64. The Government of Pakistan, which my colleague sand I have the honour to represent at this thirteenth session of the General Assembly, has constantly adhered to the purposes and principles of the United Nations Charter and has consistently pursued a policy designed to safeguard international peace and security and to promote economic prosperity and social progress.
65. We are not unique in this regard nor with regard to the numerous and complex problems that confront our country. Most important of these are problems of economic development and financial stability, of education, health and social welfare. It is obvious that the solution of such problems must depend in the first instance on the wisdom and hard work of our people and our Government. But it is equally obvious that achievement of the economic and social objectives, which their Government cherishes for the people of Pakistan, depends in a very large measure on the general state of international affairs. This is so because of a factor which has been very aptly referred to by the President of the Assembly, by the Foreign Secretary of the United Kingdom and other speakers, that is, the interdependence of the nations of the world.
66. Whatever happens to disturb the peace of any area of the world is bound to have repercussions throughout the world. Although the effects vary from country to country and from time to time, they are likely to be most sharply felt in the case of disturbance of the peace and to have the most adverse consequences. Such consequences fall not so much on the larger and more powerful countries but on the smaller and medium-sized nations, like Pakistan, which are not endowed with great riches and which can ill afford to maintain vast military establishments equipped with fantastic weapons of mass destruction, but which must diligently husband their limited resources to meet the immediate and pressing economic and social needs of their peoples.
67. Keenly aware of this factor of interdependence my Government, in considering the general position of Pakistan in world affairs, recognizes that its first obligation is to protect and defend the security of its people from all external menaces, and it is determined to maintain to the fullest extent of its ability the strength necessary to this end.
68. Defence, like peace, is indivisible and, as is well known, Pakistan participates in a certain number of collective defensive arrangements such as the Baghdad Pact and the South-East Asia Treaty Organization, which are fully in accord with the United Nations Charter, and it is also a member of that great community of nations, the Commonwealth. Its participation in such organizations unites Pakistan with a considerable number of other countries in various parts of the world and with varied cultural backgrounds, but all are devoted, like Pakistan, to the defence of freedom and the preservation of international amity.
69.. There is another group of countries with which Pakistan is united by the closed ties, of brotherhood based upon centuries of a common cultured and spiritual heritage. Sharing in the inheritance of Islam with all the Arab States and all other Muslim States, Pakistan, proud of the great contributions which the Muslim people have made to the development of human civilization, will continue, as the future unfolds with its promise of even greater achievements, to extend to all of these States its whole-hearted support and co-operation.
70. The complex structure of organized international relations is perhaps the most significant characteristic of today's interdependent world. Almost "all nations, including Pakistan, are members of a great many international organizations dealing with the numerous and varied relations among States. Pakistan will continue to give its strong support to all of those organizations which deal with the international aspects of such problems as food and agriculture, health, education, science and culture, labour, and finance. All of these organizations, which we commonly refer to as the specialized agencies, are not only part of the fabric of the organized international world; they are also, of course, closely affiliated with the United Nations. In this way, they are a vitally important part of the structure for peace that mankind, in its often halting and imperfect way, has been trying to build through the centuries.
71. While the specialized agencies have been able to accomplish much good work for the benefit of mankind, it seems clear that these agencies, in order to achieve the fullest measure of success in the tasks for which they were established, must draw a large part of their strength from their association with the United Nations. All of us here have the honour of representing our own countries in this great Organization. But we must not forget that we also have the even greater honour, certainly the greater responsibility, and the greater challenge, of representing all the peoples of the United Nations.
72. As the great "centre for harmonizing the actions of nations", this Organization is also the focal point for the achievement of world unity. The importance of this objective in terms of peace, security and the welfare of the human race cannot possibly be exaggerated, particularly now that we are opening new horizons of outer space. For these reasons, Pakistan renews its pledge of loyalty and devotion to the purposes and principles of the United Nations.
73. More specifically, we desire to reaffirm most solemnly Pakistan's continued adherence to the fundamental Charter obligations. We shall continue to do our best to settle any international dispute in which we may be engaged "by peaceful means in such a manner that international peace and security, and justice, are not endangered".
74. Considered as a centre for harmony, the United Nations has been perhaps most successful in the economic and social fields. However, much yet remains to be done for the under-developed countries, whose populations constitute the greater part of mankind and whose standard of living is so woefully below that of the rest of the world.
75. The under-developed countries have been faced with a combination of adverse circumstances which has defeated all their efforts to improve their economies. A standard of living that leaves no margin of savings for investment, a growing population, dependence on production of a limited number of commodities, whose earnings are subject to fluctuating prices — all these have militated against industrial development and diversification of the economies of the under-developed countries.
76. It is a sad fact, as pointed out by the Secretary- General in the introduction to his annual report [A/3844/Add.1], that the volume of resources which is absorbed each year in military uses considerably exceeds the total resources available for economic development in all the under-developed countries of Asia, Africa and Latin America. Even a first step towards disarmament would result in considerable savings, and if the countries effecting those savings were prepared to channel a part of them towards assistance to the under-developed countries, a considerable boost in the. economies of those countries could be achieved, and with no additional drain on the taxpayers of the developed countries.
77. I should like to say here how much we appreciate what is already being done, not only through the United Nations but also through other regional organizations such as the Colombo Plan and by direct assistance such as that given by the United States International Cooperation Administration. However, much more is needed to put the under-developed countries on the road to a steadily progressing and expanding economy. Such a development would not be in the interest of the less developed countries alone, though the benefit to them would, of course, be direct and obvious. It would have beneficial effects on the world economy as a whole. Increased production would lead to increased demand for goods and services throughout the world.
78. A step during the current year which we fully believe is in the right direction is a plan to establish the Special Fund, under United Nations auspices, for the development of under-developed areas. The need for such a body has been long apparent, and its possible establishment in the near future is a matter of gratification to us.
79. The Pakistan delegation views with satisfaction the progress made during the past year towards the objectives laid down in the Charter for Trust and Non-Self-Governing Territories. We look forward to the independence in 1969 of both Somaliland and Nigeria. The Cameroons under British administration, closely linked as it is with Nigeria, will soon, we hope, achieve independence. We also look forward to the achievement of full cabinet government in Western Samoa in 1960.
80. All this is encouraging, but we are confident that all the Member States here represented, and in particular the Administering Authorities themselves, will not rest content until there remain no dependent peoples. That must be our ultimate objective, to be achieved with all possible speed.
81. Here I would repeat what has been said by my delegation before. The entire concept of dependent peoples ruled by foreign Governments — however benevolent — is fundamentally wrong. It gives rise to two distinct classes of society: the rulers and the ruled. It is inconsistent with self-respect. It is a negation of the basic human rights set forth in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. The entire system must be abolished as soon as possible.
82. In the broad field of the basic human rights and the self-determination of peoples there are a considerable number of very difficult and complex problems which have thus far defied solution. As long as they remain unsolved they will continue seriously to impair good relations among States and weaken our efforts to build, through the United Nations, a truly unified and harmonious world.
83. Enjoying as they do their own independence and freedom, the people and the Government of Pakistan sympathize deeply with all those peoples who have not yet attained their freedom or who have been deprived of it. We shall support all efforts to bring about, by peaceful and just means, achievement of their basic right of self-determination.
84. Many of the problems in this field may be surcharged with political overtones, but they are essentially, in our view, problems concerning human rights and self-determination. Our views on certain of them are as follows.
85. Among the items on our agenda is the question of Cyprus, my delegation has noted with interest the seven-year interim plan put forward by the United Kingdom. This is evidently a carefully considered plan which takes account of the interests of all the parties. It will give time to go ahead in a constructive way and, in the light of the experience gained, to find a solution acceptable to all after the expiration of this interim period. We would commend the plan to the serious consideration of all the parties concerned. A solution in a general spirit of compromise and conciliation in accordance with the principles of the Charter, can, we are sure, be found. Such a solution must, of course, take into account the equal right of the Turkish Cypriots to self-determination, and must be acceptable to the Turkish Government. We are confident that the Greek Government animated by this same spirit of tolerance and good will and reflecting its deserved reputation for high statesmanship, will co-operate with the Governments of Turkey and the United Kingdom in current efforts to achieve a prompt, peaceful and just solution.
86. It is not for the Pakistan delegation to formulate a plan for settlement of the Algerian question, but it would seem entirely proper to express the most earnest hope that a peaceful solution of this difficult problem might very quickly be found. It "would seem essential that a solution be sought in the spirit of all of those provisions of the Charter which are concerned with human rights, the self-determination of peoples and the peaceful settlement of disputes.
87. It would seem equally proper to make a most solemn appeal to the people of Algeria and their leaders, as well as to the Government of France, to enter as speedily as possible into arrangements which will ensure cessation of the further use of force. The Pakistan delegation hopes that, whatever may be the specific lines along which a settlement is sought, renewed efforts will be made by all concerned to find a quick solution. Solutions which might have been feasible yesterday are no longer so today and solutions which may be feasible today may no longer be so tomorrow.
88. We are not unmindful of the difficulties confronting the Government of France in its efforts to find a just, prompt and peaceful solution of this problem. We are, however, confident that the people of France and their leaders will act in the settlement of the Algerian problem with all the tolerance and justice and all the greatness that has been associated with the name of France.
89. We have the strongest sympathy for the welfare of all the peoples of South Africa who are being denied their basic human rights. We deeply regret that the Government of the Union of South Africa has not yet listened to the voice of world opinion as it has been expressed in the United Nations, and that it has not yet seen fit to deal with the racial problem in the Union in a manner consistent with the solemn obligations it undertook in the Charter.
90. The tide of independence has been flowing strongly in Africa. In another decade or two the African will become master in his own house throughout the entire continent. Can the Union Government then hope to hold down its largest population in semi-servitude when across its frontiers the African world of approximately 250 million people has broken its chains? It is the path of wisdom to read the signs and portents of the times and to adjust national and international policies so as to make possible the peaceful coexistence of all races on the African continent; otherwise, the future will be dark with shadows of looming disaster.
91. My delegation greatly deplores the executions of Imre Nagy, Pál Maléter and their associates which were announced by Radio Budapest on the night of 16 June 1958. Despite formal assurances, as soon as the group left the Yugoslav Embassy, they were arrested by the Soviet authorities, taken to Romania, and interned. Within two years they were executed.
92. We also deplore the fact that the Hungarian authorities have refused to co-operate with Prince Wan Waithayakon, the General Assembly's Special Representative on the Hungarian Problem, and were encouraged in this attitude of non-cooperation by some countries — Members of the United Nations.
93. Among the almost forgotten peoples of the world are the Arab refugees from Palestine. Events following the partition of that unhappy land drove them from their homes and deprived them of their possessions and, indeed, of their fundamental human rights. We have the most profound sympathy for them in their tragic plight. We urge in the strongest terms fulfilment of the 1948 resolution [194 (II)] guaranteeing their right to return to their homes in Palestine, or, if they choose not to do so, to receive just compensation for the properties left behind them. Until this question is settled on a just basis, the Arab world of the Middle East will never achieve tranquillity. The problem of Palestine lies at the root of Middle East instability.
94. There remain the longer-term causes of disquiet in this area of the world to which I drew attention at the third emergency special session [740th meeting]. It must be recognized that the basic cause of trouble here is the partition of Palestine. The problems arising out of this partition cannot be Ignored; they cannot be side-tracked; they cannot be shelved. They must be squarely faced. We have on record the Assembly resolutions of the past ten years, but no determined effort has been made to secure compliance with them. We must start by implementing those resolutions. Only then can we proceed to a settlement of the outstanding issues, among which the plight of the Palestine refugees remains a tragic and most urgent one.
95. Meanwhile we note with satisfaction plans for the early withdrawal of American and British forces from Lebanon and Jordan. We hope that these plans may be carried out promptly and that withdrawal of these forces will lead to restoration of complete peace and harmony among the Arab States and the achievement of Arab aspirations in a peaceful and democratic manner,
96. However, there must be a mutual respect for the lawful Governments established in the area and there must be no incitement from outside by means of radio broadcasts or otherwise to the overthrow of established authority in neighbouring countries. Until this is done, good-neighbourly relations are impossible.
97. Two other problems fall generally in the category of those which concern human rights and the self- determination of peoples, and they would therefore seem to merit a few comments at this point.
98. We deeply regret that the German people have not yet been able, through no fault of their own, to achieve the unification of their country. We appeal to those who have hitherto blocked efforts to bring about unification to modify their stand so that the German people may determine for themselves, by free and democratic process, their future status. It is our earnest hope that the unification of Germany may soon be achieved and that we may welcome Germany into the United Nations so that we may all avail ourselves more fully of the contributions which that great country might make to world peace.
99. The question of Kashmir has been before the United Nations for ten years. There have been numerous attempts by the Security Council to resolve the dispute by prolonged negotiations as well as by the appointment of commissions and mediators. More than a dozen directives and recommendations have been made from time to time by the Security Council. All have been accepted by Pakistan. All have been rejected by India. Progress has been barred by a veto of the USSR, a veto which, I would point out, has been exercised entirely contrary to the spirit of the Charter, and the main effect of which has been to frustrate a peaceful settlement of this very serious dispute.
100. This deadlock has caused deep frustration and exasperation in my country. The Assembly will recall the recent re-arrest of that great Kashmir patriot Sheikh Abdullah who, in spite of his four years in an Indian jail, refused to give up his demand for a free and Impartial plebiscite under United Nations auspices in Kashmir. Recently, the formation of a Kashmir Liberation Movement by thousands of refugees from Indian-occupied Kashmir has led to an extremely tense situation, and the Government of Pakistan has had the greatest difficulty in restraining the Movement and its leaders, including that great patriot Chaudri Ghulam Abbas, who sought to cross the ceasefire line along with thousands of his followers.
101. If a just solution of this problem is not found promptly, the people of Pakistan and of Kashmir — and indeed, people throughout the world — will not only lose faith in the effectiveness of the United Nations, but a situation might well arise which would threaten the peace of the whole sub-continent and perhaps that of the world.
102. Turning now to the problem of tensions among the great Powers, it must be admitted that the United Nations has thus far failed to alleviate these tensions to any very substantial degree. It would certainly be a gross exaggeration to claim that in this respect our Organization has been a centre for harmonizing the actions of nations".
103. Basically, tensions among the great Powers arise from differences in their political, economic and social systems. Words and slogans may sometimes serve useful purposes, but they are all too often worked to death in callous efforts to divert the minds of men from the realities of life. Differences between the political, economic and social systems of the great Powers are apparent, but the fact of these differences must not be allowed to obscure the determination of the world's populations to survive in peace and freedom and to pursue their quest for economic and social welfare.
104. Despite the apparently complete deadlock on both the procedure and substance of the disarmament negotiations in the United Nations since the twelfth session of the General Assembly, the prospect for reduction of armaments is not a picture of unrelieved gloom.
105. It is encouraging to take note of throe developments outside the United Nations in the field of disarmament; first, the successful conclusion of the Conference of Experts affirming the technical possibility of setting up an effective supervision and enforcement system to detect nuclear weapons tests,; secondly, the agreement between the United States and the United Kingdom on the one hand and the Soviet Union on the other to join on 31 October 1958 in negotiating an agreement to ban further tests and to establish an. international control system based on conclusions of the Conference of Experts; and thirdly, the accord between the two sides to start technical talks on the measures of inspection necessary to reduce the possibility of surprise attacks.
106. These developments entitle us to a measure of optimism in viewing the prospects for a reduction of armaments despite the discouraging failure to utilize the machinery of the enlarged Disarmament Commission for the purpose of negotiations.
107. During the course of the debate on resolution 1148 (XII), adopted by the General Assembly at its twelfth session, my delegation expressed doubts about the wisdom of interlinking the various components of the first-stage plan and making it a five point "package" to be implemented or rejected as a whole. Our doubts pertained not to the substance of the package but to the rigidity of procedure that was implied. The Assembly will recall that under that resolution separate agreements on the suspension of nuclear test or measures against surprise attacks wore ruled out unless simultaneous agreements were also reached on the questions of production of fissile material for weapons purposes, the reduction of stocks of nuclear weapons and the reduction of armed forces and armaments. The developments since then that I have mentioned have served to confirm my delegation in the stand it took last year, namely, that the "package" in resolution 1148 (XII) should be untied in order to achieve limited agreements on the different components of the first-stage or partial disarmament plan, This approach holds out greater promise of success than the attempt to come to an agreement over the entire broad field of disarmament measures envisaged in the plan. While we remain firmly convinced that cessation of production of fissionable materials for weapons purposes and the reduction of stocks of nuclear weapons must form indispensable components of this plan, there is no reason why a ban on nuclear tests, measures against surprise attack, and the reduction of armed forces and conventional armaments should be made to wait on simultaneous accords on the two former components pertaining to nuclear weapons.
108. In short, the Pakistan delegation believes that the most promising approach to negotiations in this field is that of gradual disarmament on a basis of reciprocity which would leave intact the equilibrium of power between the East and the West.
109. Underlying all the disarmament negotiations during the past few years have been, inter alia, the following two essential principles: first, each stage of disarmament must increase the security of all the parties and not the security of one of the parties at the expense of the others; and secondly, a disequilibrium of power is to be avoided which would be dangerous to international peace and security.
110. I need hardly emphasize the overriding necessity of an accord on the reduction of conventional armaments and armed forces if these two basic principles are not to be ignored, especially if an agreement to ban nuclear tests enters into force. In that event, Soviet preponderance in conventional strength is bound, in the years to come, to upset the equilibrium of power, unless some parity is established between the conventional armaments and armed forces of the East and the West. Herein lies the crux of the problem of disarmament. It is encouraging to note that there has been sufficient rapprochement in this field between the positions of the Soviet Union and the West. Would it be too much to hope that, in the coming year, the two sides would set up, after further exchanges, groups of technical experts to study inspection systems for disarmament measures in the conventional field? It is precisely with this in view that the delegations of Norway and Pakistan introduced the amendments embodied in paragraphs 3 and 4 of resolution 1148 (XII) proposing that expert groups should be constituted to make technical studies of inspection systems for the various components of a first-stage disarmament plan.
111. During the twelfth session of the General Assembly man first sent missiles into outer space. Appropriately, we have on the agenda of this session the matter of the control of outer space, I am sure we are all agreed that outer space should be used only for peaceful purposes. The question is how this is to be achieved. No detailed proposals have yet been made. But it is evident that man may one day be able to use outer space to rain destruction upon the earth with the already terrible arsenal of weapons at his command.
112. At all costs this must be prevented, and the time to act is now. We already have before us the experience of opportunities missed in the field of nuclear weapons when the problem was still one of controllable dimensions. This experience must not recur in the field of outer space. We must now, before the problem gets out of hand, achieve such international control of outer space as will ensure that it can never be used for destructive purposes or against the very existence of mankind,
113. Not unrelated to the general problem of disarmament is the question of establishing a stand-by United Nations police force. The views of my Government on the need for a stand-by United Nations police force have been frequently expressed in this forum in recent years. For reasons which are well known, the United Nations has been deprived of the services of the armed forces envisaged in Article 43 of the Charter. This vacuum must be filled. A modest beginning could be made on the lines of the United Nations Emergency Force for the Middle East, which has amply demonstrated both the need for, and the feasibility of, a permanent stand-by police force. The essential feature of such a force is that it should at all times be available for immediate deployment. This does not mean that it must at all times be kept in being. All that is necessary is that national contingents be continually held in readiness to go into action immediately on call. Such an arrangement, too) would keep costs to a minimum. My delegation looks forward with interest to the Secretary-General's report on the experience derived from the establishment and operation of the United Nations Emergency Force, which, we have no doubt, will furnish a most useful guide in our deliberations on permanent standby arrangements.
114. In considering the very critical situation which has arisen in the Taiwan Strait today, we are relieved to note that representatives of the United States and the People's Republic of China are still engaged in their crucial discussions at Warsaw and we ardently hope that these talks may be successful. Whatever their outcome, Pakistan, although it has no formal treaty commitments with regard to Taiwan, has a vital interest, as a Member of the United Nations and as an Asian country, in the achievement of a fair and peaceful solution. The talks at Warsaw, however, might be more fruitful if, while they were going on, the guns were silent.
115. In the evolution of the policies of the Governments directly concerned in this very serious crisis in the Taiwan area, there would seem to be signs of progress towards more reasonable and conciliatory attitudes. Sharing the world-wide concern that exists on this issue at present, we welcome this recent development and we hope that it meets with the response it deserves. It may well be that the peace of the world may itself depend on the turn to be taken by tills most dangerous dispute.
116. In their general consideration of the problem of relieving tension among the great Powers, the Members of the United Nations should constantly recall the possibility that our Organization might have a useful role to play. Either through the Assembly itself or through chosen representatives, the United Nations might well be able to provide a neutral ground and contribute to the creation of an, atmosphere in which solutions of even the most difficult and complex problems might more readily be found.
117. Using the United Nations for the purposes for which it was created would not, of course, rule out the possibility that the leaders of the great Powers might find it convenient to meet together for high-level talks whenever suitable opportunities presented themselves. Such conversations might not always bring about definitive solutions or even the beginnings of solutions of the major problems dividing the great Powers. They might, however, contribute something to the relaxation of the tensions that cause such anxiety among the less powerful countries.
118. Allusion has been made to the generally adverse effects upon the smaller countries of the continuing high level of tension among the larger Powers. The smaller countries, of course, constitute by far the large majority of the membership of the United Nations, and the great Powers are in fact a rather small minority.
119. Collectively, the smaller countries are in a position to play a very constructive role in moderating the policies of the great Powers. They are in a position, collectively, to exercise great moral influence on the larger Powers towards the settlement of their differences and the reduction of tensions among them, in the spirit of the purposes and principles of the Charter. However, if the smaller countries are divided amongst themselves, not only will their influence be ineffective, but they will risk losing their independence and freedom in the maelstrom of big-Power rivalries.
120. It is well known that the smaller States meet together occasionally in various groups, reflecting to some extent the geographical division of the world or common cultural and historical backgrounds. But the allegiance of the smaller countries to the Charter must over-ride and transcend their regional solidarity if the United Nations is not to become a house divided against itself.
121. Pakistan will continue to work in closest cooperation with all the other members of the Asian- African group of countries, with which we are so closely related because of geographic location, common ideals, aspirations and deeply rooted cultural and religious ties. We shall also continue to work in close co-operation with our allies and associates in the Baghdad Pact, the South-East Asia Treaty Organization and the Commonwealth. We also offer our whole-hearted co-operation to all of the Latin American countries, which have set for all of us such a fine example of nations living together as one great family and yet retaining their rightful liberties of thought and expression.
122. Above all, our actions will continue to be guided by the primary loyalty and devotion of Pakistan to the United Nations Itself, mid to its high purposes and principles. Pakistan will continue to do its best to contribute its full sharp to the progressive relaxation of tensions and the achievement of peace and stability throughout the world.
123. We have been fortunate in the past in having leaders of such stature as Sir Leslie Munro, President of the twelfth session of the Assembly. We are fortunate also in having chosen Mr. Malik to lead our deliberations at the present session. We of the Pakistan delegation warmly congratulate him and are confident that, relying upon his knowledge and experience, the Assembly will be able to carry out fully its heavy responsibilities. To the very distinguished Foreign Minister of the Sudan, His Excellency Mohammed Ahmed Mahgoub, we extend our warmest greetings. The ability which he demonstrated so well at the third emergency special session of the Assembly is a happy augury for the great contribution we know he will make to the present session.
124. The statesmanship with which our Secretary- General has dealt with so many intricate problems also inspires us with great confidence in his future contribution to world peace. Let us all devote our best energies to bringing about the harmony, the unity and the peace which our Charter promises to the peoples of the world.