Mr. President, I should like first of all to extend to you, on behalf of the Government of the Republic df Mali, my warm congratulations on your brilliant election to the Presidency of our honourable Assembly. This show of confidence which has just been given to you admittedly entails heavy responsibilities; but I am convinced that you will assume them with impartiality and competence, thanks to your great experience and your thorough knowledge of international affairs.
21. I am also happy to welcome the admission of the States of Rwanda, Burundi, Jamaica and Trinidad and Tobago to the United Nations. Their attainment of national independence incontestably represents an important step towards the total liberation of the peoples still under foreign domination. I can assure them in advance of the Republic of Mali's fraternal and sincere desire for co-operation,
22. My delegation is happy to note that the present session is being held in a less feverish atmosphere than the preceding one. It is therefore in a climate of relative relaxation of tension that I shall put to you my Government's point of view on the various questions with which our Organization must deal and, in particular, on the maintenance of international peace and security.
23. The Government of the Republic of Mali considers that of all the items submitted for our consideration and still awaiting solution the maintenance of world peace and security is certainly the most important. These matters are most important for on their proper solution depend the easing of international tension, co-operation among States and the general struggle of humanity against under-development, disease, poverty and ignorance. They are also the most difficult to solve, not only because of their complex nature, but above all because of the desire for hegemony carefully nurtured by certain Powers and the distrust which exists between the Eastern and the Western blocs.
24. The climate created by this desire for hegemony, tills antagonism between the two blocs, could not fail to tiring about a diabolical arms race with undeniably fatal consequences for the survival of mankind. It is truly deplorable to find that some view this arms race as a factor capable of guaranteeing peace. For our part, we remain convinced that the arms race is a perilous operation; in a world with too many weapons, this policy of force as a deterrent is to be condemned because it is selfish and criminal.
25. Moreover, if we bear in mind the desire for peace constantly expressed by the two greatest atomic Powers — and as far as we are concerned, we want to believe in this desire for peace — the race to perfect atomic weapons seems to be an inexplicable operation, to say the least. Since the East and the West, since they must be so called, are deeply attached to peace, and one states that it does not wish to attack the other and vice versa, why continue to spend enormous sums to manufacture weapons which there is no intention of using and, what is more, whose accidental use can transform the world into an apocalyptic furnace.
26. If it is an established fact that the arms race costs the world more than $120,000 million per year, or a sum greater than the annual revenues of all the under-developed countries put together, we have the right to ask ourselves whether those who squander such riches in this way truly appreciate the opportunities they would have been able to give to peoples struggling with inadequate means against disease, poverty and ignorance. In our view, there is no more meritorious form of competition than the rescue of millions of children, women and men in Africa, Asia and Latin America from hunger, illiteracy and death.
27. The Republic of Mali firmly believes that the most convincing proof the nuclear Powers could give of their attachment to the ideals and fundamental principles of the Charter of the United Nations is to abandon the arms race. It shares with all peaceful States in the world the immense hope created by the holding in Geneva of the Conference of the Eighteen-Nation Committee on Disarmament. The fact that neutral States were taking part in the work of the Committee ought, we thought, to lead to the conclusion of agreements on general and complete disarmament under effective International control. But because of the distrust which is characteristic of East-West relations, a distrust which often assumes acute form as certain problems in the cold war come periodically into prominence the Committee has not yet achieved the results anticipated. Nevertheless we think that it should continue its mission,
28. My Government, which has already defined its position on disarmament at the Belgrade Conference and in this Assembly, is still convinced that general and complete disarmament under international control can and should be brought about. There is no doubt that while this problem remains unsolved it will be very difficult to find solutions to questions connected with the cold war.
29. We therefore propose as a first step in the solution of this important problem that all atomic explosions should be stopped immediately, whether in the atmosphere, underwater or underground. In this way, favourable conditions would be created for the relaxation in international tension which is so much desired. We believe very sincerely that the memorandum submitted by the eight neutral Powers to the Committee of Eighteen at Geneva can serve as a basis for discussion with a view to the conclusion of an agreement on general and complete disarmament.
30. After disarmament, the liquidation of colonialism seems to us to be the most important objective to achieve by reason of its permanent repercussions on world peace and security.
31. Our Assembly concentrated particularly on the problem of decolonization during its fifteenth and sixteenth sessions and produced a certain number of recommendations, the accurate and faithful application of which would have led all peoples still under foreign domination to national independence in peace and understanding with the former administrating powers. By its resolution 1654 (XVI), the General Assembly set up the decolonization committee whose report will be submitted for our consideration. We are happy to congratulate this Committee on the work it has already done with so much devotion, ability and objectivity and hope that it will be able to continue its task until colonialism has been completely liquidated. We are bound, however, to express our great disappointment at the negative, reactionary and even scornful attitude of some colonial Powers which seem to have understood nothing of the inexorable march of history and are still clinging to medieval notions and outworn ideas of grandeur and racial supremacy.
32. Thus the reactionary Salazar Government, flying in the face of common sense and reason, continues to claim that Angola, Mozambique and the other territories under Portuguese domination are provinces of Portugal. The reports on these different territories submitted to us by the special committees of our Organization are extremely edifying. All indignantly stress the inhuman methods practised by Portugal in the territories it administers, or rather, oppresses. In this particular case, the word "oppress” in fact expresses the reality better. All these reports conclude that keeping these territories under Portuguese domination constitutes a permanent threat to peace.
33. Still in Africa, South West Africa, administered by the Republic of South Africa, is a subject which permanently preoccupies us. I do not understand, the peoples of the Republic of Mali do not understand, how our Assembly, which on many occasions has had to condemn the Verwoerd Government’s policy of apartheid, can continue to leave an African territory under the responsibility of that same Government. I like to think, and now I am expressing the opinion of the Government of the Republic of Mali, that a careful examination of the report submitted to us on South West Africa [A/5212] will induce our Assembly to withdraw from South Africa the mandate entrusted to it. The United Nations could provisionally look after the administration of this territory with the co-operation of the African States which are determined to give their effective solidarity to the brother people of Southwest Africa. The task of the United Nations during this transitional period would be the organization of the services necessary to the life of the territory and the training of indigenous staff for the management of their country's affairs. Such a measure, similar to that envisaged at the present time for West Irian, would allow the people of the country to administer itself democratically. I have often heard it said in this Assembly that peace is indivisible, that security is one. I agree with these assertions and I congratulate those who have often proclaimed them. If it is so — and I maintain that it should be so — how can we remain indifferent or inactive when States or organized groups
34. We are neither sectarian nor chauvinist. But we find it difficult to understand the indifference, if not the resistance to progress, of some Governments with regard to the atrocities and humiliations of every kind to which the African peoples are subjected when their only demand is the exercise of their right to independence, a right which is universally considered as inalienable. It is symptomatic to note that some Powers evince no reaction to what is happening in South Africa, Angola, Mozambique, Rhodesia and elsewhere, when those same Powers eagerly condemn as crimes against mankind the safety or purging measures taken by the Governments of countries whose regimes are just merely different from theirs. Must we conclude from this that the judgement of these Powers concerning injustice and immorality varies according to the peoples or countries which are victims of them? If that is so, such a notion would have very serious consequences; it is contrary to the ideals and principles of our Organization. The first regrettable consequence of this idea is to be seen in the fact that the Portuguese, South African and Rhodesian Governments derive encouragement in the pursuit of their policy of racial discrimination from the attitude of some Member States of our Organization.
35. The results of this are an attitude of scorn on the part of the backward colonial Powers towards our Organization, a policy not in conformity with the lessons of history and a constant potential source of international tension. As guardian of international morality, our Assembly has no right to allow nations or groups of adventurers to oppress other peoples or shamefully to exploit defenceless territories. The Government of the Republic of Mali believes that these nations, which still adhere to outdated colonial ideas, should be forced to respect the principles and the moral discipline of our Organization.
36. My Government and the people of my country consider that no indulgence should be shown to Powers which fail to comply with General Assembly resolutions 1514 (XV) and 1654 (XVI) on decolonization and which, for centuries past, have turned whole peoples into mere tools for their own interests.
37. I cannot speak of colonialism without referring to apartheid and racial discrimination, for these practices are derived from the same theory: that of the inequality of races. It is intolerable that mankind should retain such ideas. The horrors of the last world war, and, in particular, the extermination of millions of innocent people in accordance with the theory of racial supremacy, are still fresh in our minds, It is, in any case, paradoxical that the United Nations, which is based on the principle of respect for human dignity, should continue to number in its ranks a country which has raised apartheid to the level of a dogma and a social system. The policy followed by the South African Government is a challenge to our conscience. It is absolutely impossible for us to co-operate with a Government that degrades millions of Africans to the level of animals. By means of an arsenal of repressive edicts which it disgusts me to call laws, the South African Government, which is made up of whites who are certainly not the best representatives of Europe on the continent of Africa, has made any peaceful struggle for emancipation by its African subjects practically impossible.
38. You can see that the South African Government's example has not remained an isolated one, and we have been roused to indignation by the recent measures taken by the Government of Southern Rhodesia against the African nationalist movements. These measures are absolutely identical with those in force in South Africa, where we have recently witnessed the arrest of the nationalist leader Nelson Mandela, for whom the Verwoerd Government can demand the death penalty. The way in which the policy of the Government of Southern Rhodesia is creeping closer to that of South Africa, under the eye of its accomplice, the Administering Power, which, like Pontius Pilate, looks on but does nothing, is most disturbing, and reflects a doctrine which we must not allow to take root in Africa. The master-minds behind this doctrine have invented a democracy based, not on free self-determination by the people, but solely on the colour of the skin. Thus, the only way now left open to the African inhabitants of these territories in order to enforce respect of their status as human beings is the use of violence, When one considers the powerful military potential at the disposal of the South African Government, and above all when one is acquainted with that Government's contempt for all humanitarian principles and its determination to defend its policy of apartheid at all costs, it is easy to appreciate the difficulties experienced by populations which are victims of such a policy. In order to bring the South African Government back to sound, healthy ideas and impose respect for the principles of the United Nations Charter on it, it is essential that all the States Members of the United Nations should display their disapproval and cease all co-operation with it, for the display of any indulgence towards this Government constitutes, in its eyes, encouragement to continue its policy of racial discrimination. It is this aspect of the situation which should receive our attention, and I hope that this Assembly will call on all its members, in a strong resolution, to break off all diplomatic, economic and commercial relations with the South African Government if the latter persists in defying the resolutions of the General Assembly.
39. Another phenomenon which also constitutes a menace to peace, just like colonialism and apartheid, and which is appearing more and more frequently on the international scene, is the interference — sometimes scarcely veiled — of certain great Powers in the affairs of other States in order to change the political system democratically chosen by these States. This interference assumes various forms. Very often, it begins with blackmail and economic pressure, and when it finds a government which prefers to yield rather than take risks, the result is neo-colonialism. Thus these States gradually lose their independence and become incapable of facing their responsibilities courageously. When the neo-colonialist power, however, is confronted by a government which has strong popular support and which is resolved to follow a policy of genuine independence, then, it foments all sorts of plots both inside and outside the victim country. The final aim of these plots is to overthrow the government of the country in order to set up a puppet government in its place. Even if such plots fail, they still leave their traces on the countries which have been their victims, for the Governments of these countries, which are reduced to a constant state of self-defence, are obliged to meet military and paramilitary expenses which seriously handicap their economic development. The economic slump resulting from such a situation is then exploited in order to create discontent inside the country. The Government of Mali condemns such practices, and is convinced that every country should be allowed to choose its own way according to its essential national needs, the natural tendencies of its people, and the objective considerations that characterize its economic and social development.
40. One of the fundamental principles of peaceful coexistence and co-operation between States is noninterference in the internal affairs of other States and respect for the policies freely chosen by such States. The Government of Mali wishes that there were more restraint in relations between States, and that the great Powers would refrain from trying to impose their ideas on small States by force or by underhand methods. Likewise, the Republic of Mali considers that the assistance given by the great Powers to the developing countries should not be used as a pretext for forcing the Governments of such countries to follow policies which are against the profound desires of their peoples. Such a form of assistance, which is incompatible with the dignity of the people to which it is offered, is hardly the best form of co-operation.
41. Although many of the questions put to the United Nations since its inception remain unanswered, it is nevertheless encouraging to note that it has been possible to settle by negotiation certain important issues, which constituted serious threats to peace.
42. My Government is glad to note the settlement reached in the case of the violent dispute between the Governments of Indonesia and the Netherlands over West Irian, and I offer the congratulations of the Republic of Mali to all those who, from near or far, worked to bring about this agreement which has put an end to hostilities in that part of the world.
43. My Government is convinced that every dispute that has its origin in relations between nations and peoples can be settled by negotiation and it rejoices every time that passion and violence give way to discussion and reason.
44. We are therefore particularly happy that the terrible war to which the Algerian people has been subjected for more than seven years is now at an end, and I offer my congratulations to the Government of General de Gaulle and to the Algerian leaders for the objectivity which they have shown in finding a just solution to this painful issue, which was also a struggle of conscience for most of the members of this Assembly, who were torn between their friendship for France and their bounden duty to back up the Algerian people. For us, the independence of Algeria, which is in conformity with the onward march of history and which was won at the price of great sacrifices on the part of the Algerian people, is a capital event. The Republic of Mali has never doubted the eventual success of Algeria's struggle, the democratic sentiments of its people, and the soundness of the economic and social plans of its leaders, and together with some other States we have linked our peoples' destinies by creating the Casablanca Charter, which is the prelude to African unity, The Government of Mali rejoices at the forthcoming admission of the Democratic and Popular Republic of Algeria to the United Nations, and is sure that it will make a valuable contribution to our work.
45. We are following the situation in the Congo with great interest as also the progress of the plan put; forward by the Acting Secretary-General of the United Nations for ending the secession of Katanga. We sincerely hope that everything possible will be done to put an end to this tragedy and allow a unified and genuinely independent Congo to play its part beside the other African States. Nevertheless, however optimistic we may try to be we think that all nations should be asked to refrain from interfering in any way in the internal affairs of the Congo. Any cooperation given to the Government of Katanga will encourage it to keep up its secession. The Central Government should be the only national authority in the Congo with the right to maintain international relations. So soon as the secession of Katanga is brought to an end and the organization of the Congolese National Army is complete, the United Nations forces should be withdrawn from the Congo.
46. Although the negotiated solutions to which I have just referred have led to a relative easing of tension in certain areas, other issues raised by the division of some countries such as Korea, Germany, and Viet-Nam continue to cloud the horizon of international politics and sometimes become serious threats to peace. Our firm conviction is that it is necessary to start from present realities in seeking a solution to these difficult situations. What are these realities? They are the existence of two German Governments, two Korean Governments, and two Viet-Nam Governments. Our task should be to promote conversations between these Governments so that they can find formulas and solutions which will permit them to settle their difficulties in accordance with the wishes and aspirations of their peoples. In some cases, the proper application of the agreements which put an end to hostilities in these countries could greatly facilitate a settlement of the present difficulties.
47. The antagonisms set up and kept alive in these countries through the practice of the policy of power blocs serve only to complicate and delay the solution of these questions. Political realism demands that these matters be placed in their proper surroundings.
48. The same is true of the question of the refugees from Palestine, which must be re-examined in a more objective manner. Practical measures must be taken to safeguard the rights and interests of these refugees, who, it seems, have been stateless for l4 or 15 years. In our opinion, the fairest solution would be to allow the Arab refugees to return to their homes and regain possession of their property. Whole generations cannot pass all their lives in refugee camps.
49. Another subject which is once more on our agenda is the restoration of its legitimate rights to the People's Republic of China. The Government Of Mali is convinced that the absence of the People's Republic of China from the United Nations is a flagrant injustice and indeed a paradox. This country meets all the conditions required for membership of the United Nations, and the refusal to restore its seat to it seriously detracts from the principle of the universality of the United Nations. I have already spoken of political realism, and our determination to call together all States, without exception, to seek fair and lasting solutions to international disputes is well known. The United Nations is at present making great efforts as regards disarmament, particularly for the cessation of atomic explosions. Now, it is an open secret that the People's Republic of China may very soon be a nuclear power. If, however — as we all hope — the United Nations manages to reach an agreement on disarmament, would the People's Republic of China, which has been excluded from all discussions, feel bound by such an agreement? Moreover, this great country has common frontiers with a number of Member States of the United Nations, and disputes exist or may arise between the People's Republic of China and those States. Such disputes could certainly be settled, or at any rate smoothed over, by means of United Nations mediation, but such mediation could only be direct and effective if the People's Republic of China were a Member of the United Nations.
50. For all these reasons, and because of the fact that the People's Republic of China has nearly 700 million inhabitants, we feel that it is neither just nor realistic to oppose any longer its entry into the United Nations and the restoration of its legitimate rights:
51. One of the primary objectives of the United Nations is the bringing together of peoples and the raising of man to a level of dignity corresponding to the elementary principles of humanism. Unfortunately, the solutions proposed for the economic and social advancement of millions of men lag behind the constant efforts made since the end of the Second World War for their political emancipation, and, indeed, one of the recognized characteristics of this second half of the twentieth century is the state of economic underdevelopment of over half the human race.
52. Our country is one of the many in which the major part of the population is still living with a subsistence-level economy. Our state of under-development is characterized by a number of fundamental maladjustments, the most spectacular of which is the lack of adaptation of the economic structure to the needs of a constantly-increasing population. At the international level, it is not simply a question of structural maladjustments, but of revolting contrasts between "those who are dying of hunger" and "those who eat too much" and who "refuse to eat more, and do not know what to do with their surpluses".
53. Since the Second World War, the peoples of the so-called "under-developed" countries have become aware that it is abnormal and monstrous that they should live in poverty when the developed countries enjoy opulence. In order to narrow the gap between the wealth of the so-called "advanced" countries and the poverty of the so-called "backward" ones, economists have developed and tried out various policies regarded as likely to alleviate the condition of underdevelopment. Nowadays, most bookshops are glutted with works dealing with under-development. That type of study even seems to be a way of thinking. The studies, surveys and papers submitted for our consideration contain every conceivable theoretical plan for liquidating under-development. In fact, however, the many forms of assistance given to the under-developed countries have often enabled them merely to balance their operational budgets. Consequently, those artificially expanded budgets in no way reflect the actual economic situation of the "assisted" countries. Yet the assistance of the technically advanced countries is necessary to the developing countries for reasons well-known to everybody. The grants, loans and technical assistance which most of our countries receive are the expression of a sincere desire to co-operate and a laudable feeling of international solidarity. Indeed, the efforts of certain developed countries, supplementing those of the United Nations and its specialized agencies, have enabled most of the non-aligned countries, if not to work out basic principles of development, at least to begin to build the economic infrastructure necessary to implement their development plans.
54. It is generally agreed however that the gap between the development of the highly industrialized and the less developed countries is steadily widening. The reason is probably that the solutions proposed and partially applied do not form part of a general plan for balanced world economic development. Recognition of that state of affairs impelled thirty-six underdeveloped countries to meet in Cairo from 9 to 18 July 1962 for the purpose of examining the problems of economic development. The participants in the Conference quite properly emphasized "the growing disparity in the standards of living prevailing in different parts of the world" and the need to develop and apply concrete measures " to enable the developing countries to attain a reasonable rate of growth" [see A/5162], The Conference gave particular attention to seeking concrete and urgent solutions to the economic imbalance prevailing in the world. That imbalance is reflected, for example, in the steady deterioration in the terms of trade between primary-producing and manufacturing countries. The fluctuations in primary commodity prices, by constantly upsetting the balance of payments position of the under-developed countries, merely aggravate that imbalance. The solutions advocated thus far by various authorities led the Conference to take the following position: "The Conference declares itself resolutely in favour of the holding of an international economic conference within the framework of the United Nations and calls upon developing countries to work for the convening of this conference at an early date in 1963." [Ibid.] Moreover, that position is in keeping with the concern expressed by the Members of the United Nations who, by adopting General Assembly resolution 1710 (XVI), are planning a ten-year crusade against under-development. The Development Decade is essentially an act of faith. The objective of an annual rate of growth of 5 per cent which it intends to attain by an annual capital expenditure of $150 million is entirely feasible if it is borne in mind that the colossal sum of $120,000 million is wasted every year in expenditure on weapons of destruction.
55. As a start, we believe that the urgent execution of the General Assembly resolution for the establishment of a United Nations capital development fund [see resolution 1706 (XVI)] would be an important first step towards the fulfilment of the Decade's programmes. We in Mali, however, believe that the first task for the purposes of economic development in a former colonial country is the decolonization of its economic institutions. It demands a reversal of the flow of trade established by the notorious "colonial covenant" and to initiate a resolutely dynamic economic development policy. In other words, we still believe that the effort to be made in this matter is primarily an internal one. It requires a thorough knowledge of the real possibilities of the country and a mobilization of all its productive forces with a view to improving the standards of living of the people. But of course it is essential, beforehand, to bring about an equitable distribution within the country of income and of social opportunities among the various strata of the population. That would result in a strong capacity for savings which is vital to internal investment.
56. The five-year plan which is being carried out in Mali was worked out on that basis, and may be summarized as: "Everything by the people and everything for the people." Naturally, in the view of my delegation, all those goals, whether it be international cooperation or our own development, can only be achieved in a disarmed world, a world rid of the colonial system and a world united in a common cause.
57. We are convinced that our Assembly should learn from the experience of the past two years and undertake certain structural reforms. Furthermore, we think that those reforms have become inevitable owing to the increasing number of new Members and in order to ensure equitable geographical representation in the various United Nations organs. Thus, the United Nations will be able effectively to discharge its many responsibilities and enjoy undisputed world authority.
58. Let me, before leaving this rostrum, reaffirm Mali's devotion to the ideals and principles of the United Nations Charter. Of course, the unfortunate events of the Congo, which resulted in the murder of that great African nationalist, President Patrice Lumumba, caused us to adopt certain positions vis-a-vis the United Nations. My Government wished to indicate its disagreement with the way in which the resolutions of the General Assembly and the decisions of the Security Council were carried out in the Congo.
59. I should also like to reaffirm the determination of the Government of the Republic of Mali to co-operate loyally with all States, without exception, on the basis of equality, mutual respect and non-interference in internal affairs.
60. The Republic of Mali continues to be dedicated to the policy of non-alignment because it is conscious of the decisive role which the non-aligned countries must play in order to bring about the rapprochement between the two great blocs which seek to divide the world into ideological spheres of influence.
61. So far as Africa is concerned, our policy is guided in all things by our strong determination to promote African unity. In order to attain that goal, the Government and people of Mali are determined to accept every sacrifice. With that in mind, the Head of the State of Mali, President Modibo Keita, in an address made during his recent official visit to the sister Republic of the Ivory Coast, recalled article 48 of our Constitution which lays down: "The Republic of Mali may conclude agreements of association or community with any African State entailing partial or total renunciation of sovereignty in order to achieve African unity."
62. Mali has no ambitions to expand its territory. Our concern is to enjoy friendly relations and loyal co-operation with all our neighbours. Consequently, Mali will be present at the next summit conference planned by the Heads of the African States without ceremony and with malice toward none,
63. I hope you will forgive this brief recapitulation of the main features of my country's policy.