Djibouti

The United Nations has today reached a historic turning-point for at this session, we are celebrating the fiftieth anniversary of its founding. I am convinced that this Assembly will benefit greatly from the President’s vast experience as a distinguished jurist. On behalf of my delegation, I would like to extend to Mr. Freitas do Amaral my sincere congratulations on his election to the presidency of the General Assembly for a session which will undoubtedly prove to be productive. We are deeply indebted to Mr. Amara Essy for the active and competent way in which he conducted the proceedings of the forty-ninth session of the General Assembly. It should indeed be noted that a number of problems and reforms had the benefit of particular attention under his presidency. We would also like to express our gratitude and our high regard to the Secretary-General for his enlightened and pragmatic leadership. Today, more than ever, the universality of the United Nations offers to many of us the possibility of having our voices heard throughout the world. We would also congratulate the Secretary-General on his efforts to preserve and strengthen the role of the United Nations in its work for peace, collective security and development. The situation in the world today, marked as it is by a multiplicity of hotbeds of tension, demonstrates to us — if that were necessary — the paramount role of the United Nations. This is naturally a subject for reflection 22 General Assembly 21st plenary meeting and of course a useful matter for us to ponder when we analyse our compliance with the Charter and the ideals set forth in it as we now stand on the threshold of an era which, without any doubt, will prove vital for mankind. Today, indeed, we are living in a different world — a world which the end of the cold war has stripped of the structures and priorities that were familiar to it. New crises, difficult to understand and to which we must today find appropriate responses, have arisen in all parts of the world. Neither States nor even regions can deal with them effectively and individually. The explosion of ethnic identities, too long suppressed, and the breaking up of States, have posed formidable challenges to the international community, thus threatening international peace and security. The crises that are ravaging the world today are not as specific as those of the cold-war era. Since they fall outside the focus of interest of the great Powers, the responsibility for action falls on the United Nations. However, the absence of clear-cut mandates, plus the inadequacy of resources, is partially responsible for the performance of the United Nations in its new role as guarantor of peace. In the light of these circumstances, it is no surprise that early intervention is often late in coming. But when the United Nations does possess the necessary resources and support, it can achieve commendable results. The persistence of social and economic crises, the collapse of Governments and structures underlie this outbreak of civil conflicts in the world. It is clear that it is not enough simply to separate the combatants and stop the fighting in order to eliminate the multidimensional causes of these conflicts. Until these causes are understood and combated from the very outset of the crisis, we will never be in a position to combat the flagrant acts of violence against civilian populations. Until we are ready to offer firm resistance to injustice, to acts of aggression, to continuing violations of human rights and peoples, we will be doomed to watching history repeat itself over and over again. Recent experiences of the United Nations have demonstrated this, but none of them is more revealing than the history of Bosnia. Nothing has contributed as much as Bosnia to engendering a feeling of outrage within the international community. Although numerous resolutions of the Security Council reaffirming the sovereignty and territorial integrity of Bosnia, confirming the inadmissibility of the annexation of territory by force and condemning “ethnic cleansing” have been adopted, the reaction of the international community to the challenge posed by the Serbs has always been hesitant and confused. The cost of this war in terms of loss of human life, hardship and material destruction is frightening. Serb bombings have turned the designated “safe areas” into vast prisons. Sarajevo has suffered by far the most from Serb strangulation. However, the fall of the “safe areas” of Srebrenica and Zepa marked a turning-point in the attitude of the great Powers in this long and bloody conflict. These acts of genocide undoubtedly constitute one of the greatest humiliations for the international community since the Second World War. The combined effects of bombings and diplomacy seem to have negated Serb domination on the ground at the same time as it has promoted prospects for peace. Furthermore, United Nations personnel and humanitarian convoys are no longer exposed to Serb attacks thanks to the recent resolve shown by the North Atlantic Treaty Organization. For the time being, aggression is not paying off and the Serbs seem to have partially renounced their traditional tactic of murdering civilians with impunity. Over all, developments in the situation have dealt a new hand and breathed new life into the peace process. We welcome this new attitude, but peace must be both durable and honourable for all people. Bosnia, as a sovereign State, must be protected. Similarly, Sarajevo must be preserved as a multiracial and multicultural city. The handshake between President Arafat and Prime Minister Rabin in September 1993 was a source of great hope and we can but rejoice further at recent events. The second phase of negotiations led to the signing in Washington of the Taba Accord on 28 September 1995. We can only welcome that outcome. We encourage the two parties to persevere in their efforts to expedite the implementation of these agreements. They must strive to contain the violence of extremists and to take all necessary measures to strengthen mutual trust, which will, undoubtedly, contribute to lasting peace. The mutual recognition of Israel and of the PLO has opened up a tremendous opportunity to strengthen peace and development in the Middle East, as well as trading and economic potential for the entire region. These are the stakes and neither of the parties, neither the Palestinians nor the Israelis, should underestimate the importance of this new perspective. Sometimes there are mixed feelings about United Nations efforts around the world to contain hostilities and settle disputes. The United Nations has effectively been 23 General Assembly 21st plenary meeting paralysed and hamstrung by the lack of resources and the absence of any precise mandate during the crisis in Rwanda. The establishment of the International Tribunal, for Rwanda which is responsible for trying and prosecuting the persons guilty of genocide has also been delayed. Serious political dialogue can be broached, because it would be hard to deny that those who promoted, encouraged or committed crimes must be taken to court. Furthermore, the whole issue of the reconciliation and reconstruction of the country has failed because of persistent internal tension and delays in the deployment of international aid. An enormous task still lies ahead, not just in terms of the repatriation of refugees but also of the reconstruction of destroyed infrastructures, including housing, schools and medical facilities. In many respects, there are great similarities between the situation in Burundi and that in Rwanda. To date, all-out civil war has been avoided but the situation remains extremely volatile. The region as a whole is in need of true reconciliation. We welcome the efforts of the Secretary- General, who is trying, through constant contact, dialogue and visits to the area, to resolve these complex problems. His recent decision to appoint an experienced diplomat to organize a national conference to promote reconciliation and mutual understanding among the countries of the region is a wise decision. After almost two decades of fratricidal and destructive warfare, Mozambique is today ready to begin the work of national reconstruction following the peace process. We should congratulate all the parties that have taken part in the political transformation of Mozambique on having adhered to the peace process. Mozambique, with its tremendous potential for economic recovery and development, has a great future ahead, which it should turn to full advantage. This is a country for which the international community has every reason to congratulate itself for having given it timely support and substantial resources to back the peace process. In Haiti, the refusal of the army to comply with the peace agreement and its intransigence in spite of the condemnation of the international community left the United Nations with no alternative but to take resolute action, beginning with economic sanctions, and then international intervention. This made it possible for the United Nations to deploy a peace-keeping mission there. With the return of President Jean-Bertrand Aristide, political violence and human rights violations have been greatly reduced. There is now a basis for ensuring the security of the population, guaranteeing increased political participation and consolidating democracy. The untiring efforts in the long and difficult negotiations in Lusaka to restore peace in Angola finally led to an agreement on a general cease-fire and the establishment of a government. The United Nations played a prominent role in these negotiations with the full support of three observer States. Much remains to be done, but progress has been steady and positive. The future of Angola will depend on the political will and determination of its leaders to forge a new vision, a new nation. In Liberia, the determination of the United Nations and of the countries of the region has made it possible finally to conclude an agreement between the parties. Hostilities are nearing an end, and a cease-fire is to be negotiated. This agreement, concluded just a month ago, does not mean that our troubles are over, but we can see the light at the end of the tunnel. The Liberian people seem determined to put a final end to this long and destructive war, and it is the duty of the international community to contribute to this long-awaited outcome the necessary resources and substantial support. Last year, we witnessed the end of United Nations operations in Somalia, when it became clear that the determination of the various Somali parties to reach a compromise in the interests of the people of Somalia was visibly lacking. Somalia has fallen into oblivion. It is suffering from total political paralysis. Once again, it is the same old story: warfare among factions. The country must be helped to get off to a new start in order to create better prospects for peace and stability. We must recall that the prospect of a new civil war is more likely than ever. The spectre of famine is looming on the horizon. And the personnel of international aid organizations faces a difficult choice: to accept a state of increasing insecurity or to abandon the country to chaos. We want to hope that, no matter how complex and desperate the political situation in Somalia, the international community will not abandon that country and will continue to provide the necessary support to the Somalis, in particular in the realm of humanitarian assistance. We hope, moreover, that our brothers in Somalia will find the path to wisdom and engage in constructive negotiations to put an end to the suffering of the Somali people. 24 General Assembly 21st plenary meeting My country, the Republic of Djibouti, continues to face difficulties in our economic development that are exacerbated by the presence of refugees and displaced persons, which make up more than 25 per cent of our population. The pressure thus placed on our infrastructures, our medical services, our housing sector and on education and employment is more than we are able to deal with. The cumulative effects of the civil wars that have raged in recent years, both in our country and in neighbouring countries, and of natural disasters — drought as well as floods — have seriously hindered our efforts in the area of development. A new era of peace and political stability has begun in my country, which regained its reputation as an oasis of peace after the signing of the peace agreement of December 1994 and the formation in June 1995 of a new Government that reflected the new situation. Once peace had been achieved, and without any transition, we began the difficult process of redressing our country’s finances and economy, which had been seriously affected by the consequences of three years of internal conflict and the negative world economic situation. The first phase of a vast restructuring programme, proposed by the Government and approved by the Parliament, has just been launched through the implementation of various measures involving severe budgetary restrictions. In addition to these measures, we are currently negotiating with the International Monetary Fund and the World Bank for the means to carry out a structural adjustment programme. Furthermore, in accordance with the resolutions of the Copenhagen World Summit for Social Development, we wish to preserve our social achievements, without which no lasting development can be envisaged. On the regional level, Djibouti is still working towards the establishment of a climate of cooperation in all areas. The member countries of the Inter-Governmental Authority on Drought and Development (IGADD) and of the Common Market for Eastern and Southern Africa (COMESA) have great potential and resources, and IGADD and COMESA are the best instruments for harmonization and coordination to maximize the exploitation of these resources. On the international scene, Djibouti has discharged productively and responsibly its current term in the Security Council, and thanks all the countries that have supported it. Our participation in peace-keeping operations, particularly in Rwanda and Haiti, where Djibouti’s police and armed forces are currently serving, is one of the best proofs of this. Together with its neighbours, Djibouti hopes to be in a position to struggle against, and overcome, the consequences of instability and conflicts in our region. We share the Secretary-General’s view that the work of the United Nations is frequently misunderstood. The development crisis is often overlooked because of the priority given the short-term alleviation of emergency situations. But development is no less urgent — quite to the contrary — because today development is a global issue, and peace, the economy, the environment, social justice and democracy are its various aspects. The pressures created by poverty, unemployment and social disintegration are no longer contained within individual frontiers; they affect our entire “global village”, moving from country to country and from region to region. Only consistent growth and lasting development will be able to halt them. But, clearly, no country, no region can alone successfully face these problems. Even the best- performing economies will face high unemployment if world economic growth is not sufficient to absorb their production. If we restrict ourselves to promoting growth in some sectors to the exclusion of others, the result of the growth will be unimpressive. But it is most surprising that despite the fact that world economic growth yields sufficient resources to easily eliminate extreme poverty from the face of the Earth, poverty not only persists but continues to increase. The world has a great need of an engine for growth worldwide, a role played by the United States immediately after the Second World War, when it broadened world markets. But we can no longer hope that a single country will take on this function. Likewise, outdated international economic policies and institutions are standing in the way of investments, the creation of development programmes and the markets necessary to increase demand in the third-world countries and consequently stimulate economic growth. Aside from this global reality, the difficulties faced by sub-Saharan Africa are sui generis. The Secretary- General himself recently called the economic results in Africa disappointing, even in the countries that are engaged in-depth reforms. Thirty-three of the 48 least- developed countries in the world are in Africa. There are many results of this state of affairs and they are well known. The recent onslaught of ethnic conflicts and civil wars has greatly contributed to instability, to the many 25 General Assembly 21st plenary meeting faces of poverty and to the underdevelopment of that region. These conflicts have forced millions of people to seek refuge in other countries or to become displaced persons. The situation is particularly tragic for women and children. If Africa is to have a serious chance to develop, the crushing burden of foreign debt must be alleviated. The long-term debt of the African continent, amounting to $37 billion, constitutes about one-half of the debt owed by all the countries of the “third world”. Very few of those countries are in a position to repay their debt. However, for Africa at least to come close to the objective of 6 per cent of annual growth in its gross domestic product, as envisaged by the United Nations New Agenda for the Development of Africa in the 1990s, would require substantial external assistance. Even those among us who, in Africa, have opted for free markets and healthy currencies, view privatization and balanced budgets with scepticism. This situation, exacerbated by the shocks created by structural adjustment programmes and political reform, is continuing to intensify internal pressures and social tensions. It is important to maintain aid levels during this transitional period because this will contribute to stabilizing the economic conditions that would permit the emergence of political and social conditions propitious to free institutions. Without such assistance, our fragile economies are threatened with collapse before they can even attempt to carry out their reforms. Yet, the fact is that for the majority of African countries now engaged in this effort, the flow of capital and assistance in all forms is beginning to dry up. As the President of the General Assembly has rightly said, the world is passing through a transitional period that is still “vague, confused and imprecise” (Official Records of the General Assembly, Fiftieth Session, Plenary Meetings, 1st meeting, p. 6). The effort to identify, to understand, to assign priorities and to try to remedy problems whose dimensions have profoundly changed has just begun. It is revealing, indeed, that in his statement the President told the General Assembly that the new international order that is to be built must not leave out the United Nations, either by replacing it or by doing away entirely with it. For the United Nations represents a concept of work, an expression of the idea whereby all mankind should unite its strength to solve problems and improve its conditions of life. To replace, weaken or marginalize the United Nations would constitute an assault on this concept. The United Nations, that is, mankind working together, should be the central mechanism through which the world can achieve lasting growth and to lend credibility and legitimacy to our efforts. Peace and security remain important questions, but development and economic and social problems are just as vital. The structure of the United Nations should reflect the realities and present problems as they really exist in order to tackle them in an effective, professional way. Djibouti favours the constant monitoring of United Nations operations in order to define means and methods to eliminate all waste and reduce unnecessary costs. However, the improvement of the functioning and the structure of the United Nations will prove of limited use if the Organization does not have the resources it needs to operate. The time has perhaps come to envisage new methods for financing the United Nations. In addition, in the realm of collective security there is a vital need to enlarge the Security Council, while respecting the principle of equitable geographical representation, and to make it more democratic and more transparent. The structure and functions of the Council should be periodically reviewed as the international situation evolves. In conclusion, we are the United Nations, and the United Nations is us. Together we can achieve great things.