63. All those problems of the international situation which engage the attention of our General Assembly are closely connected with the foreign policy of the United States. The precondition for a realistic understanding of the situation and the various burning problems is, therefore, a perfect and adequate understanding of United States foreign policy. I relink it is evident to all that United States foreign policy is best understood by those who make it. Obviously they can also explain it most convincingly. Let the State Department explain itself, so we can better understand its foreign policy and the critical circumstances that have cast upon the world a shadow of war and have made the United Nations come to an impasse. Let, then, the State Department speak for itself.
64. I am going to quote from official United States documents, from the Department of State bulletin, The Official Weekly Record of United States Foreign Policy. The 2 June 1958 issue of this bulletin carries the text of two statements, both of which were made before the Senate Committee on Foreign Relations. One of them was on United States foreign policy in the Near East, Africa and Southern Asia by Mr. William M. Rountree, Assistant Secretary for Near Eastern, South Asian and African Affairs. The date is also of importance. It was on 8 May 1958. The other statement was made on 2 May 1958, also before the Senate Committee on Foreign Relations, by Mr. Walter S. Robertson who is Assistant Secretary for Far Eastern Affairs in the Department of State. This statement, of course, deals with the Far Eastern policy of the United States and is entitled "US Policies and Programs in the Far East".
65. From these two documents it is as plain as day that the dangerous situation, first in the Middle East and then in the Far East, fitted in with the previous conceptions of the State Department and was brought about intentionally by its foreign policy. How does this become apparent? The statement on the Middle East was made at a time when the change in Iraq had not yet occurred, but when the Sixth Fleet was already cruising in the Mediterranean and had threatened to land in Lebanon. A week before that the Senate Committee on Foreign Relations had heard the statement on the situation in the Far East. In that area, however, the large-scale concentration on Quemoy of one-third of Chiang Kai-shek's armed forces was already underway.
66. The statement on the Middle East emphasized military and technical assistance to Lebanon, Jordan, and Iraq and then said the following about Iraq: "Iraq is also co-operating actively in the Baghdad Pact. We have encouraged Iraq in the maintenance of this attitude through, among other measures, provision of military assistance."
67. The statement on the United States programmes in the Far East summed up the results attained by the foreign policy of the State Department in that area over the past ten years, and outlined its prospects. Its main result and most essential prospect was summarized in this surprising sentence: "The Republic of China remains a firm and effective ally and a standing challenge to the attempts of Communist China to fasten permanently its rule on the Chinese people." Though the statement made known the relations of the United States with all Far Eastern countries, yet it referred only to Chiang Kai-shek as a "firm and effective ally", and it did so at a time when large units of Chiang Kai-shek's armed forces were moving to the immediate vicinity of mainland China, to the offshore islands of Quemoy and Matsu.
68. The documents of the Department of State clearly show the following: Firstly, the basic principle of the foreign policy of the United States can be called, in the language of the State Department, the policy of challenge. It considers as firm and effective allies those who themselves pursue a policy of challenge. It evaluates its allies usually from the point of view of their attitude, due to their position and intentions, for enforcing the policy of challenge. Though this policy can for good reasons be branded as provocative or aggressive, I shall keep to the word "challenge", since the State Department prefers it.
69. Secondly, the danger of war in the Middle East did not arise as a consequence of the revolution of the Iraqi people, but was created gradually by the State Department's policy of challenge through the military assistance given and the promise of American and British intervention made to its allies in Jordan, Lebanon and Iraq against the nationalist movements of the Arab peoples.
70. Thirdly, the danger of war in the Far East did not arise on 23 August 1958, but was created gradually through the military and political assistance extended Chiang Kai-shek to encourage him to pursue the policy of challenge.
71. Fourthly, the situations in the Middle East and Far East are closely related to each other. The relationship is supplied by the State Department's policy of challenge. The challenge was prepared in those areas simultaneously. After the military intervention in the Middle East had been accomplished, the policy of challenge in the Far East was brought to a head in order to divert the attention of public opinion from United States and British troops stationed in the Middle East, in Lebanon and Jordan.
72. Fifthly, it is this policy of challenge that characterizes the State Department's foreign policy not only in the Middle and Far East, but also in all international’ relations. The Hungarian Government has experienced this quite recently. At the press conference attended by the press attaché of the United States Legation in Budapest, five American spies related the subversive activities for which they had been trained by official and illegal United States agencies against the State order of the Hungarian People’s Republic. Despite the fact that the diplomat from the United States Legation in Budapest was present when the relevant data were revealed, the United States authorities were not able even to make an attempt to refute them.
73. Sixthly, it is this policy of challenge which in several respects leads the present session of the General Assembly to an impasse and entails very grave danger for the raison d’être and the very existence of the United Nations. After the United States delegation had prevented the drafting of a favourable resolution concerning discussion of the representation of China, the State Department threatened — and is constantly threatening — that should the Warsaw talks fall, it would request the United Nations to take a stand on the Far East situation. To the same extent to which the State Department persists in its attempt to turn the United Nations into an instrument of its policy of challenge, it will plunge the Organization itself into a crisis threatening its very existence. I think no one has the illusion that any organ of the United Nations will be able to offer any valid opinion on the situation in the Far East until the United Nations has rescinded the General Assembly resolution against representation of the People's Republic of China that was forced through.
74. What is the policy of challenge directed against? The present generation is living in a changing world. The forces of progress and reaction are fighting each other in various parts of the globe. Large masses of the population in huge areas of South-East Asia and of Africa are now awakening to national consciousness. Populous countries of Africa and Asia are now at the threshold of the experience of awakening to national consciousness — a new age of their history — which the peoples of Europe and America crossed in the last century. The exploited peoples want to rid themselves of every form of colonial subjugation once and for all. They want to become independent not only politically, but in other ways; they also want to enjoy the wealth of their land, the fruits of their labours. The State Department manoeuvres the Sixth Fleet and the Seventh Fleet; it assigns military assistance and promises economic aid wherever the progressive movement of the masses of people is gaining strength.
75. But it is doing so not for the sake of progress. It is not to the United States that the peoples struggling against exploitation and colonial oppression look for assistance. Such peoples look with hope — to begin my roll of honour with the youngest supporters of progress — towards Ghana, Tunisia, Morocco, Ceylon, Iraq, the United Arab Republic, India, the People's Republic of China and the Soviet Union.
76. If, on the other hand, in any part of the globe some reactionary group in power has to salvage its sinking ship against the rising masses, it will surely pin its hopes on assistance from the United States Government — and usually not in vain. The register of aid boasts of such people as the run-away Prime Minister of Lebanon, the ex-royal family of Iraq, the present King of Jordan, Chiang Kai-shek, Syngman Rhee, and I could enumerate at length the names of political gamblers who ran away from other regions of the world and who, being well qualified for enforcing the policy of challenge, can count upon the assistance of the Department of State.
77. If Imre Nagy or Pál Maléter had been able to flee from Hungary, or if they were alive though in prison, they would be the principal pawns of the State Department policy of challenge to the peaceful life of the Hungarian people and to peace in central Europe. The verdict carried by the Hungarian judiciary answered not only to the interests of justice, but it also rendered service to international peace by definitively removing from the arsenal of the State Department these dangerous instruments of the policy of challenge.
78. Of course, the State Department, when speaking of the policy of challenge, uses this unequivocal language only before the Senate Committee on Foreign Relations; before world public opinion it veils this policy in slogans to warp the sober judgement of the masses. Therefore the policy of challenge has its own vocabulary, and we must understand this terminology well to analyse the situation realistically.
79. One of its slogans is the defence of peace. We have been informed that the United States Ambassador in Warsaw is conducting talks with the Ambassador of the People's Republic of China in order to preserve peace. Here, in the General Assembly, the representatives of British and French foreign policy have assured the Government of the United States of their assistance in its efforts to find a peaceful solution. What is meant by this in the light of the policy of challenge? What are the facts? First of all, I should like to point to an inconsistency; whenever the Government of the Soviet Union or of another socialist country proposed to the Government of the United States to settle international controversial issues by way of peaceful negotiations, the answer was that the United States wanted peace only under certain conditions. And now, in connexion with the situation in the Far East, playing upon the desire of the masses for peace, it is inconsistent with itself in demanding an unconditional cease-fire.
80. But this is a milder aspect of hypocrisy. The most serious one is that he who has set fire to a house calls the occupants incendiaries and wants to make them extinguish the fire. That is to say, this conception does not term as a breach of peace the fact that for nine years Chiang Kai-shek has not ceased in his attempts to attack the Chinese mainland; that he is concentrating an important part of his army in the immediate neighbourhood of the mainland with the obvious intention of landing; and that Taiwan, with Chiang Kai-shek and the United States naval, air, and land forces concentrated there, constitutes a constant challenge to the People's Republic of China. All this, in the eyes of the State Department, is no breach of peace. But if the People's Republic of China defends itself and eliminates the danger of attack on its own territory, this is called a breach of peace. In the same way a burglar caught red-handed could appeal to the catchwords of freedom and peaceful life to avoid being arrested.
8l. Another slogan is "security". What the policy of challenge means by the sonorous slogan of security is not the security of the masses of people, but the security of the rule of the colonial Powers and the reactionary cliques in alliance with them. What, again, are the facts? According to the policy of challenge, the constant challenge of Chiang Kai-shek to the People's Republic of China is not detrimental to security. For his provocative actions he is even promoted to a firm and effective ally. But if a country of over 600 million inhabitants wants to strengthen its security in its own territory, this is detrimental to security, that is, to the security of a clique which betrayed its people and country.
82. This can be illustrated by another example. In their statements both Mr. Dulles [749th meeting] and Mr. Lloyd [758th meeting] tried to alarm the General Assembly by declaring that certain Arab radio stations were jeopardizing the security of the Middle East. The Foreign Secretary of the United Kingdom quoted also from such broadcasts, and demanded international control in the interest of security. From the viewpoint of the policy of challenge, such broadcasts jeopardize security only if they are directed against the ruling cliques of colonialism. They must be allowed to continue unhampered and even be given the support of the State Department if they imperil the security of the masses of people. The Arab radio stations encourage the independence movements of Arab peoples and attack the enemies of Arab nationalism. I call attention, however, to the broadcasts of the Voice of America, the BBC, Radio Free Europe, and the Voice of Free China. We can furnish data — some of which we have already published in the White Books on the counter-revolution in Hungary and on Imre Nagy — showing how, during and after the counterrevolution, the Voice of America, the BBC and Radio Free Europe outrivalled and outbid one another, for instance, in inciting the Hungarian miners to flood the pits and to blow up the mines and in giving instructions to commit crimes, and so on. And this incitement is still going on. As concerns the activities of the Voice of America in the Far East and the Voice of Free China, delegations from that part of the world could tell a thing or two about the matter. If the representative of the People’s Republic of China were attending this General Assembly, he could cite eloquent examples of how the Voice of America, the Voice of Free China and the British radio stations incite — from Hong Kong, Quemoy and Taiwan — subversive acts against the People's Republic of China. Is this not another reason for that delegation's not being present?
83. Consequently, what is meant by the catchword of "security" is the building up of those political, military, economic and propaganda bulwarks which protect the security of colonial rule against the rising peoples of Asia and Africa.
84. The next catchword of the policy of challenge is "justice". When the matter in question is not the cessation of actual military operations in the Far East, but the settling of other controversial issues, the State Department is always scrupulous to add to the word "peace" the attribute "just". The policy of challenge wants to assume the semblance of the defence of justice. Mr. Lodge is in the habit of speaking about the foreign policy of the State Department as if the representatives of United States foreign policy were all Maids of Orleans, heroic and immaculate champions of justice. What, again, are the facts? When King Hussein of Jordan takes autocratic measures and sends large numbers of the heroes of Arab nationalism into concentration camps, United States policy and propaganda exalt this as a victory for justice. But when the Republic of Iraq institutes legal proceedings against the traitors to the people, the political agents of the treacherous royal family, then the United States, through its foreign policy and propaganda, indignantly endeavours to interfere in the proceedings and to patronize the criminals. When the Arab countries explore various forms of unity, alliance and co-operation, the State Department, in its foreign policy, brands this as subversive activity and considers its own efforts to disrupt this unity as a just foreign policy. Since Mr. Lodge only the other day [753rd meeting] appealed to history to prove that United States foreign policy was never guided by selfish intentions, but always by the defence of justice, I should like to recall a few facts from past and recent history.
85. Here I have to interject a remark. The Hungarian people will forever be grateful to the people of the United States for having given an unforgettable reception to the hero of the Hungarian War for Independence of the last century, the exile Kossuth. We would welcome with similar gratitude the fact that the United States Post Office has issued Kossuth memorial stamps, if the State Department had not made use of the occasion to bolster its policy of challenge. The honourable and progressive traditions of the American people have nothing in common with the policy of challenge that is characteristic of the present activity of the Department of State.
86. Now, let us comply with the wish of Mr. Lodge and turn to history. What kind of justice was reflected in the Spanish-American War in 1898 when Cuba, Puerto Rico and the Philippines were turned into United States colonies? Did the United States not take part in the 1900 expedition that put down the Chinese popular uprising against the colonizers? What sort of justice led the United States against Panama in 1903? The same question applies to the 1910 action against Nicaragua. And has Mr. Lodge forgotten the United States intervention against the young Soviet State in 1918? And was it justice that, when the United States set up bases in Greenland and Iceland during the Second World War and undertook to liquidate these bases after the war, it then went back on its word? And can the American adventures in China and the Philippines after the Second World War be called just? Who were the first foreign soldiers to fight in Korea? Americans. And who will be the last to leave Korea? Americans. Let us recall the role of the United States in the events in Guatemala in 1954. Perhaps these pages of American history were missing from Mr. Lodge's history book.
87. As to present-day history, the U. S. News & World Report is absolutely justified when it writes that, wherever we put our finger on the map of the so-called "free world", it will point to a military base of the United States. At least 1.5 million United States soldiers are stationed outside the United States at 950 military bases spread over forty-nine countries. Anyone who regards this as a sign of strength has to be told that this is a definite sign of weakness, because justice does not have to be protected in such a way. Anyhow, sooner or later, popular justice will liquidate these military bases. Dynamic signs of this are already evident in the Middle East — particularly in Lebanon — and still more evident in the Far East.
88. Another catchword of the policy of challenge is "humanism". "The defence of humanism" is the principal slogan used by the propagators of the policy of challenge when it comes to building up a chain of military bases and interfering in the internal affairs of other countries. What are the facts? A society in which a Negro can be condemned to death on the mere circumstance that he stole a sum less than two dollars has no right to teach other countries a lesson in humanism. Speakers on behalf of the United States and the United Kingdom have come forward with the argument of the refugees to show up socialist humanism. Let us be realists. Let us look the facts in the face. In the first quarter of the present century more than 1.5 million people emigrated from Hungary and came to America. A similar proportion of the population emigrated from other countries of central and eastern Europe. At that time those countries were anything but socialist. Ever since then the urge to emigrate and the willingness to chance the hazards of making a new life elsewhere have still not subsided. There is, further, a migration of people inside certain countries. Just as in Great Britain the population shows a trend of moving south from the north of Scotland, in the same way there was a continuous migration in the inter-war years in Germany, Czechoslovakia and Hungary from eastern agricultural areas to more industrialized centres in the West.
89. Two further factors came into play as a result of changes in. the social and economic structure. Firstly, certain elements, once deprived of their unearned privileges and reluctant to acclimatize themselves to the changes, preferred to make a future for themselves elsewhere. Secondly, the new mode of life being shaped makes higher moral demands on the individual, and people of lesser standing flee from the higher demands of society. Furthermore, the propaganda slogans of the policy of challenge appeal to the lowest human emotions and prompt those individuals, who could otherwise become useful members of society, to seek adventure instead. In connexion with Germany, I should like to add that those propaganda merchants who, are wont to exploit these migrations of people usually avoid any mention of the fact that only in the past three years one-quarter of a million people from the Federal Republic of Germany settled in the German Democratic Republic. In connexion with Hungary I should like to add that we think with compassion and sympathy of all those who took to the road in the hysterical atmosphere of autumn 1956; those homeless who have gone through a moral crisis, a crisis of their very existence, and are being driven from pillar to post, have all our sympathy. We welcome back all who return home with decent, sincere intentions. We are also glad of the success of those who have settled down in their new surroundings with an honest job to their name. However, we do not want elements to return who are. fascist or otherwise harmful to the people, who committed crimes during the counter-revolution.
90. The pseudo-humanism of the policy of challenge, which tries to exploit the lot of the refugees as a stock-in-trade of the cold war, we regard as downright inhuman. We try also to handle this question, which is extremely complex and fraught with human tragedy, with the utmost Socialist humanism. Moreover, it is more than surprising that humanism is being championed vis-á-vis countries which have passed through new popular revolutions by those who are perfectly well aware that the bourgeois revolutions in the Western countries took a much heavier, an incomparably heavier toll of human life. The most vocal protagonists of humanism are none other than those who, whenever the lot has to be cast between freedom and colonial servitude of peoples, consistently side with colonialism.
91. And, finally, another slogan of the policy of challenge — "anti-Communism”. What are the facts? At the time of the Suez aggression, had it not been for the Soviet Union, the Anglo-French troops would have overrun the whole of Egypt. After the Republic of Iraq had been proclaimed, the troops which landed in Lebanon and Jordan would have marched against Iraq, had it not been for the United Arab Republic and the Soviet Union. In the present situation in the Far East, United States troop movements, and in conjunction with them their firm and effective ally Chiang Kai-shek, would have been still more provocative had it not been for the Soviet Union siding with the People's Republic of China. Since the most effective bulwark today to a successful policy of challenge is the Soviet Union, the policy of challenge is trying to create an atmosphere hostile to communism with tales about Soviet imperialism and the subversive work of international communism, in order to justify its provocative activities. Yet what do the facts show? That it is not the socialist countries but, for example, the United States that is in the habit of organizing conspiracies. All of us recall quite vividly what happened, for instance, last summer in Syria. Similar new examples could be cited from Asian and African countries, and from the socialist countries. Not a single socialist country could be accused of maintaining a rival State in order to challenge any of the capitalist countries. On the other hand, the State Department has confessed, as I quoted earlier, that it maintains Chiang Kai-shek as an ally because he is a challenge to the People's Republic of China.
92. The absurdity of the whole anti-communist hysteria has become most obvious in the past few days, precisely in the United States. According to a statement made by the Governor of Arkansas, all the Little Rock citizens, including the clergymen, who have come out in favour of integrated schools have been contaminated and brainwashed by communism. Finally, the whole anti-communist campaign is like a boomerang, because the spokesmen of the policy of challenge, jealous of their power, credit communism with everything beneficial, good and true that is happening in any corner of the world in the interest of progress.
93. The Hungarian people have already had a taste of the Impact of this policy of challenge. The advocates of the policy were incapable of reconciling themselves to the fact that their aims could not be attained through the counter-revolution. Therefore, they are still exploring every new possibility of upsetting the life of the Hungarian people. Mention should be made here of the subversive activities about the disclosure of which I have already spoken and the effort to keep the so-called Hungarian question permanently on the agenda of the General Assembly. All this, however, has not succeeded in preventing the Hungarian people from participating in all fields of economic, cultural and political life with all their creative might and impetus. The damage caused by the counter-revolution has been made good and all the personal questions connected with it have been resolved once and for all.
94. The most recent of the many indications showing that life in Hungary has been normalized is Parliament's pronouncement of its dissolution at the end of last week; parliamentary elections are to be held this autumn, and the new Parliament will be convened before the year is out.
95. I can predict already that the representatives of the policy of challenge and its propaganda agencies will try to belittle the value of the elections because they will be conducted on the basis of a single, joint list of candidates. However, anyone who is truly aware of the historic fact that in our changing world today two forces are battling with one another — progress and reaction — will also understand that in my country all forces standing for the rise of a new society have to join together in a single front. The electorate has to decide whether to cast its ballot for progress or for reaction. Given the collaboration of all progressive forces, the electorate expresses its opinion by secret ballot on whether it approves the direction and method of the country's development or not. We shall see what the outcome of the elections will be.
98. It might be of interest to quote a few figures indicative of changes in the economic and cultural life of the country. The income of the population, which in 1956 was one-third greater than in 1949, increased further last year by as much as 16 per cent and is continuing this trend in the current year. Among other things this can be attributed to the fact that industrial output, which in 1956 was more than double that of 1949, increased also by 16 per cent in 1957. Housing projects are growing in scale; in 1957 a total of 51,000 housing units were built, which is more than double the average for the eight years preceding the Second World War.
97. Permit me to quote some more comparative figures from the field of culture. The number of secondary school students increased between 1938, the so-called last year of peace, and 1958 from 52,000 to 126,000. In the same period the number of undergraduates rose from 11,000 to 40,000. It has been alleged by the West that the children of the old intelligentsia and the middle class are barred from our universities. This accusation falls so far from the truth that, rather, the opposite is true, namely, that more children of such families are today attending universities than prior to the Second World War. The total number of university undergraduates has been almost quadrupled, with half of them coming from working-class or peasant families. That is to say, almost twice the number of children of families other than working-class or peasant families are registered students. It is quite true that we are encouraging worker and peasant families to send their offspring to the university and to college. Now they are in a position to do this, which they were debarred from doing under the old system.
98. I ask for the Assembly's indulgence for having engaged its attention with my country's domestic affairs, but, considering the extreme interest shown here in Hungary, my digression will not be taken amiss.
99. The principal effect of the policy of challenge in that part of the world to which Hungary belongs is to disturb the settlement of the relations of Austria with her neighbouring socialist countries. In its policy towards Austria the Government of the Hungarian People's Republic is prompted by its desire to bring about good neighbourly relations on the basis of the principles of peaceful coexistence among differing systems, and of creative competition. The many good and bad — but always useful — lessons of a common past and the ethnographic and geographic interdependence of the two countries offer every ground for this. However, a great many obstacles are barring the way to the favourable development of
these relations, particularly since the state visit to the United States last year of high Austrian Government officials and the activities of illegal United States organizations on the territory of Austria. At this time, when much is being said on the anniversary of the Munich Agreement not only about the dismemberment of the Republic of Czechoslovakia, which then amounted to a green signal for Hitler's intentions towards the Soviet Union, but also about the Anschluss it is worth while keeping a watchful eye both on United States activities in Austria and on capital infiltration into Austria's economic and political life by West German heavy industry. It is in the interest of the peace of central Europe, as well as of international peace, to caution and protect Austria, which has pledged itself to neutrality, from the threat of a new Anschluss.
100. In conclusion I should like to comment on the problems of disarmament on behalf of the Hungarian delegation. The State Department's policy of challenge has brought the United Nations to an impasse also on the question of disarmament and the summit conference. How did this happen in each case?
101. How do the disarmament negotiations that have been going on for years on end appear to the observer? In a nutshell; the representatives of the policy of challenge interpret agreement on disarmament to mean that the Soviet Union should relinquish the arms necessary for its self-defence, while the representatives of the policy of challenge retain their most effective weapons. The twelfth session of the United Nations General Assembly was made an instrument of this conception. Obviously the deadlock On the question of disarmament can be broken — either inside or outside the framework of the United Nations — only if the representatives of the policy of challenge show their unquestionable willingness to discontinue their policy of challenge and sincerely desire progressive, controlled disarmament. The continuation and acceleration of the armaments race is an integral part of the policy of challenge. The picture they had painted was that the armaments race would impose such a burden on the socialist countries as to hamper economic development, which would contribute to making the Western great Powers emerge the victors in the armaments race and enable them to continue undisturbed in their bid for world leadership. But experience has proved this conception wrong. The Soviet Union has won the present round of the armaments race which it was forced to enter and, should the authors of the policy of challenge insist on continuing and even accelerating the armaments race, there is not much hope, given the combined efforts of the socialist countries, of the authors of the policy of challenge gaining any advantage in a next round. However, in the. interest of the whole of humanity the socialist countries are sincerely in favour of concord on disarmament.
102. The present session of the General Assembly offers the Western Powers new and real possibilities to give solemn indication of their intention to switch from the policy of challenge to the policy of agreement; The Soviet Union has submitted a proposal for the proportionate reduction of the military budgets of the great Powers and for the utilization of part of the sum thus saved for the development of the less advanced countries. The masses of peace-loving peoples throughout the world are waiting to see with what ruses the champions of the policy of challenge will try to evade this appeal.
103. The policy of challenge is also responsible for the impasse in relation to the summit conference. At the time the crisis in the Middle East broke out, it was agreed with the Soviet Union that a summit conference should be held after due preparation by the Security Council, until the President of the United States had made it clear that he was in favour of a summit conference only if he could rely on the voting machine in the Security Council to vindicate United States and United Kingdom military actions in the Middle East. Such a false summit conference would only have compromised in the eyes of the people the very idea of a summit conference, from which they rightly expect agreement and a solution. The chances of this coming about, however, have become extremely precarious following the most recent manifestation of the United States policy of challenge. Were it not for the fact that the peace of the world is at stake, one could say to the callous, die-hard advocates of the policy of challenge, "You reap as you sow". Let them realize the consequences of their callous deeds. However, those consequences not only afflict them but bring unspeakable suffering upon great masses of people; the innocent also have to suffer from the irresponsibility of those responsible.
104. These are the reasons why the Hungarian delegation joins with numerous earlier speakers here in the appeal to the United States to revise its foreign policy. The peace of the whole world makes it imperative for the Government of the United States to abandon its policy of challenge for the policy of agreement and peace. Such a policy will earn the United States much greater prestige than the policy of challenge which, following partial failure already, is foredoomed to complete defeat. It is the hope of small countries and of the great masses of people that the policy of challenge will be discarded for the policy of peace.