Tunisia

First of all, Mr. President, I have a pleasant duty to perform in offering you my own sincere congratulations and those of my delegation on your election as President of the seventeenth session of the General Assembly. My congratulations are extended also to your country, towards which Tunisia has feelings of friendship and fraternity. 16. The trust our General Assembly places in you today is no more than a just tribute to your eminent qualities as an international jurist, imbued with wisdom and rectitude, qualities which you have shown within our Organization. Let me on this occasion express our gratitude to you for the stand which you took some years ago in courageously upholding the principles of law, justice and peace for the benefit of the Tunisian people. 17. I also have pleasure in extending from this rostrum my hearty congratulations to the four new Member States, Burundi, Jamaica, Rwanda, and Trinidad and Tobago, which at the beginning of this session came to join the great international family. In joining the United Nations these new Member States will contribute greatly to our Organization, which in turn will give them the support which they need in order to face the new and heavy responsibilities which fall upon them as a result of their entry into the international arena. We are sure they will be able to assume these responsibilities courageously, in accordance with the principles of the Charter. Their recent accession to independence with the co-operation of their former guardians, Belgium and the United Kingdom, to whom we are pleased to pay a well-deserved tribute, is a step forward towards the final liquidation of colonialism throughout the world. Their admission to the United Nations is yet another demonstration of the universal mission of the Organization, 18. On this occasion we cannot fail to hail the accession of Algeria to sovereignty and independence on 1 July 1962. This happy event, for which the way was paved by the Evian Agreement, has closed a very painful chapter in modern history and has put an end to an absurd war which went on for no less than seven years. The forthcoming entry of Algeria to the United Nations, as also the anticipated entry of Uganda when it has achieved independence, will further enrich the contribution of the African continent to our Organization. 19. This constant influx of new Member States presents us with a number of problems of ever increasing urgency. Readjustments are urgently needed if we are to maintain and strengthen the efficiency essential to our Organization so that it may continue to co-ordinate all efforts for the maintenance of international peace and security, the promotion of healthy international co-operation and the development of friendly relations between nations, based on justice and equality of rights. 20. Since achieving independence, Tunisia, which has no prejudice against any nation, has sought to develop friendly relations with all States, establishing free international co-operation with them all in various fields. 21. Tunisia has paid particular attention to consolidating its recently recovered sovereignty, divesting it of any servitude resulting from a colonial past, freeing it of any trace of domination from outside which is incompatible with the territorial integrity of the country, and protecting it against any coercion or pressure likely to prejudice the normal exercise of its prerogatives. 22. In order to achieve this objective, Tunisia has made use of the means for which its own character and vocation had already prepared it: namely, peaceful means and friendly negotiation for the settlement of disputes. It has not resorted to other methods, although these are provided for in the Charter, except under duress; it has used its modest strength only in self-defence, and as soon as it has been possible to resume negotiations in an atmosphere of clarity and frankness, Tunisia has always hastened to do so with confidence and good faith. 23. Consequently, since the last session normal diplomatic relations have been re-established with France, giving grounds to hope for a final and fair settlement of all outstanding questions and a restoration of normal relations between our two countries, in respect for law and national sovereignty. 24. Tunisia has chosen a policy of non-alignment with any bloc. In a world in which ideological antagonism unfortunately continues to set two politico-social philosophies against each other to such an extent as to threaten the whole of mankind with, a terrible cataclysm, we are unable to subscribe to the division of the international community into hostile camps, a division which is not always in accordance with the subtle and constantly changing reality of international life. We are convinced that our policy of non-alignment is best suited to our interests as a small nation and that it is also the most calculated to discourage the antagonism of the opposing camps and minimize its virulence while we are waiting for it to disappear. 25. This, however, does not in any way prevent us from being on the side of one or the other in relation to the great international problems, taking into account only the specific nature of each question and the need to make our point of view conform to the most firmly established concepts of liberty, law and justice in the spirit of the Charter. 26. Our attachment to human values, to human rights and to the right of peoples to self-determination is all the greater because we belong to Africa, a continent which has for so long been deprived of its dignity and freedom and of which a large part is still suffering under and struggling against political domination and economic exploitation. This is what justifies the support and the solidarity which we extend particularly to all our African brothers who aspire to enjoy the benefits of independence. And this accounts for our untiring efforts, both within and outside the United Nations, to bring about rapid and peaceful decolonization in the interests of all. 27. As far back as March 1959 President Bourguiba launched an urgent appeal for concerted decolonization, to be arranged at a round-table conference of the Administering Powers and the qualified representatives of the colonized countries for the implementation of an accelerated programme to bring about the rapid realization of the legitimate aspirations of the colonized peoples, without conflict or ill-feeling, in friendship and mutual respect. 28. In 1960, at its fifteenth session, the General Assembly adopted the famous resolution 1514 (XV), embodying the Declaration on the granting of independence to colonial countries and peoples. Then at the sixteenth session the Assembly set up the Committee of Seventeen, which was to study and implement that Declaration. True to its principles, Tunisia, a member of this Committee, made its modest contribution, an objective and realistic contribution free of any partisan spirit and immune from any excessive zeal or any exaggerated moderation. 29. The fact is that Africa, which has regained its place in the international community, is endeavouring to solve the problems which face each of its countries as well as the problems which confront it at the international level. In order to free its peoples from poverty and ignorance for all time, as well as to avoid any future disagreements, Africa aspires to unity in liberty and fraternity. Obviously a unity of this kind does not preclude regional groupings, which on the contrary could not fail to promote the widest possible co-operation and joint action. It seems to us, however, that the unity of Africa cannot be soundly built up by the strengthening of the antagonistic camps. 30. From this point of view the independence of Algeria cannot but facilitate the achievement of the ideal towards which the aspirations of the peoples of North Africa have long been directed: the coming of the great Maghreb, which has been patiently prepared and carefully worked out. 31. This preliminary account of the guiding principles of Tunisian policy in international affairs should clarify our position in regard to the main problems which are to be considered by the General Assembly at the seventeenth session. Our faith in the United Nations and our devotion to its principles make it our bounden duty to contribute to the strengthening of the Organization and to the achievement of the objectives set forth in the Charter. 32. We are certainly delighted to note that the international atmosphere seems more relaxed today than at the same time last year. Some serious problems which have bedevilled the international situation in recent years, such as the problem of Laos and the Algerian war, have fortunately been solved in a satisfactory manner as a result of agreements signed by the parties directly concerned. 33. Nevertheless, decolonization continues to present the United Nations with numerous problems. As I pointed out at the beginning of my survey, the irresistible and irreversible march of the peoples to liberation has speeded up in recent years, bringing an influx of new Members into the United Nations, considerable both in number and in the potentialities for peace which they represent. In this connexion we may say that it is to the credit of certain colonial Powers that they have been able to accept in time the inexorable march of history by applying the principle of self-determination, thus helping to create new independent sovereign States. 34. In some cases, however, the circumstances in which independence has been achieved have been such that the young State has been subjected to severe trials from the moment of its birth. In the last two years we have witnessed a situation of this kind in the young Republic of the Congo. I shall not dwell on this question. The position of Tunisia has been explained repeatedly in broad outline, as well as in connexion with the different actions which the United Nations has taken in implementation of the relevant decisions and resolutions of the Security Council and the General Assembly. I should simply like to point out that events in the Congo have only strengthened the conviction of my Government that only a unified Congo, avoiding any form of secession, is capable of enjoying its independence and sovereignty to the full. We are truly sorry that some wavering in the Congo has been taken as indirect encouragement of the secession of Katanga. Big material interests seem to have been instrumental in spreading these rumours. We are convinced that a final solution establishing the Congo with the boundaries as defined at the time of independence and as presented to the United Nations when the country was admitted to the Organization will restore harmony and stability to that young State. Moreover, it would favour healthy economic development calculated to improve the lot of the Congolese population and to strengthen peace and security throughout Africa. 35. Two years ago my delegation had the honour to launch from this rostrum [860th meeting] a strong appeal for abstinence from any action from outside which might aggravate the situation inside the Congo. Since then a Central Government has been duly formed in accordance with the "Loi fondamentale" of 19 May 1960 and invested with the confidence of the Congolese parliament. We are glad to note an improvement in the situation in this respect. The Katangese secession, however, continues. The latest news to reach the United Nations brings fresh evidence of foreign intervention: it reveals that the Katangese "gendarmerie" is still officered by European mercenaries and that supplies of arms, including fighter aircraft, are still reaching Katanga, contrary to the Security Council resolution of 21 February 1961. It is to be feared that the supporters of Katangese secession may go on vacillating in order to gain time, in the hope of strengthening their ranks. A plan submitted by the Acting Secretary-General, to whom I should like to pay a sincere tribute on this occasion, is an attempt to hasten the end of the crisis. It is hard to imagine, however, that a plan whose success depends ultimately on economic sanctions could alone enable us to overcome the secessionists, who enjoy the permanent, and indeed acknowledged complicity of neighbours determined to make Katanga an outpost of their system of colonial exploitation in Central and Southern Africa. The best use does not appear to have been made of the mandate laid down by the Security Council resolutions. 36. Tunisia, for its part, has acted in a disinterested and impartial manner in the interests of peace and the territorial integrity of the Congo, and solely within the framework of the United Nations and in keeping with the resolutions adopted by the Organization. It has not flinched before any sacrifices. Despite our own difficulties we did not hesitate to respond to the appeal made to us by Dag Hammarskjold, the late Secretary-General, to support his action for the pacification of the Congo and the consolidation of its unity. We continued to act along these lines after the cruel blow which struck all of us in the death of Dag Hammarskjold in circumstances which the inquiry conducted by the commission appointed during the sixteenth session has unfortunately not been able to explain. We are continuing and shall continue to give U Thant, the Acting Secretary-General, all the support of which we are capable. Despite its needs Tunisia has supplied troops and technicians as far as its meagre resources permitted. In response to the appeal launched last year by U Thant, it has bought United Nations bonds to the value of $485,000, in accordance with the terms of the resolution [1739 (XVI)] adopted by the General Assembly during its sixteenth session. 37. Other problems connected with decolonization continue to preoccupy both the United Nations and world opinion. For instance, there is the policy which has become a principle of government in South Africa; there is also the persistent refusal of that country to honour its obligations as a State administering a former mandated territory; above all, there is Portugal's refusal to respect the terms of Chapter XI of the Charter concerning colonial territories, as also the critical situation in Angola and in the two Rhodesias. 38. The United Nations has been concerned with these problems for several years. Session after session, it has debated problems created by preposterous attitudes which are contrary to the Charter and incompatible with the modern conception of the right of peoples to self-determination and to enjoy equality of rights irrespective of their origin, race or religion. Such attitudes create situations fraught with great danger for international peace and security and for harmonious relations and friendship between peoples. 39. Nevertheless, we were inclined to think that the happy outcome of the Algerian war would dispel for all time ideas which had been used as a pretext by the colonial Powers in their efforts to slow down the natural progress of the peoples towards liberty, sovereignty and dignity. 40. It would be unjust not to acknowledge the merit of those Governments which, after pursuing a policy irreparably condemned by the course of history, have become aware of it in time, have taken a more realistic view of events and have firmly committed themselves to a, policy of reason, law and justice. Unfortunately the persistence of some countries in following a colonial policy that can in no way be justified has led our Assembly to take various steps. The Special Committee of Seventeen on decolonization, and the Committees more particularly competent to deal with South West Africa, the Portuguese colonial territories and Angola, have submitted reports which will be examined during the present session. The Tunisian delegation will have the opportunity of expressing its point of view on these matters in due course. In this statement I should simply like to point out that this is a fundamental general problem affecting the very dignity of the international community. It is undoubtedly incumbent on the United Nations, after its initial hesitations, which can be accounted for only by the novelty of the problems, to find the appropriate dynamic means, in keeping with the Charter, to hasten the peaceful and harmonious liberation of these peoples. 41. Without betraying the obligations laid down in the Charter the United Nations could not endorse a situation created in defiance of law and justice in any part of the world where whole populations are condemned to live herded into reservations on their own national territory. It is intolerable that an alien population, perhaps fleeing from persecution elsewhere, should implant itself by force in a country, trample its inhabitants under foot and condemn them to live in conditions which are contrary to the most elementary conception of human dignity. 42. The situation in Palestine, right in the heart of the Arab world, is certainly no different. Here too, a foreign population fleeing from the intolerance and injustice to which it was subjected, particularly in the European countries, has created a real settlement colony, through the complicity of certain great Powers and the military superiority which that gave it. In order to establish this colony it was found necessary to emphasize racist ideas contrary to the modern principles which are the foundation of States and of relations between peoples and nations. As a result of this racist doctrine and the support which it has gained since 1948, more than a million of our Arab brothers in Palestine have been displaced and forced to live in conditions of which the international community can hardly be proud. 43. It would be extremely dangerous for the peace of the world and against the most elementary principles of peaceful coexistence of nations if in order to combat the intolerance and racialism of one people a new racialism exclusively directed against a third people were created. 44. No matter how or where they may appear in the world, colonialism and imperialism must be combated with equal frankness and determination, in accordance with the same high principles of the same justice and the same law. 45. The action undertaken in the field of economic development is augmented every year by the creation of new programmes and new institutions for aid to the developing countries. The United Nations Development Decade, the principle of which was laid down in resolution 1710 (XVI) adopted by the General Assembly during the sixteenth session, now provides both the framework and the general guidance required to organize and harmonize the economic and social activities of the United Nations. Our efforts should be directed to giving the Decade a more and more practical aspect and including in it more and more specific and effective programmes of action so as to make it a real charter for development. 46. The industrialization of the developing countries is without any doubt the task to which we should give highest priority. The establishment two years ago of a Committee for Industrial Development under the auspices of the Economic and Social Council, the appointment within the Secretariat of a Commissioner for Industrial Development and the establishment of an Industrial Development Centre have produced the appropriate institutional framework within which the United Nations programmes for industrialization will be planned, worked out and implemented, 47. In Africa, more particularly, we think that the Special Fund could profitably extend its pre-investment activities by collaborating in survey and research projects in the industrial sector. 48. However, the industrialization of the developing countries is seriously threatened by imbalance in their balance of payments. The terms of trade continue to be unfavourable to the countries exporting non-manufactured products. The efforts made by a number of international organizations, particularly GATT, with a view to improving the terms of trade are of course praiseworthy; but these efforts are still inadequate, especially as the formation of economic groups in Europe and elsewhere tends to intensify tariff discrimination against other countries. 49. That is why — apart from the efforts of GATT, the study of compensation machinery, and the action requested of the International Monetary Fund — we believe it necessary to promote wider consultation among all States and among all national, regional and international organizations dealing with international trade, for the purpose of examining and solving the problems raised by trade exchanges and particularly the marketing of primary commodities. 50. Together with all the countries of Africa and Asia, the delegation of Tunisia requested the General Assembly last year to consider the advisability of convening an international conference on trade. The consultations held with Member States following the submission of this project showed that almost all the Member States felt the need of such a conference. That need was also clearly affirmed during the Cairo Conference and at the COMECON Conference. 51. It seems to me that we must all work together this year to make the best possible preparations for this conference and to ensure its success. The Conference should discuss and map out specific solutions for the various complex problems relating to trade in non-manufactured products, particularly the stabilization of prices of raw materials. 52. Underlying all these problems concerning development is still the great problem which we have to resolve — that of putting an end to the arms race and reconverting expenditures on armaments to productive investment. Such reconversion was recently studied by a group of experts. Their report evaluates the economic and social consequences of disarmament and discloses the magnitude of the sums which could be applied to development thanks to disarmament. Such a study presents us all with a dilemma which no nation, great or small, can escape: development or armament. In other words: well-being or destruction. 53. At the sixteenth session of the General Assembly, we expressed our satisfaction that, despite the conflict of position between the major armed Powers, the General Assembly had been able to endorse a joint statement. That statement outlined ways for achieving a final agreement on controlled disarmament, general and complete. Hope was reborn in the world after the establishment, by unanimous agreement, of the Committed of Eighteen [see resolution 1722II (XVI)] whose composition included, in addition to the representatives of the two conflicting standpoints, those of eight non-aligned States. 54. In my delegation's view, that hope was strengthened during the first meetings of the Conference of the Committee of Eighteen. Both sides submitted clear-cut and specific drafts which, despite their general character, dealt with the different stages of disarmament and prescribed measures for implementation and control; but it is deeply to be regretted that no agreement was reached, despite the praiseworthy efforts of the uncommitted nations to reconcile the different stands or to suggest compromise solutions. 55. This is a situation which deserves careful consideration by the General Assembly. The United Nations, which under its Charter has to work for disarmament, must clearly and courageously state its opinion on this lack of agreement. We cannot, without failing to fulfil our responsibilities toward future generations, shirk our fundamental mission on the pretext that we can accomplish nothing without the agreement of the two greatest Powers and that it remains difficult to bring them to a compromise with regard to the means. The welfare and security of mankind, and world peace and harmony, are objectives of such importance that they impose on all men the same moral responsibility, the same duty to work for the defence of peace with calm patience and inflexible courage. 56. For its part, my delegation cannot resign itself to the present deadlock. The meetings of the Committee of Eighteen at Geneva, the proposals of the two parties and the final memorandum submitted by the Eight contain seeds of hope that may prove sterile if the task is not pursued with expedition and perseverance. The Tunisian delegation will make known its views in detail when the problem of disarmament is discussed in committee. In this matter we shall support any draft resolution which we believe may ensure the achievement, as soon as possible, of controlled disarmament, general and complete. 57. The General Assembly is still considering the problem of the prohibition of nuclear weapons tests, which is closely connected with that of disarmament. Once again, we cannot but deeply deplore the fact that neither the Soviet Union nor the United States has been able to consent to even a provisional discontinuance of nuclear weapons testing, pending the conclusion of a general agreement prohibiting for all time the testing and use of such weapons and providing for the destruction of all existing stockpiles. The effort to "draw level" — whether or not a “gap” really exists — is one that may well be made indefinitely alternately by one side and the other; it increasingly threatens international peace and security, which will continue to be illusory until mutual! confidence prevails among the parties principally concerned and peace is enthroned in the hearts of all other men. Furthermore, this kind of arms race is calculated to encourage other Powers to develop their own nuclear weapons or seek to obtain them in the foreseeable future. It is our Assembly's imperative duty to express itself on this subject clearly, with courage and determination. 58. Tunisia, an essentially African country, believes that in any case the denuclearization of Africa would be bound to contribute to general, and final, denuclearization — quite apart from the fact that it would simultaneously, in an atmosphere free of all fear and apprehension, promote the reconstruction of the African countries' economic potential. The Tunisian delegation will explain its position at the appropriate time; but I would not leave this subject without calling the Assembly's attention to the fact that the underlying cause of this arms race, whether in conventional or in nuclear weapons, resides primarily in the lack of trust between two conflicting political and social systems. Each should try to re-establish mutual confidence and to make such confidence lasting and complete. In any event, it seems to us that the non-aligned nations like Tunisia can, if not restore confidence, at least dissipate the mistrust and avert its highly dangerous consequences. 59. In order fully to assure the responsibilities incumbent upon it, the United Nations must adapt itself to the changes that have taken place, both within the United Nations itself and in the international community. The increasingly heavy tasks placed upon the Organization, and the growth in its membership, compel it to make urgent adjustments so that it can continue to be a body which is living, effective and dynamic. 60. My delegation's position has been made known on a number of occasions. I should therefore merely like to make a brief statement of our views on certain questions included in the agenda of the current session. Our delegation will revert to these questions in greater detail when they are discussed at a later stage. 61. The ever-increasing contribution made by the new Member States which have entered the Organization since 1956 and the growing number of items on the General Assembly's agenda have obliged the Assembly to hold longer regular sessions, the last of which involved twenty-four weeks of work. The President of the sixteenth session, in a memorandum [A/5123], drew the attention of Member States to this situation and to certain suggestions for the improvement of the General Assembly's methods of work. The Tunisian delegation requested the inclusion of this item in the agenda of the current session [see A/5165], in the hope that its early examination would make it possible for us to conclude our work expeditiously, without in any way restricting freedom of discussion. My delegation is happy to note that this question has attracted the interest of many other delegations which, like our own, wish to see the General Assembly carry out its tasks in the shortest possible time and with maximum effectiveness. 62. I should like to stress that the suggestions we have made do not exclude other suggestions for the improvement of our work. They ought not, we believe, to have the effect of limiting the principle of freedom of discussion which is a sine qua non in this essentially democratic Organization. It would, however, be useful if at its seventeenth session the General Assembly could, with the co-operation of all, make practical recommendations in the matter. It has been suggested that the question should first be submitted to an ad hoc committee to be set up as soon as possible, or to the General Committee of the Assembly, before it becomes the subject of abroad debate in plenary meeting. On that point the Tunisian delegation will accept the majority view. 63. There are other, more important questions confronting our Organization as a result of the increase in the number of Member States, which has more than doubled since the United Nations was established. 64. It should be noted, first of all, that most of the new States come from Africa; African States now constitute almost one-third of the entire membership, whereas in 1946 they accounted for less than one-tenth of it. If, therefore, the spirit and the letter of the Charter are to be respected, it is a matter of simple equity that the number of seats allocated to Africa in the permanent organs of the Organization should be increased proportionately. We regard it as an urgent requirement that the composition of the Security Council and of the Economic and Social Council should be modified accordingly. This will of course entail a revision of the Charter, which unfortunately does not appear to be possible for the time being. Nevertheless, in my delegation's opinion, it would be easy to find an interim solution enabling both the Security Council and the Economic and Social Council to arrange for a more equitable representation of Africa, from this year onwards, within the present framework of the Charter. 65. In this connexion, a third organ of the United Nations, the Trusteeship Council, calls for special attention from our Assembly. The Council seems almost to have concluded its mission; and in any case we believe that its composition during the past two years has been contrary to the provisions of the Charter, and especially to Article 86. The Tunisian delegation drew the General Assembly's attention to this illegal situation at the fourteenth session [857th meeting]. It is high time to correct this state of affairs by means of a solution taking account both of reality and of the principles proclaimed in the Charter. 66. In this regard, the responsibilities devolving on our Organization as a result of the problems created by decolonization led the sixteenth session to establish a number of general and ad hoc committees. This situation is liable to lead to conflicts of competence between these different committees. The Acting Secretary-General has very wisely drawn the attention of the General Assembly to the major drawbacks of such a state of things. It is highly desirable that the Assembly should find an over-all solution to this question during the current session. 67. The universal character of our Organization faces us with the ever more pressing problem of the representation of the People's Republic of China. The Tunisian delegation considers that it would be very useful, both for the life of the United Nations and for the fulfilment of the objectives of the Charter, if the People's Republic of China were able to take an active part in our work. That country would thus be obliged to assume its responsibilities as a Member State in accordance with the Charter, and would make its contribution to the efforts of our Organization. We sincerely regret that the antagonism between two blocs of conflicting political and social ideologies has not allowed a just and realistic solution to be quickly found for this problem. 68. For two years the United Nations has been faced with financial difficulties resulting mainly from the action which, by decision of the Security Council and the General Assembly, it has had to undertake in the Congo. At previous sessions, the Tunisian delegation has clearly defined its position with regard to this problem. In its view, Member States do in fact have an obligation to take part in the financing of these operations, in accordance with the Charter. However, since controversies had arisen as to the nature of this obligation, the General Assembly decided, at the sixteenth session, to consult the International Court of Justice. That Court has handed down an advisory opinion on the matter [A/5161], in which it expresses the view, based on the Charter, that the financing of such operations is incumbent upon all Member States. That opinion confirms the position already adopted by the Tunisian delegation. We propose, moreover, to say more about our point of view when the question comes up for consideration in the Fifth Committee. Here I would simply express the fervent hope that Member States which have voiced doubts about the nature of this obligation will, despite their reservations, abide by the opinion of the Court and make their valuable contribution to our Organization. 69. Another important question will call for the General Assembly's attention during this session — that of the Organization's Secretariat. May I briefly recall here the position of Tunisia. We have always advocated respect for Chapter XV of the Charter, because we are convinced that our Organization, if it is to continue to make progress, needs a Secretariat with one man in charge. The Secretary-General can and should be helped, of course, by collaborators representing all continents and all ideological trends. In that respect, and without departing from the framework of Article 101, paragraph 3 of the Charter, many improvements are possible so far as distribution of the highest posts in the Secretariat is concerned. It is at that level of the hierarchy, it seems to us, that it is important to reflect, in the distribution of the responsible posts, the geographical composition of the Organization. 70. Such is the Tunisian delegation's standpoint on the principal items of the agenda for the seventeenth session. There are of course other problems, also very grave and serious, which are of concern to our Organization and our Governments. I should prefer to avoid speaking about them for the moment, in the sincere hope that reasonable solutions in conformity with law and justice will soon be found for them. 71. The United Nations is the only international body which is able, despite its difficulties, to work towards restoring confidence and stability in the world and establishing sincerely peaceful coexistence based on justice, mutual respect and brotherly co-operation. Despite its imperfections, which are inherent in its very nature and in its democratic structure, it has in large measure answered the hopes of the peoples. It has intervened directly to stop hostilities and to prevent others, and to correct situations in which international peace and security were seriously threatened. Directly or indirectly, thanks to the moral pressure exerted by its resolutions throughout the world, it has helped to promote the settlement of serious disputes or to find just and fitting solutions for problems which are often very complicated. 72. It is the image of our world, it is the reflection of our qualities as well as of our weaknesses. But it is also, and above all, the only international body capable, above the antagonisms which rend the globe, of bringing the peoples together and uniting their efforts and aspirations for a more equitable, freer and less threatened world. 73. Because it has a universal mission, it cannot become the instrument of any one policy or tendency. It is doubtless easy to decry it when it ceases to be in line with certain specific plans. But that would be a dangerous game to play, for our Organization remains the only barrier that holds mankind back at the edge of the abyss, the only hope of peace in a troubled world.