127. It is a great pleasure for me to come to the rostrum at this seventeenth session of the General Assembly, presided over by Sir Muhammad Zafrulla Khan, who has for many years been associated with very important United Nations activities and who is of outstanding personal merit. I am sure that he will provide us with the best and wisest guidance in our debates.
128. Costa Rica cordially welcomes the nearly independent States of Algeria, Rwanda, Burundi, Jamaica and Trinidad and Tobago. It hopes to establish close links of friendship and collaboration with them.
129. My country likewise wishes to record its admiration and respect for U Thant's exceptional efforts during the short period in which he has acted as Secretary-General, of the United Nations. We trust that the United Nations Will continue to have the benefit of his exceptional qualities of statesmanship.
130. At this time of crisis and tension in the international community, my delegation comes to the present session of the General Assembly resolved to reaffirm its adhesion to the principles and standards of the United Nations. We frankly declare that we do not consider the United Nations the perfect organization of which idealists dreamed and for which the peoples of the earth are still longing. The United Nations is trying to be the rectification of the past. Any rectification implies a slow process which cannot be hurried, especially when it depends on open debate and consent gradually granted by the peoples. We acknowledge, however, that the United Nations constitutes one of the advanced stages on the long road to the affirmation of justice and peaceful coexistence between States. Today it represents the last bulwark of civilization. Beyond it all hope perishes and we are faced with the possibility of a return to barbarism. We are confident that the United Nations will make the best use of its adequate internal resources in order to bring about a gradual improvement in its standards and structure which will make of it a great community of nations and peoples collectively dedicated to the task of establishing decent living conditions for all mankind.
131. We feel that the time has come to make a careful revision of the United Nations Charter, with a view to promoting this improvement. The trend of world events, the emergence of so many sovereign nations in almost every continent, the advance of technology and of social consciousness and the progress in the political organization of peoples, these are factors which demand the convening of a conference which would make a careful study of the achievements of the United Nations and its capacity to cope with the many responsibilities which are being thrust upon it as a result of new situations more complex than the original ones which gave it birth.
132. Perhaps the great Powers which during the Second World War bore the brunt of the struggle against the danger, which threatened mankind are now prepared to see a broader implementation of the ideal principle of an organization in which the equality of the States is given its exact meaning, with the abolition of certain prerogatives which are a continual source of resentment and discrimination harmful to the principle of sovereignty inherent in every politically organized people; In pursuance of this aim it is essential that the composition of the various organs of the United Nations should be revised, in order to give the new Member States more opportunity to serve on them.
133. Costa Rica is resolved to put up a stubborn fight to prevent the revision of the Charter being postponed indefinitely.
134. Faced with the sombre panorama of mistrust and tension which darkens the world, we must deplore the fact that the great Powers have not yet managed to reach agreement or understanding on disarmament and In particular On the use of nuclear and thermo-nuclear weapons. The small nations of the earth are awaiting these agreements as one of the most important achievements of man on his long road of constant betterment. So eagerly do they hope for this that they regard all plan's other achievements as failures until such time as the great Powers convert their weapons into instruments of production and place their scientific mastery of nuclear energy in the service of peace and human welfare. Until this happens the international atmosphere will continue to be heavy with danger and man will continue to wait in the darkness of mistrust for his own final destruction.
135. In stating this ethical and theoretical problem we do not wish in any way to blind ourselves to the harsh facts. We are fully aware of the dangers which threaten our conception of liberty and of the obligations which these dangers entail in the face of philosophies of government which in essence deny liberty and advocate domination of the world by force. We must strengthen our determination to overcome these facts without involving ourselves in the tragedy of war.
136. We realize, too, that the role of the small countries in this great controversy between the great nations is very small. This, however, does not exonerate us from the grave duty of adopting a firmer attitude and proclaiming ethical values in the face of the contriving and double-dealing born of struggles for power, 'As a guarantee of the sincerity of this moral attitude the small nations should proclaim their firm resolve to reduce their own armed forces and military expenditure. An immediate consequence of this resolve would be to release scanty resources which could be used to promote economic development and social welfare. Furthermore, we should in all sincerity acknowledge that even in an emergency threatening the security of these small nations their armies would never be able to provide effective defence. Unfortunately experience shows that the armies of small countries have on more than one occasion contributed to the destruction of popular liberty.
137. We have listened to the highly scientific discussions between the great Powers on the possible harmful effects of nuclear experiments and the use of nuclear and thermo-nuclear weapons in war. These discussions strike a tragic note in the hearts of the people. In "the face of this doubt on the part of the experts, the people, in their simple wisdom, feel that the safest course is not to try to overcome their doubts. As small countries we assume the role of prompters of ethical behaviour for the great actors who appear on the stage during these preludes to the great tragedy.
138. The less developed countries of the world applaud the remarkable progress which the powerful nations have achieved in the exploration of the universe as an exploit of the human mind and as a possible source of technological advance which will eventually be of benefit to mankind. Nevertheless, they experience a feeling of frustration and neglect when they realize that while fabulous sums of money are spent on a prestige contest between nations which is perverting a genuine desire to extend the frontiers of man into space, three-quarters of the world's population are not receiving any of the benefits of modern science and technology. While the most costly efforts are made to reach the moon, we have not managed to reach the man on earth with all the benefits of our technological development.
139. We acknowledge the praiseworthy efforts the United Nations has been making to raise the peoples out of poverty. There is, however, an urgent need to intensify these efforts by giving the United Nations the necessary resources and further improving its social agencies in order to satisfy the demands of the peoples more quickly and efficiently. For many of these peoples in the initial stages of economic development, to prolong their present state of privation would be tantamount to hastening the breakdown of their faith in the principles which gave birth to this world Organization; it would be cheating their hopes and discrediting democracy; it would be denying human freedom its possibilities. We cannot fail to acknowledge the generous efforts, whether the altruistic unilateral efforts which some nations have undertaken for the benefit of others or the multilateral and co-operative efforts which, like the "Alliance for Progress" on the American continent, are being made to develop the economies of the nations, which are striving for prosperity. That is why today we applaud the Economic and Social Council and those who are endeavouring to pet in motion the United Nations Development Decade, through which the collaboration of the economically strong States will help to overcome the difficulties of the developing States.
140. But we must have the courage to admit that we are far from having reached a rate of development to match the dizzy rise in popular needs. This disparity between what is being done and the needs of the peoples cannot be overcome until there is a complete revision of the terms of trade between the under-developed countries and the highly industrialized nations. Neither loans nor credits nor grants, however generous they may be, can offset the effect of a pernicious system of trade whereby wealth is accumulated in a few privileged countries and other less fortunate countries are drained of their wealth. According to a survey prepared by United Nations experts, in 1959 Latin America received $1,700 million less than it would have received if there had been a stable price structure.
141. It should be the task of the United Nations to take effective steps to promote this complete revision of the terms of trade so as to meet the desperate situation of the peoples and the threat to their liberty. In this connexion it is appropriate to mention two items of special significance and interest on the agenda of the seventeenth session: the question of holding an international conference on trade problems [item 36] and international measures to assist in offsetting fluctuations in commodity prices [item 37]. In recent years the United Nations has managed to marshal opinion in favour of the protection of the primary products which are essential for the economic and social progress of the less developed States. My country has the honour of having been one of the first to stress the urgent, compelling necessity of, action at the highest international level to remedy the plight of the countries whose economies depend on primary products and which, are consequently at a disadvantage in relation to the highly developed industrial countries. An example of what the United Nations can and should do in this direction is the recent United Nations Coffee Conference, at which the producing and importing countries succeeded in concluding the International Coffee Agreement for 1962, which provides for world marketing of this product on a basis which will guarantee social justice and economic progress to the peoples of the exporting countries.
142. Costa Rica realizes that the efforts of the United Nations to promote social progress and raise the level of living within a broader concept of freedom depend upon the countries concerned carrying out effective reforms in their socio-economic structures so that these benefits are basically extended to the mass of the people and that in this way a true and profound social justice is achieved. It is to be hoped that before long the pressure of progressive movements and the moral authority of the United Nations will break down the barriers erected by old political structures against the aspirations of the peoples to a better life.
143. As successors to a revolutionary tradition for the liberty of our people, we continue to pledge our firm support for the aspirations to political self-determination of all the peoples of the earth who have not yet acquired complete sovereignty and independences. We shall continue to offer our full quota, modest as it is, so that the United Nations may yet further accelerate this magnificent process Which has enabled it to bring so many sovereign nations into being.
144. In the great process of decolonization we have seen with sorrow how useless differences have arisen, cheating man of the peace for which he craves and the liberty to which he aspires. We must also voice our alarm for in the diffuse atmosphere created by these internal differences, and in the dazzle of victory in the face of colonialism, there is a danger that other and new forms of colonialism may imperceptibly creep in. We admit that certain colonial Powers have failed to fulfil their historic duty and the responsibility which the United Nations itself laid upon them, namely that of preparing the people under their administration for the moment of self-government. Nevertheless, we do not raise our hands in holy horror at the spectacle of blundering and even tragedy presented by some nations which have recently acquired sovereignty. We are confident that they will outgrow these phases before very long and will avoid fresh ideological or political involvement which would nullity all the sacrifices they have made for independence. The United Nations has a fresh responsibility in that matter and is fulfilling it, although that entails the sacrifice of its best officers.
145. The vast majority of men and women who inhabit the earth are far from having reached full enjoyment of their social, economic and cultural rights. There are political and social conditions prevailing in the world which oppress human freedom and dignity in open defiance of the principles of the United Nations.
146. We should be inclined to accept the argument that in the political and economic fields there are various formulas and ways of achieving the objectives of freedom, justice and well-being which are the essence and the raison d'être of the United Nations. We agree that all nations cannot advance towards the achievement of these objectives at the same rate. What we cannot accept, without contradicting our democratic position and the principles and standards of the United Nations, is that the methods and instruments should be the supremacy of brute force and the supposed infallibility of the ideologies.
147. The less developed countries are developing fast and are trying to advance rapidly in order to break the fetters of social injustice, eagerly seeking the political institutions best suited to their traditions and history. This is the stage through which we are going today in Latin America, which is seeking freedom as it has done always in its revolutionary movements.
148. The American Revolution was a magnificent encouragement to our States in the dawn of independence. In the present century, to quote two cases, the Mexican and Bolivian revolutions have pointed the way to social progress within a democratic framework guaranteeing human dignity and freedom, which are an essential part of our political tradition and one that we can never relinquish. Unfortunately these illustrious examples of our democratic revolution have been betrayed in some cases. There are political forces bent on discrediting and destroying representative democracy, denying the freedom and dignity of their citizens, on the pretext of carrying out a profound economic and social transformation in our continent.
149. It is lamentable, too, that, forgetting the history of freedom, which is part and parcel of the man of America, this freedom and his entire destiny should be jeopardized by extra-continental ties.
150. The democratic revolution, which has scarcely begun in Latin America, needs the understanding and good will of all who profess the democratic creed, but it also requires from its leaders in every country the moral stand taken by the Mexicans and Bolivians — to quote these two examples once again — in order to prevent our destinies being handed over to the cold game of foreign policy of the imperialist Powers.
151. The small countries, and the powerful ones as well, are under an obligation to history and to the peoples to guarantee the integrity of human rights as a prerequisite for peace. This obligation is not being fulfilled satisfactorily, and never will be until we provide the United Nations with the strength and the appropriate means to give full support to the peoples in their struggle for betterment and in their age-long efforts to secure freedom.
152. The struggle for the peace and prosperity of the nations obliges all of us who are Members of the United Nations to do our utmost to find solutions for the fundamental problems at the root of the present tension and fear in the world. We are aware of the magnitude of the obstacles which must be overcome if we are to reach the desired goal. Nevertheless, we think that we should continue our efforts to find areas of agreement which will enable man, free from the threat of war, to release all his energies and capacities and to devote them to building a free and prosperous world with wider frontiers. To that end we feel that it is imperative to work steadfastly within the framework of the United Nations, with special respect for the ideas of others. In this connexion I should like to stress the following words of U Thant in his speech on "Education for Peace" given at Carleton University, Ottawa, in May 1962: "We need to try and understand each other's point of view. We also need to realize that it is no longer true to say that there are two sides to every question; in fact, there are many sides". Costa Rica trusts that this wise and constructive thought may guide the work of the seventeenth session of the General Assembly, so that effective progress may be achieved in the noble and vital task of preserving world peace.