At the outset, Sir, I wish to congratulate you on
your election to the high office of President of
the General Assembly.
21. During the last few years we have
witnessed a serious deterioration in the
international political climate. The tensions
between East and West are particularly serious
since the East-West relationship still plays the
dominant role in shaping international relations.
But crises have emerged also in other regions and
with grave consequences.
3l. However promising the possibilities may be
for modem man to create positive conditions of
life, we must nevertheless acknowledge that we
have still failed to deal with many of the
world's major challenges of today in the
political, economic and military fields. The most
disturbing development is the increasing tendency
to resort to the use of force in international
relations. Events in Lebanon, in Afghanistan and
in the Falkland Islands are clear examples of
this.
52. When conflicts between nations create
threats to international peace and security we
need international mechanisms which can intervene
to stop the escalation of such conflicts into
open war. We need organs which can promote
peaceful political settlements of disputes. The
United Nations was established to serve these
purposes. However, the United Nations is not
always used in the way intended under the
Charter; and when it is used; we have seen that
its demands, calls, recommendations and
resolutions are not heeded.
53. This development harms both the United
Nations and its Member States. Norway has always
regarded the United Nations as the cornerstone of
its foreign policy and we therefore regret this
development. In his annual report on the work of
the Organization the Secretary-General highlights
just this situation. We greatly appreciate his
open, frank and constructive presentation of the
problems.
54. The Charter has invested the bodies of
the United Nations with clearly defined and well-
balanced responsibilities for independent action.
It is up to us, the States Members of the United
Nations, to make constructive use of the
mechanisms provided for in the Charter in order
to further the common causes of the world
community.
55. Over the years we have witnessed a
disturbing tendency to use the Organization for
political prop¬aganda and condemnations rather
than for seeking realistic and constructive
solutions to the problems before us. Member
States ought to consider whether this is
compatible with our desire to develop the United
Nations into an instrument for the settlement of
disputes and the maintenance of international
peace and security.
56. In his report the Secretary-General draws
our attention to the same problem by stating that
public debate, which often can become rhetorical
and con¬frontational, is in itself not enough and
cannot be a substitute for serious negotiations.
He has also put forward a number of proposals on
how we should tackle the problems now facing the
Organization. I would in particular mention the
following proposals.
57. The Secretary-General proposes, as an
important first step, a conscious recommitment by
Governments to the Charter. In response to this I
hereby reaffirm Norway's commitment.
58. The Secretary-General asks us to
reconstruct the concept of collective action for
peace and security within the framework of the
Charter. The Norwegian Government agrees with him
and we are prepared to co-operate with him in
investigating ways and means of achieving this
urgent goal.
59. The Secretary-General comments on the
Security Council and suggests that the Council
should keep an active watch on dangerous
situations and if necessary initiate discussions
with the parties involved before they reach the
point of crisis. We support a more forthright
role for the Secretary-General within the
framework of Article 99 of the Charter in
bringing potentially dangerous situations to the
attention of the Council. We find his suggestion
for developing a wider and more systematic
capacity for fact-finding in potential conflict
areas very useful and we look forward to a discussion
on how this capacity could be strengthened.
60. The Secretary-General also comments on
peace¬keeping operations. As a country that has
con¬tributed troops to several United Nations
forces since 1956, and is contributing to UNIFIL,
we have a direct interest in this vital aspect of
the activities of the United Nations. We
therefore strongly support the
Secretary-General's recommendation that Member
States, especially the members of the Security
Council, should now urgently study the means by
which our peace-keeping operations could be
strengthened. We are not convinced that an
increase in their military capacity or authority
is a viable option, but we find very interesting
the suggestion of underpinning the authority of
peace-keeping operations by some kind of
guarantees.
61. I should like to mention one last aspect
con¬cerning the role of the United Nations.
Perhaps the greatest strength of the United
Nations is embodied in its universality. Norway
has always considered the principle of
universality to be of cardinal importance for the
authority of the United Nations. We shall
con¬tinue to do so, and in this connection I
should like to stress the strong concern and
protest of my Govern¬ment concerning the vote in
the General Conference of IAEA on 24 September^
not to accept the credentials of the Israeli
delegation. Such moves will inevitably have
negative repercussions for the whole climate
within the United Nations system.
62. The reaction in Norway to the recent
reports of the massacre of Palestinian
refugees—children, women and men—in Beirut has
been one of shock and revul¬sion. My Government
fully associates itself with the international
condemnation of this massacre. Such a cruel act
is a clear demonstration of how far the
antagonisms and hatred have developed between the
different groups in the area. This act shows us
more clearly than ever the urgent need for
national recon-ciliation in Lebanon and a
comprehensive and Listing solution to the Middle
East conflict in general. In the present
circumstances we know this is extremely
difficult. It can be possible only if all parties
con¬cerned are willing to show moderation and act
in a spirit of compromise.
63. Norway fully supports all the Security
Council resolutions adopted on the crisis in
Lebanon during recent months. We urge all parties
to respect the national sovereignty and
territorial integrity of Lebanon.
64. We also recognize the legitimate concern
for the security of the State of Israel. The
events that took place prior to 6 June this year
did not, however, justify the massive Israeli
invasion that followed. All States in the area,
Israel as well as its neighbours must have the
right to live in peace within secure and
recognized boundaries. There can be no just and
durable solution to the Middle East conflict
unless this principle is fully respected.
65. The implementation of the national rights
of the Palestinian people, including its right to
self- determination, is of equal importance. This
implies Israel's withdrawal from territories
occupied in 1967. It also implies that
representatives of the Palestinian people should
participate in negotiations on the solu¬tion of
the Palestinian problem in all its aspects. The
procedure for the realization of Palestinian
self- determination should be established through
such negotiations.
66. In spite of the tragic events of the last
few weeks we have noted some encouraging signs of
a positive development towards a peaceful and
com¬prehensive solution to the conflict. The plan
outlined by the President of the United States on
I September for a more general settlement of the
Middle East problem, and in particular the
Palestinian question, has been welcomed by Norway
as a significant and important contribution to
the peace process. The agreement at the resumed
Twelfth Arab Summit Conference at Fez earlier
this month on a number of principles for the
solution of the crisis strengthens our conviction
that serious efforts are being undertaken to try
to solve the conflict in the Middle East.
67. There are several other pressing international problems on our agenda.
68. In Namibia, the ongoing efforts to reach
a negotiated political settlement are entering a
crucial stage. Norway strongly supports these
efforts and we sincerely hope they will succeed
so that Namibia can obtain its independence in
1933.
69. In South Africa, the inhuman system of
apartheid persists. Together with the other
Nordic countries, Norway will continue to examine
ways and means of exerting pressure on the South
African Govern¬ment so that the necessary and
inevitable changes will come about by peaceful
means.
70. In Afghanistan, the tragic war is
continuing. The Soviet Union assumes a heavy
responsibility by ignoring the clear decisions by
a vast majority in the Assembly that it should
withdraw its military forces. The Afghan people
must be granted the right to determine the future
of its country without external interference.
Norway supports the efforts by the
Secretary-General to solve this conflict.
71. In Kampuchea, the impressive humanitarian
effort of the international aid agencies, led by
UNICEF, has helped to save the Kampuchean people
from famine and starvation. The illegal
Vietnamese occupation of the country continues,
however. Norway will support resolutions and
efforts to achieve a political solution so that
the long-suffering Kampu¬chean people can finally
obtain true independence and self-determination.
72. The Norwegian delegation will express the
position of my Government on these and other
im¬portant questions on our agenda in more detail
at a later stage. I feel it necessary, however,
to make some remarks on the position of my
Government on three of the most vital questions
facing the United Nations and the international
community, namely, the problems of disarmament,
the question of human rights and the North-South
dialogue.
73. Arms control and disarmament were dealt
with extensively in the United Nations during
this year's special session. In spite of positive
results on some important issues, the second
special session on disarmament this summer did
not succeed in devel¬oping further the important
Final Document of the Tenth Special Session of
the General Assembly, the first special session
on disarmament, in 1978. However, this must not
be allowed to undermine our resolve to continue
to work for arms control and disarmament within
the global framework which the United Nations
represents.
74. Our deliberative process in the United
Nations must be realistic. We cannot force
agreement in the absence of consensus, nor must
divergent views deter us from seeking agreement.
Unless we succeed in our consensus-building here,
our ability to influence negotiations outside
this Hall will be minimal.
75. Norway attaches great importance to the
follow- up to the second special session on
disarmament. We intend to submit proposals for
the strengthening of the machinery in the
multilateral field of negotiations and research,
including a limited expansion of the Committee on
Disarmament.
76. Furthermore, Norway, together with the
other Nordic countries, would like to see
concrete action taken by the Assembly with regard
to the United Nations study on disarmament and
development.
77. Our follow-up discussions during this
session of the General Assembly must necessarily
be addressed to a broad range of issues. At this
time, however, I should like to make a few
observations regarding nuclear and conventional
weapons. Priority must be assigned to questions
related to nuclear disarmament. The prevention of
both a further vertical nuclear arms build-up and
a horizontal proliferation of such weapons is one
of the greatest challenges facing the community
of nations today, and there is a clear link
between these two tasks.
78. In this connection, the negotiations
between the United States and the Soviet Union at
Geneva on strategic nuclear weapons—the strategic
arms reduc¬tion talks—and intermediate-range
nuclear forces are of particular significance. It
is our hope and goal that the talks will lead to
substantial reductions in strategic nuclear
weapons on both sides. With regard to the
intermediate-range nuclear force negotiations,
Norway supports, as a first step, the total
elimination of American and Soviet land-based
intermediate- range missiles.
79. Progress in those talks would in our view
also provide a further incentive to our efforts
to halt the spread of nuclear weapons to other
countries. Nuclear disarmament is also closely
linked to ongoing talks regarding a future
comprehensive test-ban treaty. Norway attaches
great importance to the activities of the
Committee on Disarmament in this regard; and we
shall continue our involvement in these matters.
80. Our preoccupation with the need to hate
and reverse the nuclear arms build-up must not
make us forget developments in the conventional
field—and the increasing destructiveness of
conventional weapons. Therefore, the security
problems involve not only nuclear weapons, but
also conventional arms.
81. Real progress towards disarmament can be
achieved only through negotiations resulting in
binding and verifiable agreements. Declarations
of intent alone concerning those questions can
never be sufficient.
82. To conclude my remarks on disarmament, I
would like to point out that positive results
from these nego¬tiations could lead to a
lessening of tension in the East- West
relationship in general.
83. Since the creation of the United Nations
sub¬stantial efforts have been undertaken to
establish international instruments and norms for
the protection of human rights. The Universal
Declaration of Human Rights and the International
Covenants on Human Rights, one on civil and
political rights and the other on economic,
social and cultural rights, have become our basic
instruments. In spite of those and other
declarations, we are nevertheless confronted
almost daily with reports of gross and systematic
violations of fundamental human rights. Such
reports show that a number of Governments do not
live up to the commit¬ments and principles
embodied in those covenants and declarations. We
must also, regrettably, conclude that the
mechanisms established for the protection and
promotion of human rights are inadequate.
84. With that situation as the background, it
must be an overriding concern to ensure more
effectively each individual's enjoyment of human
rights and fundamental freedoms. This issue has
been discussed for a number of years within the
United Nations. Concrete proposals have been
submitted; the establish¬ment of a post of United
Nations high commissioner for human rights is
only one among several examples. Thus, it is not
a lack of ideas that hampers the pro¬motion of
respect for human rights, but a lack of political
will.
85. Recognizing that violations of human
rights must be regarded as an international
concern, it must also be the duty of the
international community to react to such
violations whenever they occur, regardless of the
political colour of the regime in question. The
invocation of the principle of non-interference
in internal affairs cannot be accepted as a
justification for the international community not
to act. If we do not respond similarly to
comparable violations, our credibility will be at
stake. My delegation will address itself to those
issues later in this session, in particular with
regard to the situation in Iran, where the
viola¬tions of human rights are becoming
increasingly severe through religious
persecution, torture and arbitrary executions.
86. Before concluding, I would like to
comment briefly upon the importance of the
international economic situation, in particular
the North-South dialogue.
87. One conclusion from the September meeting
of the International Monetary Fund [IMF] and the
World Bank in Toronto was that the world economic
situation has worsened and that the short-term
prospects for improvement are still bleak. The
low-income devel-oping countries have been
particularly hard hit by the recession in the
industrialized world. Many of the developing
countries are faced with crushing debt problems,
the ramifications of which may threaten the
stability of the international financial system.
We see increasing protectionist tendencies and a
risk of an erosion of the open international
trading system. The spectre of mass unemployment
threatens the stability and cohesion of the
international com¬munity, in particular because
of its effect on our youth.
88. At the same time, the economic and
development organizations within the United
Nations system are faced with a crisis of their
own. In a joint Nordic statement to the IMF/World
Bank meeting the crucial importance of
multilateral assistance was underlined, as well
as the necessity for donor countries at least to
keep their contributions to the present level.
It* this forum, I would in particular point to
the very difficult situation now facing UNDP. If
we do not find a rapid solution to the present
financial problems of UNDP the resulting cutbacks
in projects and assistance will have serious
repercussions on the entire United Nations
development system.
89. My Government intends to maintain an
active role in the work for a new international
economic order. We regard the concept of a new
international economic order as an effort,
through international negotiations, to achieve a
combined strategy to foster just and equitable
economic relations between rich and poor
countries. We see this as a matter of developing
mechanisms for co-operation which will enable the
international economic system to function in the
best possible way to the mutual advantage of all
parties, and in particular to the benefit of
developing countries.
90. If the present situation regarding the
North- South dialogue is allowed to persist, it
may not only have a negative impact on the
relations between the developed and developing
countries, but also further aggravate the stress
on the international economy. The Norwegian
Government still thinks that the planned round of
global negotiations represents a comprehensive
and integrated approach to the North- South
problems, and it still hopes that agreement can
be reached so that this round can be launched
during this session of the Assembly. We also
intend to take a very active part in the
preparations for the ministerial meeting of GATT
in November and for the sixth session of UNCTAD
to be held next year at Belgrade. The commitment
of Norway to the goals of international
development co-operation will also 6e evident
from the decision of my Government to main¬tain
its official development assistance at the level
of 1 per cent of its gross national product in
the years to come in spite of the economic
problems which are facing my country also.