discussions held in June under the good offices of the
Secretary-General marked an important step in his efforts for a
political settlement. We participated in those talks in a positive
and constructive spirit and we look forward to further progress in
the process of consultations initiated by the Secretary-General and
assure him of our continued co-operation.
86. It remains our ardent hope that the Afghanistan crisis will
soon be resolved in compliance with the decisions of the United
Nations with the aim of strengthening peace and security in the
region, white preserving respect for the independence, sovereignty
and territorial integrity of each State.
87. The ramifications of the crisis in Afghanistan and the
disturbing security climate in our region have deepened our concern
for the defence of our frontiers. We are seriously endeavouring to
turn those borders into frontiers of permanent peace. But we have no
control over developments in our neighbourhood and cannot turn our
eyes away from the imperative of maintaining an adequate defence
establishment commensurate with the size of the country and the
extent of its international frontiers, which stretch across more than
5,000 kilometres. The strengthening of Pakistan's defence capability
should not be a matter of concern to any other country-first, because
any suggestion of such concern would have no relation to reality and,
secondly, because those who make us assume the privilege of passing
judgement on vital matters falling exclusively within our sovereign
domain. We are tied to no bloc or strategic consensus, a/id our right
to have a minimum defence capability of our own is an expression of
our sovereign status as a non-aligned country.
88. The unfortunate conflict between the Islamic Republic of Iran
and Iraq has been a source of deep anguish and concern for us. In
addition to causing extensive human and material tosses, this was has
aggravated the climate of insecurity in a highly sensitive region,
and its early termination remains in the best interests of the
peoples of the area. With this conviction, the President of Pakistan
has made several efforts, singly and collectively, under the auspices
of the Islamic Conference, and will continue to make every endeavour
for the solution of this tragic conflict.
89. The conclusion of our neighbourhood have made us keenly aware
of the perils of great-Power rivalry and confrontation to which, in
an historic sense, the Indian Ocean region has always remained
exposed. Pakistan has consistency supported Sri Lanka's proposal for
the establishment of the Indian Ocean as a zone of peace, which
symbolizes the shared aspirations of the people of the region for
progress in conditions of peace and security. In the regional as well
as international context, we will Co-operate with every initiative
aimed at securing the elimination of any foreign military presence in
the Indian Ocean region and the removal of threats, whether from
within or from outside the area, to the independence, sovereignty and
territorial integrity of the countries of the region.
90. I am happy to note that seven countries of South Asia have
initiated concrete measures to promote regional co-operation aimed at
the well-being and progress of their peoples; Joint studies have been
undertaken and action programmes have been worked out to promote
co-operation in important economic sectors for mutual benefit. The
recently held meeting of the Foreign Secretaries of South Asian
countries in Islamabad was the third in a series of such meetings
establishing an auspicious tradition of co-operation and
understanding among countries of South Asia which we are committed to
strengthen in the future.
91. Apart from being a geo-political imperative, good-neighbourly
relations between Pakistan and India are essential to the fulfilment
of the aspirations and hopes of millions of people in the two
countries to live in peace and to ensure for themselves and for
succeeding generations a life of dignity, well-being and prosperity.
In this spirit, Pakistan sincerely desires full normalization of
relations with India which can be achieved with the resolution of the
Jammu and Kashmir dispute, the only outstanding problem between the
two countries.
92. The Government of Pakistan has taken several Initiatives,
including the offer of a non-aggression pact, to foster an atmosphere
of trust and confidence. We are gratified that last January, the
Foreign Ministers of the two countries agreed that the conclusion of
such a pact would make a positive contribution to peace and stability
in the region. We also welcomed the suggestion of the Prime Minister
of India for the establishment of a joint commission between the two
countries. Already an exchange of views on the substance of the
proposals has been initiated which augurs well For the future of
Pakistan-India relations, on which the peace and tranquillity of the
region largely depend.
93. Pakistan has consistency maintained a firm position of
principle on issues which concern the sovereignty and freedom of
nations, whether these pertain to our region, or regions far beyond
it. Accordingly, Pakistan supports the right of the people of
Kampuchea to shape their own future free from outside intervention
and has joined the international call for the withdrawal of foreign
troops from that unfortunate and Pakistan welcomes the formation of a
coalition Government of Democratic Kampuchea, headed by Prince
Sihanouk and hopes that this Government will facilitate the creation
of conditions conducive to the full implementation of the decisions
of the general Assembly on the Kampuchean question.
94. We feel equally concerned over the dangerous situation in the
South Atlantic and hope that a negotiated solution to the problem
will be found on the basis of the resolutions of the United Nations.
93. The illegal occupation of Namibia and the abominable system
perpetrated against the black population of South Africa continue to
be an affront to human morality and values. The hopes which had been
raised for an early independence of Namibia by the adoption of
Security Council resolution 433 (1978) proved short-lived. South
Africa, having first accepted the United Nations plan for free and
fair elections in Namibia under the supervision and control of the
Organization, baulked at its implementation and even questioned the
impartiality of the United Nations. The authors of the United Nations
plan, namely the members of the Western contact group, have a
responsibility to ensure the implementation of the plan as the
credibility of their commitment to this plan is at stake.
96. Pakistan joins the international community in its demand for
the realization of the independence of Namibia without further delay,
and reaffirms its total solidarity with the struggle of the Namibian
people under the leadership of the South West Africa People's
Organization PO] to bring the dark chapter of colonialism in their
country to a close.
97. Pakistan shares the dismay and disappointment of the
international community at the failure of the second special session
on disarmament. It is clear that heightened international tensions
prevented any progress on important disarmament issues, for which a
modicum of detente in East-West relations and improvement in the
global political situation have become a prerequisite. However, the
failure of the special session should not lead to pessimism; nor
should it be seen as the defeat of an ideal. The cause of disarmament
concerns the very survival of mankind and must be pursued with a deep
commitment, a positive outlook and a sense of destiny.
98. Pakistan believes in a comprehensive approach to disarmament
and emphasizes the need to pursue it at every level since these are
all organically linked to each other. Progress in one direction could
stimulate movement in the other. Consequently, we welcome
initiatives, at the bilateral, regional or global level, and
measures, either interim in character or undertaken in a long-term
perspective.
99. The prevention of a nuclear war is a primary challenge of our
age and imposes a grave responsibility on all, especially the major
nuclear Powers. We welcome the non-first-u ) declaration by the
Soviet Union in the same manner as we had welcomed an earlier
commitment by China to the same effect. We are also encouraged by the
resumption of negotiations between the United States and the Soviet
Union on the reduction of theatre and strategic nuclear forces and we
hope that this dialogue produces meaningful results.
100. Without prejudice to the usefulness of unilateral or
bilateral initiatives, we are convinced that the complex issues of
disarmament, especially nuclear disarmament, can best be addressed in
a multilateral context. The threat of nuclear weapons is pervasive
and concerns equally every member of the international community. The
United Nations, therefore, remains the most appropriate forum in
which negotiations on disarmament could be effectively pursued.
101. Motivated by its commitment to the objective of general and
complete disarmament and to nuclear non-proliferation, Pakistan had
taken initiatives at the United Nations for the establishment of a
nuclear-weapon-free zone in South Asia and for effective assurances
to non-nuclear-weapon States against the use of nuclear weapons.
Measures such as these could also strengthen the links in an overall
comprehensive programme of disarmament.
102. The demands of security, disarmament and development are
fundamentally interrelated. Progress in disarmament could release the
colossal resources, currently consumed by the insane arms race, for
economic development and for combating deprivation and disease, which
afflict vast sections; of humanity. A common historical cause for a
new world order must, therefore, motivate our efforts for
strengthening international security and pursuing effective
disarmament, and for alleviating injustices and disparities besetting
the international economic situation.
103. Over the past few years we have passively witnessed a rapidly
deteriorating crisis in the international economic system. A
galloping cancer of stagnation, recession, inflation and mounting
external debt have plunged the global economy to levels redolent of
the Great Depression. This has led to the emergence of new attitudes
and practices characterized by inward looking short-term solutions,
elements contrary to the spirit of international economic cooperation
and the principle of interdependence. Deflationary policies pursued
by some developed countries have rapidly transferred the crisis to
the developing countries because of the interdependent nature of the
world economy.
104. White the contraction of the economies has been a universal
phenomenon, the brunt of the crisis has fallen upon the developing
countries. In 1981, for the first time since the 1950s, the per
capita real income of the developing countries as a whole actually
fell in absolute terms. The consequent deceleration in the process of
development has led to record unemployment in both the developed and
the developing countries, with resultant social unrest and growing
political insecurity. The rapid deterioration in the terms of trade
of developing countries, rising protectionism and reduced financial
flows have led to an enormous increase in their external debts
resulting in drastic reductions in development budgets and growth
rates. At the same time, the debt burden of oil-importing developing
countries increased during 1981 by $50 billion over the 1978 level.
This feeds into the recession by towering their capacity to import.
105. The increasing current account deficits and the absence of
property designed international mechanisms to finance these deficits
in the short run or to correct the fundamental structural imbalance
in international payments in the long run is the central dilemma
confronting us today. It should be a matter of concern for the
international community that the burden of this extraordinary
adjustment is being passed on to the developing countries, the most
vulnerable members of the international community. ,
106. We believe that it is possible for the international community
to find solutions to its problems. The glaring shortcomings in the
existing economic system which are responsible for the present crisis
also present a rare opportunity to rebuild the various components of
the international economic order on a just and equitable basis. There
is a need for massive and urgent structural changes, the parameters
for which are so clearly outlined in the International Development
Strategy for the Third United Nations Development Decade and
resolutions adopted by the United Nations on the establishment of the
new international economic order. The basic malady is not the
shortage of liquidity in the international system but its gross
misdistribution.
107. It is indeed regrettable that global negotiations, proposed
at the thirty-fourth session of the Assembly, have not yet been
launched. The assurances sought by the industrialized countries are
already provided for in the proposal submitted by the Group of 77 on
the subject. Let us, therefore, abandon suspicions and apprehensions
about each other's intentions and move forward to the substantive
issues. However, what is alarming is the fact that lack of progress
in the launching of global negotiations has been accompanied by a
similar situation in sector-wise negotiations.
108. Another disturbing development is the alarming erosion of the
spirit of international co-operation at a time when increasing
multilateral economic co-operation could play a critical role in
triggering the process of international economic recovery. Eight
years ago, when the general Assembly at its sixth special session
adopted resolution 3201 (S-Vl), the Declaration on the Establishment
of a New International Economic Order, it unequivocally emphasized
the reality of interdependence, an interdependence between the
developed and the developing countries. The Assembly also recognized
the fact that the political, economic and social well-being of
present and future generations depended more than ever on
co-operation between all the members of the international community
on the basis of sovereign equality and the removal of the
disequilibrium that exists between them.
109. Global interdependence demands that the restoration and
growth of the international economy must be undertaken on the basis
of international co-operation. We can find answers to the present
problems involving financial transfers, protectionist sentiments and
changing attitudes towards policies of development assistance only
through a compact of mutual help and assistance. What we are looking
for is not short-term financial and trade concessions, although they
are important in themselves, but long-term structural changes which
would involve creating a framework for expansion of world trade,
provision of development finance on a long-term basis and the
progressive democratization of the present international financial
system to enable it to function in an equitable and efficient manner.
110. There is no alternative to a dialogue and mutual co-operation
to overcome the malaise which has afflicted the economies of the
North and the South alike. Increased interdependence in the world
economy has ensured that no country or group of countries can achieve
genuine recovery merely through efficient domestic management of
their economies. A consensus on the root of the current problems and
a co-ordination of responses to solve them are indispensable for this
purpose.
111. While calling for a global response to the present crisis, the
developing countries are conscious of the need to promote economic
co-operation among themselves. This is one area in which positive
developments have taken place. We believe that expanding economic
co-operation among developing countries is a dynamic and vital
element in any effective restructuring of international economic
relations. However, co-operation among developing countries can only
complement, and cannot be a substitute for, a new international
economic order based on equity and justice.
112. The present economic crisis calls for vision and imagination
on the part of the leaders of the industrialized countries, and we
look to the emergence of a new internationalism, the awakening of a
new spirit of global Co-operation and recognition of the imperatives
of interdependence, requiring a more equitable management of the
international economic system. The world economy can be rebuilt only
on a sound and permanent foundation of economic efficiency and
economic justice with the full participation of developing countries
in international decision-making, and not through their exclusion.
This is an imperative which the world leaders can no longer afford to
ignore in their search for reducing tension and promoting peace and
harmony.