I should like to take this opportunity to extend to you, Mr. President, the warm congratulations of the Government of the Philippines, as well as my own as leader of the Philippine delegation, on your election as President of the seventeenth session of the General Assembly. Your election confers a highly deserved honour not only upon your own person, but also upon Asia, which claims you as one of its most eminent citizens, and particularly upon your country, Pakistan, to which the Philippines is bound by strong ties of friendship and common purpose. We are confident that your well-known humane outlook and your balanced view of the perennial problems of mankind will contribute greatly to whatever measure of success our deliberations may achieve.
2. I should also like to congratulate the four newest Members of the United Nations: the Kingdom of Burundi, Jamaica, the Republic of Rwanda, and the State of Trinidad and Tobago. We welcome them most heartily and wish them well as they begin a great adventure in that taxing but rewarding exercise of freedom and responsibility.
3. My delegation attaches great importance to this annual exchange of views at the beginning of each session of the United Nations General Assembly. At a time such as the present, when vast changes are taking place with bewildering speed in the political, economic and social fields, it is essential that Member nations should know the sentiments and the thinking of their fellow Members on the grave problems that beset out international community, their approach to their own most pressing tasks, their hopes and even their fears for the future. Only in the unique international forum can we have a comprehensive view of the state of the world and consider particular problems in perspective. Only here can nations, large and small, exchange views and recount significant experiences, thus contributing to the mutual understanding so indispensable to the United Nations, and to the fund of knowledge and information which Member nations may draw from, and perhaps find useful, in formulating their own policies and programmes of action. It is in this spirit that I should like to tell the Assembly something about the recent experience of my country, particularly in the field of economic and social developments.
4. The Republic of the Philippines, whose revolutionary beginnings go back to 12 June 1898, when the Filipino people proclaimed their independence from Spain and established the first Asian republic, has always been a democratic State, with a government freely elected by, and fully responsible to, the people, under a Constitution which guarantees their liberties and ensures that the State shall function for their welfare — not the other way round.
5. In November 1961, the Filipino people, in the free and peaceful exercise of their right of suffrage, elected a new administration under the leadership of President Diosdado Macapagal. I wish to state that this change of administration has not brought about fundamental changes in our foreign policy. Certainly, it has not diminished our faith in and our reliance upon the United Nations.
6. Within our borders, we Filipinos are seeking to translate into reality our ideal of a progressive and prosperous society whose members enjoy the fullest possible measure of freedom and opportunity. To this end the Government adopted last January an integrated five-year programme of social and economic development which we are not implementing with all the resources at our disposal.
7. In relation to our modest means, this programme is of such magnitude that it is bound to consume the best part of the national effort in the years to come. The primary responsibility for its achievement is ours; international participation, important as it is, will play only a secondary part. We are therefore striving to release and harness the creative energies of our people by offering to them every inducement to individual initiative in a system of free enterprise. Wherever appropriate, we are seeking to decentralize the massive concentration, dating back to colonial times, of governmental power and authority at the top. We have begun to extend to the villages in our predominantly agricultural countryside a greater measure of authority and responsibility, including the administration of local affairs by the people themselves.
8. Parallel measures are being taken to give maximum play to enterprise in commerce and industry. In short, our whole approach is premised on the conviction that an unregimented society will, in the long run, provide our people with the most effective instrument for the attainment of their prosperity in freedom.
9. Our preoccupation with problems of internal development should not be construed as denoting indifference to international problems. It arises rather from our firm belief that the best contribution that a small or middle-sized country can make to international peace and stability is to put its own house in order.
10. As President Macapagal of the Philippines has said in a recent statement: "Our aspiration is...for the Filipino people themselves to fulfil their obligation and play their role among nations in good faith and with honour and, by the efficient and effective administration of their affairs and the solution of their national problems on the basis of freedom, prove that democracy can work successfully in an Asian country like the Philippines as an effective instrument for the prosperity of the masses of the people — an achievement which will be the Philippines' best contribution to the freedom, peace and welfare of humanity." This is so because we believe that, to the extent that we achieve political, economic and social progress at home, we strengthen our ability to withstand political subversion, economic penetration, and outright attempts at domination. At the same time, we acquire the capacity to assist other countries and to participate actively in the collective effort to expand the area of security and contentment in the world.
11. In line with this twofold concept, the Philippines is not only putting its house in order; it has also joined hands with its close friends and neighbours, Malaya and Thailand, in a co-operative venture for mutual assistance in the economic, social and scientific fields through the establishment of the Association of Southeast Asian States, better known as ASA. This strictly non-political organization is taking the first modest steps towards what we believe to be an essential and inevitable development in Asia, a development already foreshadowed in other areas of the world, namely, the augmentation of national efforts by freely agreed and mutually beneficial modes of regional co-operation.
12. In the field of international security, the position of the Philippines remains basically unchanged. We are "committed" in the sense of belonging to a collective security organization — SEATO — operating within the framework of the United Nations Charter for mutual protection against the menace of Communist subversion and thinly disguised aggression, which is very real and pressing in Asia today. The cases of Korea, Tibet and Laos, the attacks against the Republic of Viet-Nam, the continuing violation of the borders of India, all these attest to the fact that aggression is still rampant in Asia,
13. At this very moment, the Republic of Viet-Nam is fighting for its life against a relentless communist invasion from the North. An uncertain peace has returned to the Kingdom of Laos, but recent reports on the non-withdrawal of foreign communist elements from that country cannot but cause us grave concern. The Philippines more than ever feel the need, in the words of President Macapagal, "to maintain constant vigilance, to take nothing for granted, to unmask communist deception and resist communist subversion and aggression wherever these manifest themselves".
14. These same considerations impel us to maintain our opposition to the admission of Communist China into the United Nations. Since Communist China invaded Korea and fought United Nations forces defending that country, far from becoming a "peace-loving State" within the definition of the Charter, it has continued to commit acts of aggression and subversion against neighbouring countries in Asia.
15. Let me turn now to the United Nations. Admittedly, it suffers from deficiencies and weaknesses. But rather than discourage us, this fact should move us all to persevere in strengthening it. This task embraces three main aspects: first, the maintenance of the integrity of the Organization; secondly, support of specific United Nations measures bearing directly on the prevention of war or the maintenance of peace; and thirdly, support of the work of the United Nations and its specialized agencies in the promotion of human rights and of progress in the economic and social fields.
16. The maintenance of the integrity of the United Nations Organization is of immediate concern to this Assembly. The term of office of the Acting Secretary-General is due to expire next April. A new election for the post is in prospect. This has given rise to renewed efforts to alter the structure of the Secretariat by replacing the present incumbent with a three-man board representing the three main political divisions in the world today. We have opposed this proposal, and we continue to oppose it. We shall not belabour the arguments in support of our stand. We would make only one observation: the "troika" proposal would surely introduce the cold war into the one organ of the United Nations where it should at all cost be kept out — the United Nations administrative machinery.
17. The Acting Secretary-General, U Thant, has discharged his responsibilities with competence, distinction and an admirable dedication to the ideals and principles of the United Nations. The Philippines is prepared to support any move for his continuance in office for a full term.
18. Of pressing concern to this Assembly is the extension of full support to the specific peace-keeping efforts which it has itself authorized. Foremost among these are the United Nations operations in the Congo and in the Middle East. In the light of the recent advisory opinion of the International Court of Justice on the matter, we earnestly hope that all Member countries will not heed the appeal of the Secretary-General to contribute their share of the cost of these operations [A/5161]. The Philippines is not only prepared to pay its share of these costs, but it has also pledged to subscribe $750,000 worth of the bond issue which the United Nations has been constrained to float as a stop-gap arrangement.
19. If in the past we have stubbornly faced frustrations and failures, we must now as stubbornly appeal for a workable agreement on disarmament and the prohibition of the use of nuclear and thermo-nuclear weapons. And now that the conquest of space has become a reality, we must, with equal insistence, ask that the Powers concerned arrive at an agreement to ensure that outer space shall not be used for military or warlike purposes. While the ultimate decisions on these grave issues lie in the hands of the great Powers, their consequences will affect all countries and are therefore of universal concern. We will state our position on these questions in detail before the appropriate committee of the Assembly.
20. It is noteworthy that the two most revolutionary developments in human knowledge in recent history, the splitting of the atom and the break-through in space technology and planetary exploration, should have been born of the stress of war or near-war, and that both should hold for mankind the promise, either of unimagined improvements in human welfare or of the extinction of human life, depending on whether they are put to peaceful or to warlike uses. The choice of which end these momentous scientific developments will ultimately serve should rest with the collective will of the United Nations. But, as in the question of disarmament, at the moment the fateful choice lies in the hands of a few great Powers. It is our prayerful hope, as it must be the hope of all responsible Members of this Assembly, that these Powers will opt for peace and a more abundant life for humanity.
21. In nuclear science we have already seen, in the few short years since 1955, the tremendous benefits that can accrue to mankind from a scientific discovery initially intended to perfect the weapons of war. There is no valid reason why the more recent developments in space research and exploration cannot evolve similar benefits. There is no insuperable obstacle, given the collective will of the nations here represented, to the deliberate re-direction of both nuclear and space development to the betterment of man and the world in which he lives. The Philippines unequivocally aligns itself with those nations that believe in harnessing our new and revolutionary scientific knowledge of the atom and of space to the over-riding need for improving the lot of man on this planet.
22. My delegation has always attached the highest importance to the work of the United Nations in the promotion of fundamental human rights and of economic and social progress. We are pleased to note the significant achievements recorded in some aspects of this work during the past year.
23. We are particularly happy over the continuing progress in the elimination of the remaining vestiges of colonialism all over the world. We have already welcomed four new Members during this Assembly; we look forward to the admission of Algeria and Uganda before the conclusion of this session. We know from our own experience as a former colony that nations, like individuals, can give of their best to the community only in conditions of freedom and dignity.
24. We have placed on record our gratification over the peaceful settlement of the West Irian question. It is our earnest hope that the spirit of accommodation that led to the settlement of this long-standing dispute will likewise prevail in the settlement of similar problems.
25. I have in mind particularly the claim of my Government to the territory of North Borneo which was annexed by the British Crown in 1946. This is neither the time nor the place to go into the details of this question, but we stand on what we consider to be valid legal and historical grounds. Our claim has been put forward with sincere assurances of our desire that the issue should be settled by peaceful means, and without prejudice to the exercise of the right of self-determination by the inhabitants of North Borneo, preferably under United Nations auspices.
26. We have always had the most friendly relations with the United Kingdom and others who may be interested in this question. We are determined to maintain their friendship, which we cherish. 1 should like to emphasize, however, that it is the intention of my Government to press this claim amicably but firmly until a just and satisfactory settlement shall have been reached.
27. We are prepared to assist in every way we can in the orderly liquidation of the remaining pockets of colonialism in the world. We believe that the early completion of this historic process is indispensable to the attainment of lasting peace.
28. We should also like to see the extirpation of remaining practices of racial discrimination, so repugnant to the principles of our Charter and so dangerously anachronistic at this time, when the mainstream of history is moving inexorably towards freedom and equality for all men and nations. We are particularly desirous of seeing the most extreme and blatant form of racial discrimination, apartheid, eliminated in South and South West Africa.
29. In the face of repeated censures by the General Assembly and indeed by all civilized opinion, South Africa remains impenitent. But how long does South Africa think this deliberate violation of human rights and fundamental freedoms can continue without exacting the bitter penalty of violence? It is inconceivable that repression, no matter how stringent, can abate the fierce desire for human status of the indigenous population of South Africa, now that they have been exposed to the bracing winds of freedom sweeping the world. As long as apartheid exists it will continue to be a potent threat to international peace.
30. The same deplorable situation exists in the mandate of South West Africa, That the problem has assumed serious proportions is evident from the report of the Special Committee on South West Africa. The report states; "...it is quite clear that unless an early satisfactory settlement of this question were made, the situation could result in a serious political disaster with far-reaching consequences" [A/5212, para. 80]. The fact that this conclusion was reached unanimously by the Committee apparently does not disturb South Africa in the least. On the contrary, it has assumed an even more defiant posture, seeking perhaps in this way to mask from itself and from the world the true nature of the festering situation in South West Africa. We regret to have to say this, but how else are we to interpret the tactics by which South Africa now seeks to divert attention from the conditions in her mandate? Is it perhaps because it is unable to deny the ugly evidence of apartheid in South West Africa, and now, in a desperate effort to sway world opinion in its favour, has chosen instead to question the integrity and sully the reputation of those whose revulsion against apartheid is well known?
31. But we refuse to be deceived. We wish to state here our considered view that, unless South Africa co-operates in discharging its obligations in South West Africa as required by the Charter, then the time has indeed come for the Assembly, in the words of the. Special Committee, to take firm and decisive action. We will abide by the wishes of the majority, noting also that as time passes the chances for alternative peaceful solutions progressively diminish. If, as has been pointed out, the only remaining alternative is to revoke South Africa's mandate and transfer administration of South West Africa to the United Nations, we shall be prepared to support this course of action.
32. My delegation would like to focus attention on another threat to peace arising from the growing gap between the economically developed and the developing countries. This gap has been increasing in past years and it is one of the most challenging tasks of the United Nations to arrest this trend and to evolve constructive measures to reverse it.
33. The Philippines therefore views with appreciation the growing commitment of the United Nations.to the cause of balanced, comprehensive, and massive attack on the problem of economic and social development of the developing nations.
34. My country has been committed since 1935 to the need for national planning, and more recently to the equally important need for the systematic training of manpower resources and the mobilization of savings as basic instruments for economic and social progress. Thus the Philippines finds it only natural and proper that it should subscribe to the objectives of the United Nations Development Decade and to hope, in concert with the vast majority of the Member countries, that the various instruments proposed to achieve those objectives be forged carefully and made ready for effective use in due time. We hope that significant progress will be attained without unnecessary delay in providing adequate sources and means of assistance to developing countries.
35. We realize, of course, that in the face of the immensity of needs on the part of developing countries, the United Nations resources for assistance would be relatively meagre. For this reason, aid projects must be carefully scrutinized to the end that aid funds should produce the maximum benefits. The choice must be for impact projects, or projects of special leverage, to borrow from the words of the late Dag Hammarskjold; that is, projects that will build up productive capacities, generate a chain reaction of productive activities and build up the strength of the economy for self-sustaining growth.
36. We believe that it is wise and proper for the developed countries to help more substantially in the acceleration of the economic development of the new and less fortunate countries. We should like to stress, however, the concomitant obligation of the recipient countries to provide the essential measure of self- help, to administer the aid given with integrity, and to use it for the benefit of the masses of the-people who need it most. International assistance for economic development is a two-way street. The aim should be not merely to prop up Governments in developing countries, but, more important still, to enrich the lives of their citizens in ways that would enhance freedom and human dignity.
37. The achievements of the United Nations in the economic and social fields are important in themselves, but to our mind they also serve a higher purpose. They contribute in a very real sense to the attainment of international security. They serve to de-fuse, as it were, some of the explosion points of the cold war. As developing countries gain more ground towards stability and prosperity, the arena of the cold war recedes. Contented and progressive societies are the best and strongest bulwarks of peace.
38. This is perhaps the most valuable service that the United Nations can perform, to help build up stout bulwarks of peace throughout the world in the form of independent and prosperous societies, to keep open the avenues of negotiation, conciliation and peaceful settlement in international disputes and to prevent the ultimate catastrophe of war from cancelling all the constructive gains so far achieved by the world community.
39. To accomplish this objective, the United Nations needs time — which is the greatest gift that the nuclear Powers, who hold in their hands the choice between peace and war, can give to the Organization — time to find fair and reasonable settlements for explosive questions like that of Berlin; time for the evolving rule of law to become more firmly established; time for humanity's desire for freedom and security to take its course towards fulfilment, until the Charter's aim of banishing the scourge of war from the face of the earth and assuring a better life for all men shall have been realized.