Mr. President, on behalf of Colombia and as Minister for Foreign Affairs I have pleasure in congratulating you on the honour which the world Organization has conferred upon you in electing you President of this Assembly. Because of your outstanding qualities, you are exceptionally well fitted to direct our debates at this grave juncture.
74. I wish also to extend my warmest greeting to the other distinguished delegates and to thank them most sincerely for electing my country, by an almost unanimous vote, to one of the Vice-Presidencies of the General Assembly.
75. The impressive spectacle of this august Assembly, in which outstanding personalities from every corner of the world and from every country are taking part, suggests that mankind, whether feeling itself to be powerful or puny, is Impelled to make open confession of its disquiet and to seek, in its perplexity, a solution that will alleviate the uncertainty which assails us all in these troublous times.
76. Two cataclysmic wars resulted in the founding, first of the League of Nations and then of the United Nations.
77. The purposes of this vast international effort could not have been better: the statements of principles, and the precepts of the Charter, constitute a volume of wisdom which is truly to be treasured.
78. Despite these noble efforts, however, the international scene is not a bright one. After the Second World War, there was an almost instinctive banding together of most nations, to defend human freedom and democracy against the nazi-fascist ideology which the great leaders of that period felt to be the most harmful for the free and peaceful existence of peoples.
79. In their eagerness, men usually believe that, once the Immediate difficulties are overcome, all problems have been solved. However, the antagonisms which caused the last great war and which were thought to have been eliminated by an agreement between the countries opposed to the nazi and fascist ideologies were later replaced by a violent clash between two new and even more radically conflicting groups of Ideas and interests: on the one hand a materialistic and atheistic, and on the other a spiritual, concept of man and the world. Under the materialistic concept, all human difficulties and aspirations can be reduced to economic terms; under the spiritual concept, while economic problems are not underrated, it is held that man has other nobler and more imperative interests, inasmuch as he was created by God and not by or for economics,
80. This conflict of ideas has led to hatred between social classes and between peoples, to absorption of the human personality by omnipotent and tyrannical State, to the urge to subjugate other peoples and impose political domination upon them by force, and to the proclamation of a false democracy in which the minority dictates to the majority. Another result of the first-named ideology is the thirst to possess new territories, to govern great masses of men and subject them to the absolute sway and domination of an idol, temporarily represented by some man but actually embodied in a monstrous State.
81. This dreadful panorama of slavery and denial of human dignity is perhaps the greatest political error that man has ever conceived or engaged in. Thank God that the spiritual forces in the opposite camp have so far been able to counterbalance that destructive force.
82. But the world balance resulting from the titanic struggle between these two forces is not really a balance of peace and calm. As the Supreme Pontiff, Pope Pius XII, once said, what we have is "a peace of fear”. Neither nations nor individuals enjoy real peace, the peace which, according to our philosophy, lies in an ordered tranquillity. Without tranquillity there is no peace, even when there maybe apparent order; and without order, or with an order which is not governed by right, all there can possibly be is a false and precarious tranquillity, which is not peace.
83. We must admit that the United Nations, despite the high purposes and wise principles enshrined in the Charter, has not been able to solve this problem of an ordered tranquillity. This is partly due, so far as the history and provisions of the Charter are concerned, to initial errors when that instrument was drafted and signed.
84. In his magnificent speech [1125th meeting], the United States representative, Mr. Stevenson, made an encouraging evaluation of the United Nations. He recognized the existence of problems, difficulties and perils which we have not yet been able to solve or overcome; but on the credit side is the Organization's effective action to avert international conflicts, to end existing wars, and to strengthen peace by the application of law, together with the valuable help which the specialized agencies have given to the less developed countries.
85. But Mr. Stevenson admits that, despite all the good which has been done by the United Nations, very gloomy prospects face the world, because there can be no certainty of peace while the arms race and nuclear tests for war purposes continue.
86. I should like the United Nations to have greater powers of decision. If the General Assembly, or the Security Council, or the International Court of Justice, or a "Court of Safeguards" had adequate powers of decision, and if all States, from the smallest to the biggest and strongest, had decided or were to decide to submit to that supreme authority, the world would not be in that state of anxiety which has afflicted it for so many years.
87. But when they discussed and finally agreed on the San Francisco Charter, five great Powers of that time established what has come to be known as the "veto", which gives any of those States the power to prevent the world Organization, through any of its bodies, from enforcing peace.
88. At the risk of being tedious and repetitious, I would recall that Article 2, sub-paragraph 1, of the Charter states; "The Organization is based on the principle of the sovereign equality of all its Members". It might have been more correct to say "the juridical equality" of all its Members, the expression used by Mr. Stevenson in his speech. But whichever concept is adopted, the equality of States is considerably diminished by the decisive predominance of the "permanent members of the Security Council", which are popularly called "the great Powers" and which, not even in enforced unanimity but by the sole decision of one of them, can stultify any action by the Security Council to discharge its "primary responsibility for the maintenance of international peace and security", as Article 24 of the Charter describes it. On the other hand, Article 2, sub-paragraph 7, provides that; "Nothing contained in the present Charter shall authorize the United Nations to intervene in matters which are essentially within the domestic jurisdiction of any State or shall require the Members to submit such matters to settlement under the present Charter"; and this sub-paragraph, although it continues: "but this principle shall not prejudice the application of enforcement measures under Chapter VII", obviously leaves each State free to decide what matters are "essentially within" its "domestic jurisdiction".
89. I am aware of the almost insuperable difficulty of finding a perfect formula which would give the United Nations all the necessary powers to impose peace and order while leaving the sovereignty of each State intact.
90. For this reason I shall merely point out that, if we had wanted to safeguard peace effectively, it would have been necessary for States, without abandoning their sovereignty, to agree to submit their disputes, their armed power and their ambition to dominate, to an entity above the interests of any nation or group of nations.
91. And while there was the drawback that the General Assembly and the Security Council were essentially political in nature, nonetheless with the establishment of the International Court of Justice, as a body dedicated to the study and exercise of the highest juridical disciplines, the Court could have been designated as the great arbiter and ultimate court of appeal competent to settle the problems of peace with impartiality and integrity, after receiving and hearing the parties which were in dispute or whose security was threatened.
92. I know only too well that the Members of this great Assembly are thoroughly familiar with these problems and these difficulties. I also know that it may be useless and even out of place to raise these matters; but I wished to do so for two reasons. First, I take pride in the fact that Colombia, as early as 1945 and at the San Francisco Conference, opposed the establishment of the veto and urged the advisability of vesting the main power in the International Court of Justice. Secondly, in the present circumstances of the world it is a moral duty for anyone representing a nation to state his thoughts with complete frankness, however humble or ignorant of the subject at issue, as in the present case, he may be.
93. Now that the two greatest war potentials in recorded history are arrayed against each other, we must try out every possible means of preventing the world situation from worsening. Either every country must impotently look on while the two colossi threaten each other, or they must join in seeking some means, some formula, to prevent disaster.
94. Colombia, as a nation wholly law-abiding and peaceful in its way of living, has the right to propose, proclaim and urge solutions of this kind.
95. We are deeply concerned that the United Nations should be preserved and its prestige increased; and we believe that its prestige will increase if we give it tools better and more effective than those which it has had so far, not to wage war but to maintain peace and safeguard the rule of law.
96. With all the fieriness characteristic of a tropical people, the two major political parties in Colombia fought bloody civil wars in the nineteenth century, and after that there were bitter clashes between them. However, in 1957 and agreement was reached between these two great traditional movements which had fought with such violence and stubbornness.
97. Under our Constitution, we have a presidential system in which the Chief of State is also Head of the Government, as in the United States. In accordance with a recent amendment to the Constitution, however, the President of the Republic has to form his Cabinet in such a way that it reflects, proportionately, the representation of the political parties. In this way, although we do not have a parliamentary system, any Government that is formed reflects the make-up of the Congress as constituted as a result of the free and honest democratic elections which are the rule in Colombia, as anyone, whether a Colombian or a foreigner, can testify. This system has yielded very good results; it led to the election of a liberal President for the four-year period 1958-1962, and subsequently to that of a conservative President for 1962-1966. Both were elected by an overwhelming majority of, and with complete agreement between, the two parties.
98. This political system of government shared by the two major political groups in our country shows the Colombian people's determination to live in domestic peace. It is not surprising, therefore, that Colombia should also be- resolutely pacifist internationally.
99. Moreover, as well-known journalists from Europe and America have found, Colombia is one of the States which have Instituted as perfect a constitutional control of legislation as possible.
100. Under our Constitution, the three branches of public authority — legislative, executive and judicial — are independent of each other but work together to achieve the high purposes of the State. Despite this relative autonomy or "sovereignty", however, the Congress (although possessing legislative powers) and the Government yield to the Supreme Court of Justice when the latter hands down decisions on petitions, which may be submitted by any citizen, alleging the unconstitutional nature of laws.
101. It is perhaps because of this attitude of Colombia that I have ventured to suggest that the United Nations might consider the possibility or finding new formulae for the revision of the Charter.
102. I am of course aware of the drawback, under the Charter's Articles 108 and 109, that if one of the great Powers vetoes any relevant proposal the proposal will be blocked. But we should not despair. To make such and effort would show our longing for peace; otherwise, we should have to resign ourselves to keeping up the "cold war", with all the perils and evils which it entails and with the risk of seeing it become a real war, which would last but a short time and would result in the annihilation of us all.
103. In connexion with the administration of Trust and Non-Self-Governing Territories, Colombia has maintained an attitude of constant support for United Nations action to eliminate colonial systems. Our position on these questions is in keeping with the traditions of our own independent life, and with our Government's policy. We believe in justice and in the need for perseverance by the Organization in the calm, balanced and objective implementation of principles laid down in Chapters XI to XIII of the Charter.
104. Colombia favours the autonomy and independence of peoples and supports their right to self-determination. It does not wish, however, to offend or condemn friendly nations summoned, by the world Organization, to liberate territories under their administration. Nevertheless it assists in this action by the United Nations, in so far as these territories attain to a standard enabling them to govern themselves.
105. If countries which are not tyrannical are asked and even required to free such of their Territories as can be self-governing, it is unjust to allow modern imperialism to turn ancient nations into new colonies.
106. On this occasion, as in the past, Colombia is exceptionally pleased and happy to welcome to the United Nations the new Member States which the General Assembly has admitted upon the recommendation of the Security Council. These are now Jamaica, Trinidad and Tobago, Rwanda and Burundi. They bring to the august precincts of our Organization the generous promise and impulse of peace-loving peoples, and represent continued reaffirmation of its universal character and the hope, shared by all men and women of good will, that the United Nations will continue to seek, with ever-increasing success, the achievement of its lofty purposes for the benefit of all mankind.
107. The preservation of peace, the fulfilment of the juridical and political tasks of the United Nations, and the improvement of international co-operation through the Organization in the economic, health, cultural and scientific fields, are enthusiastically supported by Colombia and are explicitly stated as objectives of its Government's policy.
108. Economic development, as an essential condition for the achievement or maintenance of social well-being, is an objective of paramount importance for the preservation of peace. Together with the other free American Governments, the Colombian Government is taking a full part in implementing the programmes, instituted under the regional system for the expediting of economic development and hence for the raising of levels of living. It has co-operated and will continue to co-operate sincerely and resolutely in the Economic Commission for Latin America, whose branch we hope, soon to see established in our country in accordance with the Commission's own decision.
109. We also fully support the measures to promote economic development, recommended by the Economic and Social Council. These measures in themselves constitute a balanced and harmonious plan designed to meet the tremendous needs of the world in this field; we are, in fact, convinced that the reform of social structures, so as to improve the health, educational and housing conditions of the broad masses of the people, will contribute decisively to the creation of conditions favourable to the maintenance of peace.
110. Colombia has gladly welcomed financial aid from the competent international organizations. Under its economic and social development plan, whereby operations have been planned with a view to the improvement of the country's economy, Colombia is actively co-operating so that the maximum benefit shall be obtained from international financial assistance received either from international organizations or on a bilateral basis.
111. Colombia is very pleased to tell the world, so generously represented here, that the development plans which we prepared and submitted to the International Committee of Experts not only met with the experts' approval but resulted in Colombia being chosen as a pilot country in the plan of the Alliance for Progress, and that the Bankers' Conference recently held in Paris likewise concerned itself exclusively with the Colombian plan in connexion with investments in our country.
112. At the same time, in order that these cooperative efforts may not be blocked, Colombia contends that it is necessary to continue to adopt international measures calculated to improve the terms of trade of countries which export primary commodities. In this connexion, we have enthusiastically welcomed the results of the United Nations Coffee Conference, 1962, recently held in New York, which with the approval of the International Coffee Convention constitutes a first step forward and a satisfactory measure to protect the coffee-producing countries against further declines in prices and to raise prices gradually to the equitable levels which are essential for monetary stability and social tranquillity.
113. The United Nations Coffee Conference was one of the most important economic events of our time. It was attended by both producer and consumer countries — within the producer group, by countries which are natural competitors; but an agreement was reached, to which, it is only fair to say, the Colombian delegation contributed very effectively. The world's largest producer is Brazil, and coffee is our principal product, with other Republics of the hemisphere following in order of production; it has therefore rightly been said that the world coffee plan is an expression of the solidarity of the American continent, and that competition can be replaced by co-operation.
114. Colombia's foreign policy is guided by its traditional principle of good faith in the fulfilling of its obligations, including those which form its status as a loyal Member of the United Nations and of the Organization of American States. Within the framework of these obligations, we proclaim our unalterable will to struggle constantly in the defence of law, order, justice and freedom, as the present President of the Republic, Mr. Guillermo León Valencia, said when his Government took office fifty days ago.
115. It is only natural therefore, that Colombia should practise in its foreign relations the principles which it sincerely professes and which are reflected in the letter and spirit of the United Nations Charter and in the rules of the American regional Organization. As a peace-loving nation, it has throughout its history demonstrated its lasting attachment to the ideals of justice, human solidarity and peaceful agreement in the international sphere.
116. We advocate democracy and liberty for ourselves and for others. This political stand, which has become a part of Colombia's very being, explains and justifies our constant concern for the universal implementation of the Purposes and Principles of the United Nations, conceived by the peoples of the world as leading to the attainment of the supreme objectives of international peace and security. They constitute the ever-recurring "leit-motiv" of the Charter; they give expression to what the peoples insistently demanded at the end of the world conflagration which gave birth to our Organization; they are a mandate for its Members and represent the aspirations of all men of good will, everywhere in the world; and upon their application may depend the future of mankind.
117. It is a noble and arduous task which the United Nations is performing in defence of these principles, in the achievement of these aspirations and in the discharge of this sacred mandate: Colombia has helped and will continue to help in the fulfilment of that task, to the best of its abilities, as it has been able to demonstrate at difficult junctures of struggle and sacrifice in the combating of aggression. With the moral authority which this confers, and in keeping with the principle of the equality of Members of the Organization — an equality which the Charter calls "sovereign" but which should rather be called "juridical" we consider it our duty to point out, in a friendly but unambiguous manner, the dangers which in our view beset the maintenance of international peace and security, a cause which all Member States have constantly to further and for which our Organization has to work effectively,
118. Present events and situations of undeniable gravity seem, indeed, to indicate that we should reflect objectively upon the causes of the major tensions throughout the world. Colombia wishes to express the conviction, to which the vast majority of its people recently gave voice in a free and democratic election campaign, that the international turmoil of today Is not the result of spontaneous reactions alone. We cannot fail to note, in the bellicose atmosphere which surrounds and sustains the present malaise, contrived elements which do not reflect the freely expressed will of the peoples.
119. We believe that justice and law, the two warders of peace, can be protected and reinforced only by truth. For this reason, all proceedings which imply subterfuge or deceit, deception or intentional distortion are inimical to peace. And just as the "cold war” is not peace and slavery cannot be presented as freedom, so we cannot accept that certain concepts such as "self-determination of peoples ”, "democracy", “peaceful coexistence” and "neutrality” should be identified with their opposites.
120. We cannot accept, for example, a tranquillizing idea of the "self-determination of peoples" unless this comprises the necessary democratic means to enable the peoples themselves to express their true ideas and their true will. There can be no democracy or democratic processes without representative government set up through comprehensive suffrage, a plurality of parties, and responsible freedom in the dissemination of ideas.
121. The right of each State to enjoy self-determination cannot include the right to renounce self-determination in favour of another Power or State which wishes to reduce it to slavery, especially if such renunciation is prejudicial to other members of the international community.
122. The concept of non-intervention — a principle laid down in the Charter of the United Nations, and taken up and stressed by the Organization of American States in its own Charter — has also been distorted or set at naught, primarily through subterfuges whereby interventionist forces seek to lay hold upon Governments in order to subjugate their peoples, craftily avoiding a frontal attack so as to avoid bringing into play the machinery for collective security and for defence of the true principle of nonintervention. The events in Hungary can shed much light on these subtle interventionist practices, as will be seen from a careful study of the report of the United Nations Special Representative on the Question of Hungary, a question which is on the Assembly's agenda,
123. Colombia has always upheld the principle of non-intervention, but for us this principle does not imply an attitude of indifference of tolerance towards those who violate it.
124. Intervention must be understood to mean the abusive act or acts which one State undertakes in order to impose its authority upon another State. It is not an opinion or a decision or even collective action by the world body for the purpose of ensuring collective security or safeguarding the human rights proclaimed in the Charter. Intervention implies the commission of some kind of assault and it is inconceivable that the international community would be guilty of assault.
125. It is quite natural that in attending this world gathering Colombia hopes that the boundary between truth and error may be clearly marked out, that a true order of ideas and a genuine sense of values may be restored, and that there may be no more false invoking of principles which a nihilistic philosophy seeks to rob of their high moral sense: order without justice, coexistence without freedom, social harmony through the class struggle, law used for the a posteriori sanctioning of abuse, free self- determination solely for the purpose of changing masters, non-intervention as a safeguard for those who have committed intervention, anti-colonialism for those who have shown their eagerness to colonize, pacifism behind which lurks aggression, neutrality for those who are already prepared to take sides and to become satellites. These are the props that support this scaffolding of co-existence without equity and peace without mercy which threatens us daily with annihilation simply through the unforeseen explosion of an atomic bomb. It would appear that man in our atomic age, having disintegrated matter after rejecting the soul, having freed the blind energy of the elements after shackling the restraining force of morality, still confides his illusion of life to the uncontrollable workings of an atheistic science and conscience, as though between the lowly entity of the atom and the supreme entity of the universe there was no such thing as the human soul; as though above man himself, above this august forum on which his hopes and fears are centred, above the heads of you great men of the earth, there was no Deity. It is in rising to contemplate Him or bowing to invoke Him that, in the view of my Christian country, the fundamental road to salvation lies.