At the outset, Sir, I wish to congratulate you on your election to the high office of President of the General Assembly. 21. During the last few years we have witnessed a serious deterioration in the international political climate. The tensions between East and West are particularly serious since the East-West relationship still plays the dominant role in shaping international relations. But crises have emerged also in other regions and with grave consequences. 3l. However promising the possibilities may be for modem man to create positive conditions of life, we must nevertheless acknowledge that we have still failed to deal with many of the world's major challenges of today in the political, economic and military fields. The most disturbing development is the increasing tendency to resort to the use of force in international relations. Events in Lebanon, in Afghanistan and in the Falkland Islands are clear examples of this. 52. When conflicts between nations create threats to international peace and security we need international mechanisms which can intervene to stop the escalation of such conflicts into open war. We need organs which can promote peaceful political settlements of disputes. The United Nations was established to serve these purposes. However, the United Nations is not always used in the way intended under the Charter; and when it is used; we have seen that its demands, calls, recommendations and resolutions are not heeded. 53. This development harms both the United Nations and its Member States. Norway has always regarded the United Nations as the cornerstone of its foreign policy and we therefore regret this development. In his annual report on the work of the Organization the Secretary-General highlights just this situation. We greatly appreciate his open, frank and constructive presentation of the problems. 54. The Charter has invested the bodies of the United Nations with clearly defined and well- balanced responsibilities for independent action. It is up to us, the States Members of the United Nations, to make constructive use of the mechanisms provided for in the Charter in order to further the common causes of the world community. 55. Over the years we have witnessed a disturbing tendency to use the Organization for political prop¬aganda and condemnations rather than for seeking realistic and constructive solutions to the problems before us. Member States ought to consider whether this is compatible with our desire to develop the United Nations into an instrument for the settlement of disputes and the maintenance of international peace and security. 56. In his report the Secretary-General draws our attention to the same problem by stating that public debate, which often can become rhetorical and con¬frontational, is in itself not enough and cannot be a substitute for serious negotiations. He has also put forward a number of proposals on how we should tackle the problems now facing the Organization. I would in particular mention the following proposals. 57. The Secretary-General proposes, as an important first step, a conscious recommitment by Governments to the Charter. In response to this I hereby reaffirm Norway's commitment. 58. The Secretary-General asks us to reconstruct the concept of collective action for peace and security within the framework of the Charter. The Norwegian Government agrees with him and we are prepared to co-operate with him in investigating ways and means of achieving this urgent goal. 59. The Secretary-General comments on the Security Council and suggests that the Council should keep an active watch on dangerous situations and if necessary initiate discussions with the parties involved before they reach the point of crisis. We support a more forthright role for the Secretary-General within the framework of Article 99 of the Charter in bringing potentially dangerous situations to the attention of the Council. We find his suggestion for developing a wider and more systematic capacity for fact-finding in potential conflict areas very useful and we look forward to a discussion on how this capacity could be strengthened. 60. The Secretary-General also comments on peace¬keeping operations. As a country that has con¬tributed troops to several United Nations forces since 1956, and is contributing to UNIFIL, we have a direct interest in this vital aspect of the activities of the United Nations. We therefore strongly support the Secretary-General's recommendation that Member States, especially the members of the Security Council, should now urgently study the means by which our peace-keeping operations could be strengthened. We are not convinced that an increase in their military capacity or authority is a viable option, but we find very interesting the suggestion of underpinning the authority of peace-keeping operations by some kind of guarantees. 61. I should like to mention one last aspect con¬cerning the role of the United Nations. Perhaps the greatest strength of the United Nations is embodied in its universality. Norway has always considered the principle of universality to be of cardinal importance for the authority of the United Nations. We shall con¬tinue to do so, and in this connection I should like to stress the strong concern and protest of my Govern¬ment concerning the vote in the General Conference of IAEA on 24 September^ not to accept the credentials of the Israeli delegation. Such moves will inevitably have negative repercussions for the whole climate within the United Nations system. 62. The reaction in Norway to the recent reports of the massacre of Palestinian refugees—children, women and men—in Beirut has been one of shock and revul¬sion. My Government fully associates itself with the international condemnation of this massacre. Such a cruel act is a clear demonstration of how far the antagonisms and hatred have developed between the different groups in the area. This act shows us more clearly than ever the urgent need for national recon-ciliation in Lebanon and a comprehensive and Listing solution to the Middle East conflict in general. In the present circumstances we know this is extremely difficult. It can be possible only if all parties con¬cerned are willing to show moderation and act in a spirit of compromise. 63. Norway fully supports all the Security Council resolutions adopted on the crisis in Lebanon during recent months. We urge all parties to respect the national sovereignty and territorial integrity of Lebanon. 64. We also recognize the legitimate concern for the security of the State of Israel. The events that took place prior to 6 June this year did not, however, justify the massive Israeli invasion that followed. All States in the area, Israel as well as its neighbours must have the right to live in peace within secure and recognized boundaries. There can be no just and durable solution to the Middle East conflict unless this principle is fully respected. 65. The implementation of the national rights of the Palestinian people, including its right to self- determination, is of equal importance. This implies Israel's withdrawal from territories occupied in 1967. It also implies that representatives of the Palestinian people should participate in negotiations on the solu¬tion of the Palestinian problem in all its aspects. The procedure for the realization of Palestinian self- determination should be established through such negotiations. 66. In spite of the tragic events of the last few weeks we have noted some encouraging signs of a positive development towards a peaceful and com¬prehensive solution to the conflict. The plan outlined by the President of the United States on I September for a more general settlement of the Middle East problem, and in particular the Palestinian question, has been welcomed by Norway as a significant and important contribution to the peace process. The agreement at the resumed Twelfth Arab Summit Conference at Fez earlier this month on a number of principles for the solution of the crisis strengthens our conviction that serious efforts are being undertaken to try to solve the conflict in the Middle East. 67. There are several other pressing international problems on our agenda. 68. In Namibia, the ongoing efforts to reach a negotiated political settlement are entering a crucial stage. Norway strongly supports these efforts and we sincerely hope they will succeed so that Namibia can obtain its independence in 1933. 69. In South Africa, the inhuman system of apartheid persists. Together with the other Nordic countries, Norway will continue to examine ways and means of exerting pressure on the South African Govern¬ment so that the necessary and inevitable changes will come about by peaceful means. 70. In Afghanistan, the tragic war is continuing. The Soviet Union assumes a heavy responsibility by ignoring the clear decisions by a vast majority in the Assembly that it should withdraw its military forces. The Afghan people must be granted the right to determine the future of its country without external interference. Norway supports the efforts by the Secretary-General to solve this conflict. 71. In Kampuchea, the impressive humanitarian effort of the international aid agencies, led by UNICEF, has helped to save the Kampuchean people from famine and starvation. The illegal Vietnamese occupation of the country continues, however. Norway will support resolutions and efforts to achieve a political solution so that the long-suffering Kampu¬chean people can finally obtain true independence and self-determination. 72. The Norwegian delegation will express the position of my Government on these and other im¬portant questions on our agenda in more detail at a later stage. I feel it necessary, however, to make some remarks on the position of my Government on three of the most vital questions facing the United Nations and the international community, namely, the problems of disarmament, the question of human rights and the North-South dialogue. 73. Arms control and disarmament were dealt with extensively in the United Nations during this year's special session. In spite of positive results on some important issues, the second special session on disarmament this summer did not succeed in devel¬oping further the important Final Document of the Tenth Special Session of the General Assembly, the first special session on disarmament, in 1978. However, this must not be allowed to undermine our resolve to continue to work for arms control and disarmament within the global framework which the United Nations represents. 74. Our deliberative process in the United Nations must be realistic. We cannot force agreement in the absence of consensus, nor must divergent views deter us from seeking agreement. Unless we succeed in our consensus-building here, our ability to influence negotiations outside this Hall will be minimal. 75. Norway attaches great importance to the follow- up to the second special session on disarmament. We intend to submit proposals for the strengthening of the machinery in the multilateral field of negotiations and research, including a limited expansion of the Committee on Disarmament. 76. Furthermore, Norway, together with the other Nordic countries, would like to see concrete action taken by the Assembly with regard to the United Nations study on disarmament and development. 77. Our follow-up discussions during this session of the General Assembly must necessarily be addressed to a broad range of issues. At this time, however, I should like to make a few observations regarding nuclear and conventional weapons. Priority must be assigned to questions related to nuclear disarmament. The prevention of both a further vertical nuclear arms build-up and a horizontal proliferation of such weapons is one of the greatest challenges facing the community of nations today, and there is a clear link between these two tasks. 78. In this connection, the negotiations between the United States and the Soviet Union at Geneva on strategic nuclear weapons—the strategic arms reduc¬tion talks—and intermediate-range nuclear forces are of particular significance. It is our hope and goal that the talks will lead to substantial reductions in strategic nuclear weapons on both sides. With regard to the intermediate-range nuclear force negotiations, Norway supports, as a first step, the total elimination of American and Soviet land-based intermediate- range missiles. 79. Progress in those talks would in our view also provide a further incentive to our efforts to halt the spread of nuclear weapons to other countries. Nuclear disarmament is also closely linked to ongoing talks regarding a future comprehensive test-ban treaty. Norway attaches great importance to the activities of the Committee on Disarmament in this regard; and we shall continue our involvement in these matters. 80. Our preoccupation with the need to hate and reverse the nuclear arms build-up must not make us forget developments in the conventional field—and the increasing destructiveness of conventional weapons. Therefore, the security problems involve not only nuclear weapons, but also conventional arms. 81. Real progress towards disarmament can be achieved only through negotiations resulting in binding and verifiable agreements. Declarations of intent alone concerning those questions can never be sufficient. 82. To conclude my remarks on disarmament, I would like to point out that positive results from these nego¬tiations could lead to a lessening of tension in the East- West relationship in general. 83. Since the creation of the United Nations sub¬stantial efforts have been undertaken to establish international instruments and norms for the protection of human rights. The Universal Declaration of Human Rights and the International Covenants on Human Rights, one on civil and political rights and the other on economic, social and cultural rights, have become our basic instruments. In spite of those and other declarations, we are nevertheless confronted almost daily with reports of gross and systematic violations of fundamental human rights. Such reports show that a number of Governments do not live up to the commit¬ments and principles embodied in those covenants and declarations. We must also, regrettably, conclude that the mechanisms established for the protection and promotion of human rights are inadequate. 84. With that situation as the background, it must be an overriding concern to ensure more effectively each individual's enjoyment of human rights and fundamental freedoms. This issue has been discussed for a number of years within the United Nations. Concrete proposals have been submitted; the establish¬ment of a post of United Nations high commissioner for human rights is only one among several examples. Thus, it is not a lack of ideas that hampers the pro¬motion of respect for human rights, but a lack of political will. 85. Recognizing that violations of human rights must be regarded as an international concern, it must also be the duty of the international community to react to such violations whenever they occur, regardless of the political colour of the regime in question. The invocation of the principle of non-interference in internal affairs cannot be accepted as a justification for the international community not to act. If we do not respond similarly to comparable violations, our credibility will be at stake. My delegation will address itself to those issues later in this session, in particular with regard to the situation in Iran, where the viola¬tions of human rights are becoming increasingly severe through religious persecution, torture and arbitrary executions. 86. Before concluding, I would like to comment briefly upon the importance of the international economic situation, in particular the North-South dialogue. 87. One conclusion from the September meeting of the International Monetary Fund [IMF] and the World Bank in Toronto was that the world economic situation has worsened and that the short-term prospects for improvement are still bleak. The low-income devel-oping countries have been particularly hard hit by the recession in the industrialized world. Many of the developing countries are faced with crushing debt problems, the ramifications of which may threaten the stability of the international financial system. We see increasing protectionist tendencies and a risk of an erosion of the open international trading system. The spectre of mass unemployment threatens the stability and cohesion of the international com¬munity, in particular because of its effect on our youth. 88. At the same time, the economic and development organizations within the United Nations system are faced with a crisis of their own. In a joint Nordic statement to the IMF/World Bank meeting the crucial importance of multilateral assistance was underlined, as well as the necessity for donor countries at least to keep their contributions to the present level. It* this forum, I would in particular point to the very difficult situation now facing UNDP. If we do not find a rapid solution to the present financial problems of UNDP the resulting cutbacks in projects and assistance will have serious repercussions on the entire United Nations development system. 89. My Government intends to maintain an active role in the work for a new international economic order. We regard the concept of a new international economic order as an effort, through international negotiations, to achieve a combined strategy to foster just and equitable economic relations between rich and poor countries. We see this as a matter of developing mechanisms for co-operation which will enable the international economic system to function in the best possible way to the mutual advantage of all parties, and in particular to the benefit of developing countries. 90. If the present situation regarding the North- South dialogue is allowed to persist, it may not only have a negative impact on the relations between the developed and developing countries, but also further aggravate the stress on the international economy. The Norwegian Government still thinks that the planned round of global negotiations represents a comprehensive and integrated approach to the North- South problems, and it still hopes that agreement can be reached so that this round can be launched during this session of the Assembly. We also intend to take a very active part in the preparations for the ministerial meeting of GATT in November and for the sixth session of UNCTAD to be held next year at Belgrade. The commitment of Norway to the goals of international development co-operation will also 6e evident from the decision of my Government to main¬tain its official development assistance at the level of 1 per cent of its gross national product in the years to come in spite of the economic problems which are facing my country also.