Chile

Let me first convey to you, Sir, my delegation’s and my own congratulations on your election as President of the General Assembly. Your appointment to preside over the Assembly at such an important session constitutes a recognition not only of your personal abilities but also of the important international role that Portugal plays on the international stage. As we commemorate half a century of the existence of the United Nations, we do so with renewed hopes for the purposes and principles of the Organization, and we wish to reaffirm our country’s commitment to it. The major processes taking place in the modern world have transcended national borders and taken strong root in the multilateral sphere. Like never before in the history of humankind, the solution of the problems of the peace and security of States and the people inhabiting them, as well as the protection of the individual, his welfare and his environment, depend more on collective decisions and action than on any one country. Our multilateral system may still have major defects and shortcomings, but there is no replacement that has the political legitimacy of the United Nations to take up the challenges facing us as we approach a new millennium. Hence, it is important, during this session of the Assembly, to engage in a broad debate on the functioning of our system, in order both to adapt its objectives to the new realities and to introduce far-reaching changes in the structures of the Organization, which were designed to meet the challenges of a post-war world that no longer exists. My country aspires to occupy a seat in the Security Council as a non-permanent member in 1996 and 1997. From this rostrum I wish to express our gratitude for the unanimous endorsement we have received from the Latin American and Caribbean Group, as well as for the support to be provided by other countries of the United Nations in the election, which is to be conducted at this session of the General Assembly. Chile is in a position to assume this responsibility and contribute to the search for the consensuses required to strengthen the Organization and make its decisions really effective. We shall do so on the basis of our 17 principles of international policy, seeking always to reflect the views and interests of the region we wish to represent. We believe that the primary objective of a security policy is to reduce the insecurity of the international community as a whole, of its Member States and of individuals, families and the communities in which they live. Helping to reduce these insecurities is the main task of the United Nations. We are experiencing the combined effects of the ending of the cold war and of the process of increasing globalization. Both have positive consequences in the economic and political spheres, but at the same time they face us with new situations and uncertainties. The fear of the nuclear destruction that might have resulted from the world-wide ideological confrontation between the major Powers has disappeared, and the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons (NPT), to which Chile is now a party, has been indefinitely extended. Nevertheless, the nuclear Powers and those aspiring to that status still do not acknowledge that the very existence of nuclear weapons capable of destroying mankind is a source of insecurity for us all. To believe that nuclear weapons confer greater security on the State that possesses them is an illusion. What they produce is profound unease in other nations and in the population of the nuclear- weapon State itself in the face of the possibility that the weapons, in an escalation of folly, might end up being used. The renewal of nuclear tests by certain Powers — precisely at a time when, in the wake of the recent Conference on the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons, there should have been a moratorium on such tests so that a definitive test-ban treaty could be prepared — shows insensitivity in this regard. Nevertheless, China and France, countries for which we profess respect and friendship, have opted to continue such tests. We condemn their attitude, and we see this as a clear setback for the cause of disarmament and non-proliferation of nuclear weapons, which we all claim to share. For Chile, France’s decision to renew its nuclear tests on Mururoa Atoll, in the Pacific Ocean, is of particular concern. As a Pacific country and a member of the Asia- Pacific Economic Cooperation Council (APEC), has categorically condemned those tests, and President Frei has made our opinion known to President Chirac. We are concerned lest the South Pacific region, in which Chile has vital interests, should become a zone in which it is regarded as legitimate to engage in activities that are unthinkable in other parts of the world. We wish to state clearly our willingness to work together with other States of the region to prevent the proliferation, emplacement, transit or testing of nuclear weapons and other radioactive materials in that region and throughout the world. On the other hand, we appreciate the positive attitude of those nuclear Powers that have declared and maintained unilateral moratoriums. Chile, along with other countries, believes that the General Assembly should take a stand on this issue in order to promote an immediate moratorium on all nuclear tests, as proposed by the Heads of State of the Rio Group and the States parties to the Treaties of Tlatelolco and Rarotonga at their recent meeting. The end of the cold war has given rise to a genuine ideological decolonization that has opened the way for greater freedom and democracy in various regions of the world. Nevertheless, the hope that this change would lead to a more peaceful world has been thwarted. The new world disorder has encouraged the development of ethnic, religious, cultural or simply group differences. The former Yugoslavia, Rwanda and Somalia remind us that hatred that still festers in various parts of our world. People rightly look to the United Nations to bring its political and moral weight to bear in helping prevent such atrocities. Consent to barbarism in any part of the world weakens the moral fibre of all human beings. That is one of the great lessons of the cold war; after the overthrow of fascism, the world also had an opportunity to expand democracy and freedom. Nevertheless, the systematic abuse of human rights which tactical allies were allowed to engage in, and which also characterized the Soviet Union and its areas of influence, reduced the ethical quality of the world inherited after the ending of the cold war. What alarms us today was just yesterday promoted or consented to for “reasons of State”. Thus, the promotion of human rights, freedom and democracy cannot be seen as unwarranted interference in other people’s affairs. There cannot be political, cultural, ethnic or religious reasons for trampling on human dignity. This is the core of the emerging international 18 humanitarian law which Chile regards as a cornerstone of the world order for the twenty-first century. In addition, the need to promote the security of the individual has recently acquired particular prominence. The main factors that today affect such security are unemployment, hunger, poverty, marginalization, crime and discrimination on grounds of class, sex, religion, culture or ethnic origin. People are demanding to be included in a process of development which affords opportunity, and asking that shared progress should ensure increased equality for all. Societies today are aware that social polarization is becoming their main source of uncertainty. The world economy also recognizes this fact. As President Eduardo Frei has said: “We know today that there can be no stable investment in unstable societies, and that economic prosperity cannot prosper amidst human insecurity. On the contrary, it is becoming increasingly apparent that one of the main sources of growth and development for the future is, in all countries, the incorporation of today’s marginalized people into the worldwide production system that is coming into being.” Heads of State and Government from all parts of the world ratified these views at the World Summit for Social Development, when they stated: “We acknowledge that the people of the world have shown in different ways an urgent need to address profound social problems, especially poverty, unemployment and social exclusion, that affect every country. It is our task to attack both their underlying and structural causes and their distressing consequences in order to reduce uncertainty and insecurity in the life of people.” (A/CONF.166/9, annex I to resolution 1, para. 2) The same problems stemming from the processes of globalization and internationalization have led to the emergence of a new set of problems relating to security. These include the corrosive influence of drug production and consumption, and the corrupting effect of the movements of vast amounts of money that this traffic involves; the degradation of the environment, from its global impact on the ozone layer to its local effect on the health of children and the elderly; the large international migrations resulting from insecurity in the countries of origin; the expansion of international terrorism; and the increase in transmissible diseases such as AIDS. One immediate conclusion emerges: there is no substitute for the multilateral system to tackle this interrelated set of problems. The areas for purely national action are shrinking, while the need for international agreements and understandings is growing on a daily basis. Another important conclusion is that to deal with this multifaceted constellation of problems, we need to make use of the United Nations system as a whole. If we want to resolve the problems of security, as they are experienced by people and as we have described them here, not only the Security Council, but also the General Assembly, the Economic and Social Council and the specialized programmes and agencies have a vital role to play. We must give them greater responsibilities in relation to these issues. In this context, I wish to outline a number of general principles by which our activity in the Security Council will be guided. We shall: First, focus on preventive diplomacy and on peaceful settlement of disputes in accordance with Chapter VI in order to reduce to the minimum the use of force, in accordance with Chapter VII of the Charter. Secondly, promote confidence-building measures and regional solutions based on the capacity for action of countries in the region; the regional option can be effective, as the case of Latin America is demonstrating, and should precede and complement recourse to the Security Council. Thirdly, always maintain a special concern for the victims of the conflicts dealt with by the Council, encouraging the fullest use of humanitarian law. Fourthly, protect, in cases where sanctions have to be applied, the interests and needs of the most disadvantaged sectors of society; we do not believe in unilateral sanctions or in sanctions that ultimately hit only the weakest. Fifthly, promote greater transparency in the procedures and decisions of the Council, so that the other States Members of the United Nations, civil society and public opinion at large can exercise democratic oversight over its actions; the more widely the complexities of the issues it deals with are known and understood, the greater the support for its work will be. 19 Sixthly, monitor the growing cost of peace-keeping operations with a view to rationalizing use of the available resources and making them more efficient. We believe that one of the essential tasks for the United Nations in striving to attain the goal of increasing global stability is to promote the progressive establishment in various parts of the world of regional zones of peace and cooperation that is, geographical areas, defined by the participants themselves, in which are applied agreed rules for coexistence and the strengthening of peace and security. The United Nations has already declared the Indian Ocean and the South Atlantic to be zones of peace. The same objective has been pursued by the Treaties of Tlatelolco and Rarotonga in relation to nuclear weapons in Latin America and the Caribbean and in the South Pacific. We need to draw the main lessons from the benefits and limitations of the experience they afford. It is important to stress that the ending of the cold war leaves the concept of a zone of peace devoid of any ideological implication and makes it possible to acknowledge its practical usefulness. The Government of Chile considers that many regions, including ours, are in a position to follow this example. We intend to request the Secretary-General to engage in consultations with the Governments of United Nations Member States regarding the interest in and possibilities of promoting zones of peace in various regions of the world and to report thereon to the General Assembly next year. If we wish to make an effective response to the challenges we face, we need to improve the representativeness and efficiency of our Organization. This Assembly will also have to discuss important aspects relating to the reform of the system in these two directions. Chile shares the view of many other countries regarding the need to restructure the Security Council to make it more representative. That entails bringing in as new permanent members countries which over the past 50 years have acquired much greater weight than they had when the Second World War ended. The new realities of the international system have not affected only the developed world. Other regions have increased their influence in a world which — although “globalized” — is still extremely diverse. While maintaining its capacity for rapid decision-making, which implies a small number of members, the Security Council needs to be expanded to take all these factors into account. That will mean making the present categories of membership more flexible, while always maintaining geographical balance. Of course, we agree with all the countries of Latin America and the Caribbean that any expansion of the Council should provide for an increase in the representation of our region, which in recent decades has acquired a greater international presence and has shown itself always ready to undertake responsibilities in the strengthening of international security. Nevertheless, the reform needed in the United Nations goes far beyond the Security Council. Important reforms also remain to be carried out in the economic and social sphere, through which it will be possible to promote greater efficiency in the discharge of the major tasks of eliminating poverty, protecting the most disadvantaged social groups, creating employment, protecting the environment and strengthening free trade. In these and other areas, we also expect important initiatives from this Assembly. Finally, the financial situation of the United Nations has been a cause of concern to us all. This situation is largely due to the many additional tasks the Organization has had to take on in recent times. But we share the idea that, rather than endlessly increasing contributions, it is important to take up the urgent task of rationalizing expenditure and setting adequate priorities for our activities. We greatly value the initiatives the Secretary- General has been taking in this direction, and we assure him of our full support in his efforts to adapt our Organization to the new realities. Over the past 10 years, Latin America has undergone far-reaching structural changes in the direction of democracy, respect for human rights and economic reform. Now we are also making an effort to attack the major problems of poverty and inequality that blight us, and to eliminate once and for all the scourges of drug trafficking and corruption. Chile, as an integral part of the community of Latin America and the Caribbean, is a country of social peace and continuing development. Our economy has experienced sustained growth rates and our country is determined to consolidate the democratic process and attain justice and social equity. 20 As a country that is open to the world, we have expressed our readiness to assume in full the international responsibilities incumbent on us in the common task of bringing about peace, security and development. We are convinced that this Organization, which we helped to found fifty years ago, will continue to be the main multilateral vehicle for our proposals, our contributions and our dreams.