Ghana

1962 Session 17

136. Permit me, Mr. President, to offer you the warmest felicitations of the delegation of Ghana on your election to the high office of President of the General Assembly. It is a matter of deep gratification to my delegation that the deliberations of this most important session of the General Assembly are proceeding under the guidance of so distinguished a statesman, jurist and diplomatist as you, renowned as you are for impartiality and a lofty sense of duty, and corning as you do from a country with which my own country is maintaining such close and friendly ties within the framework of the great Asian-African community. 137. It also gives my delegation special pride, and satisfaction that four new States — Rwanda, Burundi, Jamaica, and Trinidad and Tobago — have achieved independence and taken their rightful place in the. United Nations. My delegation was happy to be associated with their applications for admission to the United Nations. We assure them of our welcome, understanding and support and we express the confidence that they will so conduct their affairs as to consolidate and strengthen their independence, successfully undertake the vast tasks before them of social and economic reconstruction, and make an effective contribution to the work of this Organization. 138. My delegation particularly happy also at the prospect of the admission to the United Nations in the near future of Uganda, whose progress along the road to independence my Government and people have followed with fraternal sympathy and support. Furthermore, we have greeted with boundless joy the accession to sovereignty of Algeria, after many years of heroic struggle and unprecedented sacrifice, which we have always saluted with deep admiration and total brotherly solidarity. Can there be a more inspiring symbol of what a people under foreign domination can achieve, in the face of overwhelming odds, given singleness of purpose and the determination, to secure its liberation? Ghana, which yesterday co-sponsored Algeria's admission to the United Nations at the Security Council [1020th meeting] looks forward to welcoming the delegation of Algeria, which will take its seat in this Assembly next Monday. 139. The Government of Ghana has also welcomed with pleasure the recent agreement on West Irian between the Government of Indonesia and the Government of the Netherlands, which has eradicated a relic of colonialism which was increasingly endangering international peace and security. My Government, which has been as firm a supporter of Indonesia's legitimate rights as it is dedicated to the peaceful settlement of disputes, is appreciative of the patient and constructive efforts of the parties concerned and is gratified at the important role played in the, achievement of the solution by the Acting Secretary-General and his special representative. 140. Not only do these auspicious events constitute a notable landmark in the inexorable historical process of liberation of subject peoples from the yoke of Colonialism; they are also a significant addition to the existing breaches in the, fortifications of colonialism through which the winds, of change, now raging with the force of a hurricane will soon dislodge all remaining obstacles to the liberation of all other colonial peoples, and countries, in fulfilment of the objectives laid down in the epoch-making Declaration on the granting of independence to colonial peoples and countries. Equally they cannot fail — how can they? — to strengthen the promotion of peaceful co-operation between States on the basis of equality and the maintenance of international peace. 141. To say this Is not to deny that there still remain serious impediments in the road towards complete liberation and independence for all subject peoples. On the contrary, how can one but recognize the fact that there still exist under colonial domination a large number of territories in which the decolonization process has not even got under way, or where it is painfully and stubbornly slow. Surely this cannot be the rate of progress envisaged when the General Assembly, in resolution 1514 (XV), solemnly proclaimed the necessity of bringing a speedy end to colonialism in all its forms. This dearly cannot be what was contemplated when the Assembly asked that immediate steps be taken to transfer all powers to the peoples of Non-Self-Governing Territories. 142. Examples are readily at hand. In Southern Rhodesia, the situation has become more explosive than ever. The Assembly's resolution on the question [resolution 1747 (XVI)] has been callously disregarded, and instead, what do we have? We have a new round of repressive legislation and the banning of nationalist activities, with the United Kingdom unwilling to exercise its constitutional powers to reverse these developments — developments which can only result in a serious set-back to the cause of multiracial cooperation in that territory. Those trends must be arrested. 143. If a conflict of the Algerian type is to be avoided, the United Kingdom must urgently undertake, by the normal British method of consultations with all political elements, a reconsideration of present constitutional arrangements, with a view to formulating a fresh constitution based on universal adult suffrage and the immediate restoration of all political and civil liberties, and to ensuring the independence of the territory with the possible delay. At the same time, the Federation of Rhodesia and Nyasaland, which has been rejected by the majority as undesirable and unworkable, must be dismantled and the territory given an opportunity to decide for itself after independence what other forms of association and co-operation it will maintain with its neighbours. 144. In Northern Rhodesia, too, there prevail retrograde features of classic colonialism; constitutional changes have failed to take account of the wishes of the vast majority of the people; there is no universal suffrage, fundamental political and civil freedoms are denied, and the whole edifice rests on the thesis of 'White supremacy. Although, in a praiseworthy spirit of conciliation, the nationalist leaders have agreed, on certain conditions, to participate in the forthcoming elections, the only lasting solution to the situation and the only way of ensuring peaceful co-operation between the races is to take immediate steps to establish universal and equal suffrage and to transfer all powers to the indigenous population, in an atmosphere purified by restoration of all liberties and the removal of all coercive influence by the Federation authorities. 145. Though Nyasaland gives less cause for concern, there, too, such undemocratic features as the limited franchise and the unrepresentative character of the legislative assembly must be deplored and the basic demand of the political parties for immediate independence granted. 146. Equally In the territories of Basutoland, Bechuanaland and Swaziland, where present constitutional arrangements are unsatisfactory, there must be no delay in the holding of free elections based on the principle of "one man one vote". At the same time, no effort should be spared to prevent their annexation by South Africa whose protestations in this connexion cannot be taken at their face value. 147. Indeed, the present problems in Central Africa must be viewed as part of a greater crisis involving the whole of southern Africa. For who can view with anything but grave alarm the emergence within the past year or so of an unholy and far-reaching alliance, of a military as well as political character between the white Governments of Southern Rhodesia, South Africa, Portugal and the province of Katanga, dedicated to the halting of African advance and the maintenance of white supremacy? 148. In Portugal, this Assembly confronts a State that continues to deny the competence of the Organization to discuss affairs in its Non-Self-Governing Territories and rejects their inalienable right to self-determination and independence. Its response to this Assembly's resolutions has merely been to produce irrelevant arguments and distorted versions of developments, to strengthen its machinery for repression and suppression, with the indirect assistance of South Africa, the Federation of Rhodesia and Nyasaland, and certain members of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization. True, it seeks to offset criticism by introducing a number of so-called reforms and legislative changes, but it has become increasingly clear that they are mere shams, which can do nothing to ameliorate the appalling economic and social conditions in its territories. Recently, on the initiative of Ghana, a Commission of Inquiry of the International Labour Organization found that forced labour was still rampant in Angola and other Portuguese territories. 149. There is no doubt, therefore, that the situation in these territories continues to threaten international peace and security, in the face of African opposition, and that if a peaceful solution is to be found before time runs out, all possible pressures, including diplomatic and economic sanctions, must be brought to bear on Portugal immediately to initiate the measures necessary to grant the Portuguese territories in Africa their independence. 150. What of South Africa, which has for so long defied this Organization's efforts to exercise its legitimate supervisory functions over South West Africa? It continues to resist all attempts to correct in South, West Africa the pursuit of a whole line of policy, method and action which is in direct contradiction to the Charter of the United Nations, the League of Nations Mandate and the enlightened conscience of mankind. How can this Assembly once again content itself merely with declarations when the pernicious system of apartheid continues to be applied, resulting not only in segregation, discrimination and deprivation of basic human rights but also in the complete subordination, to those of a small minority of Europeans, of the interests of the indigenous people, who are treated in their own country as outcasts, a source of cheap labour, and denied even the solace of education. No further proof is required that South Africa is manifestly unfit to administer the territory. In the view of my delegation, it is imperative that notion, should now be taken effectively to transfer all power to the people, and to institute assistance by means of the establishment of a United Nations presence, on a scale sufficient to permit them to maintain their independence. 151. Not satisfied with the present and already, ruthless operation, of apartheid, the Government of South Africa has recently introduced even more savagely drastic legislation, notably the so-called Sabotage Law, designed, by means of incredibly harsh penalties, to silence all criticism of the regime and to eliminate all elements seeking to bring about political, economic or social change. Increasing reliance on repressive measures is illustrated by a threefold increase in military expenditures over the past three years, and steps have even been taken to prevent the flight to neighbouring territories: of political refugees or their return. In order to perpetuate white domination, settlers from Europe are being induced to emigrate to the country and, with the same object in mind, plans have been announced about the grant of so- called internal self-government to the Xhosa community in the Transkei, thus demonstrating the underlying self-deception of the authorities. This Assembly would be abdicating its responsibilities if it did not condemn these developments in the strongest terms and mobilize all possible sanctions with a view to securing in that country the observance of human rights and fundamental freedoms in, accordance with the Charter. 152. If I have dwelt at some length on the manifestations of colonialism it is not because I am unmindful of the new, strategies to which colonialism has now resorted. Having resigned itself to the formal independence of the colonial territories, neo-colonialism seeks to defend the same old interests, to perpetuate its political, economic and technological hegemony by means of a complex of economic, ideological and military arrangements. In these circumstances the struggle against colonialism should be waged against all its forms, so that independence should not be purely nominal but true and complete. The Government of Ghana is firmly of the opinion that the colonial Powers should relinquish their domination of Africa at once and that within one year all dependent territories in Africa should be completely free. 153. The situation in the Congo (Leopoldville) has been a case in point. The tragedy of that country is largely due to the flagrant interference, in its affairs, which still continues, by powerful international monopolies with the acquiescence of certain Governments. Without the support and encouragement of these elements the attempted secession of Katanga would not have dragged out so long. It is for this reason that my Government has consistently stressed that the only basis for a solution in the interests of the Congolese people lies in the maintenance of the unity and territorial integrity of the country and in the elimination of mercenaries and all forms of foreign interference. It is in this spirit that my Government welcomed the Acting Secretary-General's proposals to bring home to the Katangese authorities the realities of the situation and to put an end to the attempted secessionism. But while welcoming these proposals, we would be wanting in candour if We failed to point out that they are, in our view, not sufficiently, far-reaching, based as they are on an unduly restrictive interpretation of the mandate established by the pertinent Security Council and General Assembly resolutions. With these same considerations in mind and in, a spirit of fraternal solidarity, the President of my country recently addressed to the Prime Minister of the Congo an appeal to set his face against any constitutional changes which would act as a permanent bar to the unity of the Congo, that would militate against all stability and progress and give further impetus to the balkanization of Africa, which is the very antithesis of African unity. 154. And if African unity is such a passionate and overriding concern for my Government and people, it is because only in unity can be found that strength which is the ultimate answer to imperialist and neo-colonialist designs; only through unity can we in Africa mobilize and co-ordinate our efforts for the vast tasks confronting us in economic and social reconstruction. Needless to say, the kind of unity my Government and people envisage is a programme of free, equal and fraternal co-operation in all spheres and to the closest extent possible; it does not entail any imposition of leadership, however great or laudable. 155. We aim at over-all economic co-ordination on a united continental basis, seeing this as the only alternative to a state of affairs in which African countries were reduced perpetually to the role of producers of raw materials. Equally, in order to ensure our security, in order to avoid military entanglements with outside Powers, which are mere neo-colonialist devices, and in order to obviate the waste of national resources on the build-up of military establishments, we would like to see the emergence of joint-defence arrangements among African countries. At the same time, in order to give direction to these policies, and on the basis of our common historical experiences and the identity of our aspirations, it would be desirable to take steps to harmonize our respective foreign policies. 156. Not only, are these aspirations of passionate concern to my Government and people, but the value of the arrangements they involve is generally accepted by the international community, and this acceptance finds its reflection in the Charter itself. But what useful purpose will be served by all these aspirations unless lasting and universal peace can be maintained, and unless one essential condition of such peace, namely complete and general disarmament, can be fulfilled? 157. Unfortunately, the unremitting efforts of the Conference of the Eighteen-Nation Committee on Disarmament have not led to any real progress. It must be conceded that some limited results have been achieved: unanimity exists on the basic "Joint statement of agreed principles for disarmament negotiations" and, for the most part, on a draft of a treaty preamble; the non-aligned delegations at the Geneva negotiations, whose efforts deserve the warmest tribute, were also able to agree on and present a joint memorandum which constituted a constructive attempt, to resolve the deadlock in the nuclear-test negotiations. But in the face of lack of mutual confidence between the great Powers, in the face of their entrenchment in rigid positions based on exaggerated ideological, political and security considerations, significant progress has been held up, principally by differences over "balanced" disarmament and over international verification and control. Meanwhile, the stockpiling and development of the most horrible means of mass destruction continue unabated. 158. If any consolation can be derived from this situation, it lies in the constructive contributions of the non-aligned nations in Geneva; no less importantly, it lies in the massive force of world public opinion whose revolt against the intensification of the arms race has acquired increasing significance. In order to assist in mobilising and giving full weight to this world opinion, the President of Ghana had the honour to originate the idea and to sponsor the holding of a non-governmental conference to make a new approach to the search for workable solutions to present-day international tensions and problems which have led to the threat of nuclear war. The success of this conference on the "World without the bomb", which took place at Accra in June 1962 and which was attended by over a hundred highly qualified and independent-minded personalities, exceeded the most sanguine expectations, and my delegation commends its conclusions to the Assembly, in anticipation of their detailed presentation to the First Committee. 159. Suffice it to state now that my delegation will support any honest and sincere attempt during this session of the Assembly to break the existing impasse-beginning with the question of the cessation of nuclear tests — basing itself on the ideas of the non-aligned nations at Geneva, the areas of agreement so far achieved, and the concepts and conclusions which have commended themselves to the bulk of world public opinion. At the same time, we shall support any initiatives, free of cold-war manoeuvres, aimed at the establishment of denuclearized zones — towards which a modest beginning was made, where Africa is concerned, by the adoption of General Assembly resolution 1652 (XVI), which my delegation had the honour of introducing last year. We shall also express a favourable attitude toward any efforts to prevent the wider dissemination of nuclear weapons and to ensure the peaceful uses of outer space. 160. The importance of disarmament for the achievement of universal and lasting peace is reinforced by the enormous benefits in terms of economic and social progress that all mankind will enjoy from its achievement. The findings stated in the United Nations document on the economic consequences of disarmament, as well as other objective studies on the subject, are impressive evidence of the size of the resources that can be readily converted from military to civilian use and devoted to the provision of aid to the developing countries, for the eradication of hunger, disease, illiteracy and poverty. 161. On the other hand, it is equally true that the eradication of hunger, disease, illiteracy and poverty cannot and must not wait upon disarmament, for those evils themselves contribute to international tension and are a threat to peace. As the Acting Secretary-General has repeatedly pointed out, the gap between the rich third and the two-thirds of mankind is much more serious and ultimately much more explosive than the division of the world on ideological grounds. This gap, instead of narrowing, is progressively becoming wider, for not only has the growth of the population in developing countries outstripped the rate of economic development, but according to authoritative estimates they lose twice as much on the swings of commodity price fluctuations as they gain on the roundabouts of aid. This condition is aggravated by restrictive and discriminatory regional economic groupings, of which the European Economic Community is the prime example, and by the present inadequate structure of international liquidity which uses national currencies as an international means of payment. 162. These problems have been brought into sharp focus by the launching of the United Nations. Development Decade, which has underlined the need for international action and co-operation in order to achieve certain tasks which, if faithfully carried out, would assure the minimum targets for economic and social development accepted by us all in General Assembly resolution 1710 (XVI), These tasks, however, are in grave danger of being frustrated unless increased trade with aid is made available to the developing countries by the developed countries, and unless international co-operation takes place on the basis of equality and non-discrimination. 163. Attempts have been made from this rostrum to paint a glowing picture of the, European Common Market and especially how it will benefit the associated African and Caribbean States. The delegation of Ghana is far from impressed by these arguments and overtures which are only calculated to sap, very slowly but surely, the hard-won independence of developing countries. At the recent Commonwealth Prime Minister's Conference, Ghana, along with other Commonwealth countries, stated that it was for the United Kingdom to decide on its application to enter the Common Market, but that Ghana would under no circumstances associate with the enlarged Common Market and thus continue to be a producer of raw material for European markets and a receiver of expensive industrialized goods. 164. These preoccupations were reflected in the recent Cairo Conference on the Problems of Economic Development, of which my Government was privileged to be a sponsor. In the Declaration of Developing Countries the Conference stressed the need for planned and systematic mobilization of national resources; it expressed its apprehension that "regional economic groupings will adversely affect the interests of the developing countries, if conceived and operated in a restrictive or discriminatory manner"; and affirmed, however, that "the economic and social problems of developing countries could be solved effectively within a reasonably short period of time through common endeavour on the national and international planes and within the framework of the United Nations Charter and of international co-operation and assistance". 165. Furthermore, the Conference underlined the usefulness of trade expansion between developing countries, but at the same time expressed the view that international trade should expand on the basis of equality and that action should be taken to minimize, the consequences in the developing countries of the various groupings of industrialized countries. The Conference also asked that concrete efforts be taken within the United Nations framework to stabilize international primary commodity markets, that energetic action be taken by the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade to improve the prospects of exports of developing countries, that the International Monetary Fund examine measures for a more effective balancing of payments of developing countries, that international technical assistance, particularly United Nations assistance be further developed, and that international financing be expanded and as much of it as possible channelled through the proposed United Nations Capital Development Fund. 166. These declarations, together, amount to a charter of the developing countries and constitute a notable contribution to the purposes of the Development Decade. The Conference's deep appreciation of the importance of these purposes is reflected in its proposal for a World Economic Conference to be held early next year, the agenda of which will include all vital functions relating to international trade, primary commodity trade and economic relations between developing and developed countries. If the determination expressed in the Charter of the United Nations "to promote social progress and better standards of life in larger freedom" is to be fruitful, then all of us, developing and developed countries alike, should embark on a sincere, determined and unflagging campaign, within the framework of the United Nations, to implement the constructive and coherent programme that the Development Decade represents. 167. Although we now meet at a time that seems less precarious, less dangerous than last year, although several positive elements and developments have given rise to some hope for the future, international tensions have continued at an intensified level over the past few months. The confrontation between the great Powers has grown more strident, the duel more sharply drawn. 168. One of the chief testing grounds has been Cuba, whose unhappy relations with the United States constitute one of the sorest points in present world tensions. We have on several occasions, in various organs of the United Nations, pronounced ourselves on this unfortunate situation. We would therefore have been content to pass over the issue at this particular time, but for the dangerous dimensions which it has attained. Pronouncements from the capitals of the two great world Powers make one shudder at the thought that Cuba, like Berlin, may well involve the world in a nuclear war unless steps are taken to ameliorate the present situation. 169. As we have had occasion to state before, we believe this question is essentially one of peaceful coexistence of two States with different political, economic and social systems. As stated in the debate on Cuba at the sixteenth session in the First Committee [1238th meeting], the position of my Government on this issue may be summarized as follows: "We are no less committed to the principle of nonintervention and of the equality of rights in international relations. We believe strongly in the peaceful settlement of international controversies as the only way to overcome tensions and of assuring a stable and lasting peace. This position flows directly, not only from the generally accepted principles of international law, but also from the Charter of the United Nations." 170. While we are not here to apportion blame for the unhappy situation, we still cling to the belief that the present difficulties can be resolved in an atmosphere of peace and tranquillity rather than one of sabre-rattling and threats; It is in this conviction that we appeal to both the United States and the Soviet Union not to conceive or take any notion which might further aggravate the situation, and express the earnest hope that the Government of Cuba, without prejudice to its sovereign rights, will not take any measures or positions which might legitimately, be considered as provocative by its neighbours. What is needed is negotiation between the Government of the United States and the Government of Cuba to resolve all outstanding differences, on the basis of mutual respect for each other's sovereign rights. 171. Another sore point in present world tensions is the problem of Berlin which continues to cause my Government serious concern; the talks and contacts that have been proceeding for months have yielded no positive results, and if anything the situation has become more alarming than ever. Is it not time that a supreme effort was made by the Powers concerned to generate a more favourable atmosphere, based on a reduction of mutual suspicion and bad will which have hitherto bedevilled their initiatives and reactions in this matter? If such an atmosphere could be created — and in this connexion the United Nations could perhaps play a useful role — my delegation is confident that a solution or at least an amelioration may be found, which would take account not only of existing realities and interests, but also of the aspirations of the peoples themselves. 172. With regard to the situation in the Middle East, it may be recalled that the President of Ghana, in his address to the General Assembly at the fifteenth session, stated: "It is my view that the time has come for a supreme effort to be made at the international level to reduce the fever and heat of tension in this part of the world, and I would propose that the United Nations should consider as a matter of urgency inviting the various States in the Middle East to provide a just and permanent solution to these problems." [869th meeting, para. 83.] 173. After thus expressing his concern about the burning issue of Arab-Israel relations and the continuing gravity of the situation in the Middle East, my President concluded by saying: "This is one of the thorniest problems facing this world Organization, and unless a permanent and realistic solution is found, the danger of its development into an armed conflict still remains. The solution of the Middle East question lies in the recognition of the political realities there. In the light of this, I submit that the United Nations should set up a committee to study and evolve a machinery in which it will be impossible either for Israel to attack any of the Arab States or for the Arab States to attack Israel, and to make some sort of arrangement to keep the cold war out of the Middle East." [Ibid., para. 85.1 174. My delegation recognizes, and has consistently taken the stand, that little progress can be made towards a permanent or realistic solution, unless the road adopted involves, as its starting-point, the unqualified acceptance of paragraph 11 of General Assembly resolution 194 (III). Thence, with the cooperation of the parties concerned, the efforts of the United Nations Conciliation Commission for Palestine for the implementation of this provision should be intensified, bearing in mind the programme outlined in paragraph 2 of General Assembly resolution 513 (VI) for the reintegration of refugees either by repatriation or resettlement: where resettlement is the only alternative possible, Israel must be prepared to absorb as many refugees as possible, and the Arab countries could assist either by assimilating some refugees or by apportioning them areas where they could settle with such autonomy in the management of their affairs as may be appropriate. Ultimately, though this may be too much to hope for, a stage may be reached where some kind of arrangement on the pattern of Austria or Laos may be feasible, with guarantees designed to allay fears of extermination or expansionism on one side or the other. 175. I cannot conclude this statement without reaffirming the great importance which my Government attaches to the work of the United Nations. We regard it not merely as a system of resolving conflicts of interest but also as a means for achieving more and more effective and constructive international cooperation for the implementation of the principles and purposes of the Charter. 176. It is true, nevertheless, that, with the growth in its membership, with the increasing scope of its activities, and in the light of our collective experience as well as the changing conditions of international life, its organization and structure has to be so revised as to make it more adequate to its objectives. It is necessary, for instance, that the composition of the principal organs, particularly the Security Council and the Economic and Social Council, should be reviewed so as to reflect the growing importance of Asia and Africa in the Organization. It is also desirable to give attention to the procedures, methods and competence of the Assembly and the Security Council in order to make such adjustments as are dictated by experience, changing needs and the exigencies of the present international situation. So far as the Secretariat is concerned, it is important that steps should be taken to accelerate the implementation of the principle of equitable geographical distribution; and with regard to the top level, greater use should be made of the existing cabinet of eight which the Acting Secretary-General has devised for constant consultation, while, of course, preserving intact the Secretary-General's responsibilities under the Charter. 177. Ghana is of the view that the Acting Secretary- General, U Thant, has shown great qualities of leadership in carrying out his functions and deserves the full support of all of us in the years that lie ahead. 178. There must be a quick resolution to the question of the proper representation of China in the United Nations: we believe that the People's Republic of China, with its vast human, economic and scientific and technological resources, can make an effective contribution to the work of this Organization. Sentiment, vehemence, and irrelevant oratory must no longer be allowed to obscure the issues. The character and composition of the Government of the People's Republic has nothing to do with the issue involved; it is in effective authority over China and is in a position to employ its resources and direct its people in fulfilment of the obligations laid down in the United Nations Charter. It is therefore entitled to be represented in this Organization, just like any other Member State, unless and until it is expelled in accordance with the relevant provisions of the Charter. 179. If the United Nations is to become increasingly important for the maintenance of international peace and the development of international co-operation, then it requires the active and positive support of all Member States. It is in this conviction that we have accepted the recent advisory opinion of the International Court of Justice on the question of the costs of peace-keeping operations like the United Nations operations in the Congo, although, like many Members, we feel that the question of the apportionment of these costs, on which the Court has not pronounced itself, deserves more careful consideration in order that due weight may be given to the responsibilities of permanent members of the Security Council as well as of the countries accountable for the situation for which the costs were incurred, and to the relative inability to pay of the developing countries. Without the active support necessary in this and other directions, the growth and development of the United Nations will be retarded and its capacity for action stunted. 180. Let us unite in our pursuit of peace and make the United Nations an effective instrument for the maintenance of international concord and harmony.