121. Mr. President, in the name of my Government and of the delegation of Panama and on my own behalf, I have the greatest pleasure in congratulating you most warmly on the honour conferred on you by this Assembly in electing you President of the thirteenth session of the General Assembly, which has just opened.
122. The honour of speaking from this rostrum imposes on us inescapable obligations, the first of which is to come here with great serenity of mind, as this is indispensable if we are to consider impartially and with a determination to be just the questions which affect the nations which have placed their trust in our Organization, whether or not they are seated in this Assembly.
123. The determination to be just means that individual interests must be subordinated to the general interest of all peoples, which is to live in peace and to establish and maintain for the good of present and future generations an international juridical system based on common standards which are both worthy of respect and respected by all; a juridical system which must be universal and a firm guarantee of peaceful relations as good neighbours based on respect for the sovereign equality of States, regardless of their political, economic or social structure.
124. We must therefore come to this rostrum firmly resolved to keep an open mind and to see the needs and problems of others in an understanding spirit, as though they were our own, to weigh the demands of others, and accept them in so far as they are reasonable, disregarding selfish motives.
125. As a consequence of the foregoing we must accept another obligation, that of making a positive contribution to a solution of the questions before us. In this obligation no distinction should be made which would place a heavier burden on soma States than on others. The maintenance of world peace depends on the settlement of the disputes which are disturbing the world's conscience and on the measures taken to prevent the appearance of new causes of friction.
126. In these circumstances, no excuse can be offered to escape the responsibility which must be borne by all countries, the great and the small Powers, the weak and the strong, in carrying out this task. If, as we believe, the benefits of peace are the rightful heritage of all, then all must contribute to the defence and maintenance of peace.
127. It must be admitted that the small Powers are not in a position to make war, at least not on the scale on which a new world conflict might be expected to be fought. Such a possibility is all the more remote because they have neither the economic capacity to support a war nor the modern weapons which the development of nuclear science has made available to rich and powerful nations.
128. However, friction between weak nations may well serve as a pretext for unleashing a conflict on a world scale if the great Powers feel that such friction is a cause of instability in a region in which they have interests they intend to protect and that such a situation jeopardizes such special Interests.
129. As a contribution to peace and for the protection of their own existence, the small Powers should seek a settlement of their disputes through peaceful means so as to preclude intervention by powerful States, which might infringe their sovereign rights and set off a third world war.
130. The Chatter of the United Nations provides procedures for reaching peaceful, honourable and just settlements of disputes. Let us take advantage of them and order our international relations according to these wise precepts. The Charter establishes a system of law which is our strongest safeguard. The great Powers can afford to trust for their existence to force, either in the form of wealth or in the form of military potential. The small Powers, on the other hand, base their existence on law, on respect for the rights of others, which, as a logical consequence, gives them sufficient moral authority to insist on respect for their own rights.
131. We must not allow the violation of any rule of law which would react to our prejudice or to the detriment of others, but neither may we violate the law ourselves for our own benefit. In this two-fold principle of respecting the rights of others and demanding respect for our own lies the key to international security and peace between nations.
132. On the other hand, the small Powers are in a position to be factors for peace. The mere desire to maintain their territorial integrity and their independence is enough to show them their obligation to make a real contribution to the defence and consolidation of international peace and security.
133. For the satisfaction of the small Powers and as a well-earned tribute of gratitude, we should like to say a few words about the valuable contribution which they have all made to the cause of the United Nations.
134. Allow me to recall, in particular, the contribution which the Latin-American countries have made ever since the United Nations Conference on International Organization, held at San Francisco in 1945, when the Charter was being framed. Many of the Articles of the Charter bear the lasting imprint of our participation, for they confer force of law upon various principles of American public law, the efficacy of which has already been proved in the relations between the States which share the great continent of America.
135. The records and other documents which tell the story of United Nations achievements in political, economic, social, humanitarian and scientific questions contain irrefutable evidence of our participation in the work of this Organization from the very beginning.
136. The foregoing considerations lead me to comment on a point which I think it important to analyse.
137. During the recent crisis In the Middle East, when consideration was being given to the proposed meeting of the Heads of the Governments of the States members of the Security Council, there was a tendency to use the common classification of States "directly concerned" and those "indirectly concerned" in order to preclude certain States from malting any contribution to the study and solution of the problems of the moment.
138. Far be it from me to deny the force of these terms in legal terminology. I should like to point out only that, in some cases, they should be applied with greater elasticity and consistency. We sincerely believe that, in view of the Interdependence which is characteristic of all international relations in our century, the classification I have mentioned is sometimes rather restricted and even, we might say, inconsistent.
139. We recognize that, at any given moment in the initial stage of a dispute, some States may be regarded as "directly concerned", or rather "affected", if their interests are in any way jeopardized because of geographical proximity or any other specific reason. But when the affair has become so serious that, if it persists, it may lead to a disturbance of the peace and cause a world war, it is no longer possible to disregard the contribution which any State may be able to make to the solution of a serious international dispute and to keep rigidly to the classification of States "directly concerned" or those "indirectly concerned", to which we have already referred. This is particularly true of a State whose interests might be affected or whose material and spiritual links with the region justify its concern and apprehension.
140. We must also say, equally sincerely, that in our opinion whenever a United Nations organ, such as the Security Council, has an international situation before it for consideration, it is impossible to disregard the concern of all the States represented on that organ in the consideration of the affair.
141. The recognition of the sovereign equality of States, which prohibits any claim to hegemony by any State, is itself part of the very foundation of our Organization and the surest guarantee of lasting international harmony.
142. Article 1 of the Charter lays down the purposes of the United Nations and Article 2 provides that the Organization and its Members, in pursuit of the purposes stated in Article 1, shall act in accordance with certain principles, the first of which is: "The Organization is based on the principle of the sovereign equality of all its Members."
143. The principle of the sovereign equality of States involves, of course, international respect for the freedom of all States to organize their own internal political systems and to direct their own foreign policy, subject only to those requirements which are essential to the maintenance of international harmony based on mutual respect.
144. If the Chapter could contain any limitation of the sovereignty or of the principle of the independence of States, it would be a limitation of form rather than of substance. Our Organization would be a mere mockery if it were not composed of sovereign States with equal rights and equal obligations.
145. To quote the words of the famous Chilean international jurist, Dr. Alejandro Alvarez: "Today, States are increasingly interdependent and, consequently, do not, as in the past, comprise a mere community, but rather an organized international society. This society in no way restricts the independence or sovereignty of States, or their legal equality, but it limits this sovereignty and the rights emanating therefrom for the greater benefit of the general interests of that society."
146. Although it may be admitted that, as a result of the development of international law, the classic conception of sovereignty, rigid and absolute, has had to be modified, the conception still embraces those attributes which are the true essence of sovereignty, without which it is inconceivable.
147. It is well to point out that, through international agreements freely entered into by the contracting parties, States can reach agreements of a jurisdictional character which do not affect their sovereignty in any way.
148. Under a convention signed in 1903, my country, exercising its sovereign rights, conferred upon the United States of America certain powers of jurisdiction over a strip of its territory for the specific purpose of facilitating the construction, maintenance, cleaning and protection of an interoceanic Canal. In that zone, Panama retains its inherent sovereignty, as in the remainder of the territory of the Republic, because it has never ceded and even less renounced it.
149. The indissoluble bonds of friendship which have always existed between our two countries are due primarily to the fact that our great northern neighbour has respected this right. We hope and trust most confidently that our relations will continue to be based on this mutual respect, which is a source of understanding and affection between peoples.
150. It is a universally recognized principle that every State has the right to organize its internal affairs and plan and direct its foreign policy in conformity with its national interests provided that, in exercising this sovereign right, it does not violate the rights of other States or disturb international peace.
151. This principle precludes any claim on the part of one State to intervene in the internal or foreign affairs of any other State. This is recognized in the Charter and on several occasions the United Nations has given the world proof of its loyalty to this precept, which is stated in unmistakable terms in the fundamental statute of our Organization.
152. For Panama, as for all the republics of the American continent, the principle of non-intervention is sacrosanct. We have supported it ever since our institutions were founded and have defended it, both separately and collectively, in a consistent and steadfast manner. Within this Organization, the Latin-American delegations — and as a son of Latin America, I recall this with great satisfaction — have always maintained a firm and unvarying attitude towards this principle.
153. This is an historical heritage which we are obliged to respect. From the earliest days of our independence, we have been conscious of the danger to our territorial integrity and our very existence constituted by the attempts at foreign intervention which wore a constant threat during the first few decades of our existence as free and sovereign States. We then rejected any alleged right to intervene in our internal affairs and were united in our own defence.
154. The period from the Congress of 1826 at Panama, which saw the birth of Bolivar's ideal of inter-American co-operation and solidarity, to the Charter of the Organization of American States, signed at Bogota in 1948, is the record of progress towards the final consecration of the principle of non-intervention.
155. At the Seventh International Conference of American States held in Montevideo in 1833, the Convention on Rights and Duties of States laid down the principle of non-intervention by one State in the internal or external affairs of another State.
156. In 1848 this principle was confirmed by article 15 of the Charter of Bogota which established the Organization of American States; this article emphatically reaffirms that no State or group of States has the right to intervene directly or indirectly for any reason whatsoever in the internal or external affairs of any other State.
157. This denial of any claim to the right of intervention is categorical and allows of no exceptions. No plea of justification may be put forward nor may there be any intervention by force or by indirect means. This is made clear by the same article, which goes on to say that the foregoing principle excludes not only armed force but any other form of interference or any action against the personality of the State or its political, economic or cultural elements.
158. It should be noted that this position, one of scrupulous defence of the principle of non-intervention in any sphere of domestic policy, was already laid down in a significant manner in the Convention for the Promotion of Inter-American Cultural Relations, signed at the Inter-American Conference for the Maintenance of Peace, held at Buenos Aires in 1836. Article VI of this Convention reads as follows: "Nothing in this convention shall be construed by the High Contracting Parties as obligating any one of them to interfere with the independence of its institutions of learning or with the freedom of academic teaching and administration therein."
159. The delegation of Panama is glad to note that the United Nations has strictly observed the principle of non-intervention as established in Article 2, paragraph 7, of the Charter.
160. In the same spirit that inspired the above- mentioned provisions of American international law, the United Nations has declared against any intervention in economic affairs. General Assembly resolution 200 (III), relating to technical assistance for economic development, lays down that technical assistance shall not be a means of foreign economic and political interference in the internal affairs of the country concerned and shall not be accompanied by any considerations of a political nature. This principle was confirmed in resolution 222 A (IX) of the Economic and Social Council.
161. We therefore consider that intervention constitutes an act of aggression, which may be direct or indirect according to its character and the means used, and that the only intervention which is legally justified is collective intervention as authorized by Chapter VII of the Charter, for the maintenance of international peace and security.
162. My country, as a small Power, cannot ignore the dangers arising from disregard of the principle of non-intervention. In accordance with our traditions, I can affirm from this tribune that the Republic of Panama will not hesitate to comply with its duty to oppose any act or threat of intervention from wherever it may come, against any State, whether or not it is a Member of the United Nations. My country will also co-operate in adopting and carrying out any measures that the United Nations may adopt at any time to check or repel an act of aggression, from wherever it may come and wherever it may take place. The attitude of the delegation, of Panama in the Security Council is in full agreement with the sentiments of the people of Panama in that respect.
163. The annual report submitted to the General Assembly by the Secretary-General emphasizes the decisive influence of the presence of the United Nations Emergency Force [UNEF] in maintaining international tranquillity in the area in which it has carried out the delicate task entrusted to it [A/3844, pp. 11-12].
164. We share the opinion that as time goes on there is growing recognition that UNEF represents an experiment of great significance in the development of methods for the attainment of peace.
165. The success of the patrol work done by UNEF gives support to the repeated desire expressed in this Assembly by many voices of great authority that the United Nations should have at its disposal a police force whose services could be made available without loss of time whenever circumstances so required. The existence of such a police force would enable the Organization to forestall aggression or to take immediate action to prevent its continuation or extension if it had already occurred.
166. I venture to say, with the deepest conviction; that the use of such a police force, once it has been set up, with the wisdom and prudence so far shown by this Organization, will never give grounds for believing that we are exceeding our powers and still less that we are guilty of improper intervention.
167. Public opinion cannot censure us if the use of this police force is justified by the need to prevent or repel aggression in the interests of international peace and security, if it arises from the existence of aggression or the threat of aggression by one State against another, duly verified and declared by the competent organ of the United Nations, if the police force is present in the territory of a sovereign State with the consent of that State and if its use has been authorized by this Organization on the basis of respect for the conditions laid down as a minimum.
168. All this naturally refers to a police force exercising preventive or supervisory functions, as distinct from those which would be exercised by a force of a coercive character set up in accordance with the much wider terms laid down in Chapter VH of the Charter.
169. I will now turn to one of the most delicate problems of the — present time — perhaps the most delicate of all. I refer, naturally, to disarmament.
170. The subject of disarmament is not new to this Assembly. Hence it would be superfluous to recapitulate its history unless it be to stress the aspects which must always be borne in mind hi seeking for a satisfactory solution to it.
171. We cannot be unaware that the very nature of this problem, which directly affects the security of nations, and also the international tension of the post-war years, oblige us to be less severe in judging the attitude of the great Powers and the delays to which this attitude has led in reaching agreement on disarmament. Nevertheless, the urgency of coming to an agreement on this question, which, more than any other, affects the life and happiness of mankind, also explains the impatience of the peoples for a satisfactory solution of the disarmament problem and their disillusionment in the face of the failures so far encountered.
172. We agree that the disarmament problem must be solved within the United Nations. It is for the Security Council, the organ on which the Members of the Organization have conferred the primary responsibility for the maintenance of international peace and security, to draw up, in accordance with the terms of Article 26 of the Charter, plans to be submitted to the Members of the United Nations for the establishment of a system for the regulation of armaments. In accordance with Article 11, the General Assembly may also consider the principles governing disarmament and the regulation of armaments, and may make recommendations with regard to such principles to the Members or to the Security Council or to both.
173. My delegation feels, however, that we should not underestimate the benefits which might be derived from the consideration, through diplomatic channels, of those circumstances which seriously affect the negotiations concerning disarmament.
174. We are by no means in favour of reviving the old practices of diplomacy behind closed doors. But we are convinced that there are problems which are so delicate and which so closely affect the interests of States that they should be treated in direct conversation and with certain reservations between the Foreign Ministers of the countries concerned or, where circumstances render it desirable, between the Heads of Government of those countries.
175. It would in no way affect the authority of the General Assembly or of the Security Council, or the prestige of the United Nations, for the parties whose agreement is crucial in questions of disarmament to reach a satisfactory conclusion by means of direct negotiations. The United Nations endorsement of the agreements so reached would ensure compliance with them on the part of States — not only the great Powers, but all the Members of the Organization.
176. Economic development, and international cooperation for the attainment of such development, are not only necessary if world peace is to be achieved, but also represent important means of cementing it and making it durable.
177. It is imperative, therefore, that a concerted international policy should be adopted covering all branches of the world economy, considered as a single body the various aspects of which are intimately related, Economic Interdependence is an undeniable reality and its influence inevitably extends to political and social affairs,
178. Social tranquillity and national political stability depend on economic development and on the benefits which the peoples derive therefrom, as do also a better understanding among the nations and international harmony; all these are indispensable for world peace.
179. Long before the military victory in the Second World War, the leaders of the great Powers, with a clear vision of the future, considered the policy which would have to be adopted to reconstruct a peaceful world. International economic co-operation was given a prominent place in that policy.
180. It is worth repeating that peace does not depend entirely on the solution of political controversies, however satisfactory such settlements may be. The internal tranquillity of States, and hence international harmony, are linked in a relationship of cause and effect with economic development and with the solution of social and humanitarian questions.
181. The Charter provides us with guiding lines for the solution of such problems by means of co-ordinated collective action. That is the origin of the work done by the Economic and Social Council and the specialized agencies in achieving this end.
182. The United Nations has paid special attention to the economic development of the under-developed countries. None of its activities is so well known and appreciated as that accomplished by means of technical assistance with a view to encouraging national programmes in the under-developed countries by the exploitation and utilization of their natural resources, the result of which has been an improvement in the living conditions of the peoples of those countries. It is only fair to recognize that fact. Nevertheless, the truth is that, in comparison with what has been done, we have before us a tremendous task the completion of which is most urgent.
183. The countries of Latin America have benefited by the technical assistance supplied by the United Nations through the specialized agencies. I am glad to say that my country has learned by experience how effective this assistance is in the areas it covers. Nevertheless, Latin America needs further assistance and is capable of making use of it. Its peoples and its Governments have unceasingly demonstrated that fact.
184. The majority of the under-developed countries share common characteristics which, if studied and analysed separately, might lead to conclusions applicable to most, if not all, of them.
185. First and foremost, their economies are still in the agricultural stage or are only now taking the first tentative steps towards industrialization. As a result of this, the peoples have a very low level of living, since production is mainly for internal consumption and the majority of manufactured articles needed for the most elementary necessities of life have to be imported. These countries suffer from unfavourable balances of payments and they are subject to the evils of inflation.
186. This picture, which may seem simple and limited, nevertheless places us before a tremendous reality which calls for immediate and definite remedies.
187. The effort to improve living conditions in the under-developed countries must be directed towards raising them from the agricultural and cattle-raising stage to that of industrialization, through processes which must of course be adjusted to suit the special conditions of each country or region.
188. The first requirement is technical assistance in the preparation of programmes of economic development on a scientific basis and the training of national personnel. Next comes the necessity to find means for financing such programmes.
189. We know very well that it is the economically under-developed regions which possess the greatest sources of wealth. Their abundant natural resources have not been worked or have been worked only by primitive and Inadequate methods and have therefore not yielded the hoped-for results. Together with the copious bounties of nature, these insufficiently developed countries have always possessed a dense population; under the direction of specialized technical personnel, their peoples would become a human capital of incalculable value.
190. There is no more baseless myth than that according to which there are peoples who are unwilling to work and whose productive capacity is inferior to that of others. There are no peoples characterized by "tropical sloth", as has often been claimed in order to obscure the real reason for the ills which afflict a large sector of humanity. The truth is quite otherwise: there are peoples whose potentialities are undermined because their strength is squandered in ill-paid work; because they lack the conveniences and the means to withstand the inclemencies of nature; because they have not the modern equipment which would increase their productivity; because they are plagued by endemic diseases and because their diet is insufficient and inadequate.
191. All these problems must be attacked and remedied by means of international co-operation. What is needed is the solution of fundamental problems common to the great majority of the peoples, which have originated in the indifference to the needs of others, which for generations has characterized international relations, and in the absence of well-founded social justice.
192. Economic development must be combined with continuous health campaigns designed to improve the health of the peoples, with the expansion of educational programmes which will train a larger number of citizens and enable them to contribute to the progress of their communities and with the special attention which the State should give to the encouragement of cultural progress and the promotion of social welfare work.
193. The improvement of social conditions is closely connected with economic progress. Following the increase in productivity there will be an increase in the purchasing power of the workers and an improvement in the level of living of the population as a whole.
194. Permit me to refer in particular to my own country. My Government has concentrated its attention on the problem of economic planning in Panama'. Interesting studies of great scope have been carried out by national and foreign experts and the various Government departments concerned are now proceeding to put into practice the recommendations which are the outcome of the studies made in this matter.
195. The Government of Panama, presided over by Mr. Ernesto de la Guardia, Jr., has since the beginning of his administration been concerned with the development of various programmes for the stabilization of the national economy. If in this endeavour we could reinforce our own financial resources, which are of course very limited, by a larger contribution of foreign capital, we should be able to increase the speed of our economic and social growth.
196. While speaking of the special conditions of our national economy, I should like to make it clear that the Panamanian nation wishes to receive all the economic benefits to which it is entitled owing to the operation of the Panama Canal, which is situated on the Republic's territory.
197. The Panamanian State is deeply concerned to ensure that every worker, in accordance with our Fundamental Charter, should enjoy the economic conditions essential to a decent existence. Our national legislation provides for effective protection of the right of every individual to financial security in case of disability. Our social security service is entrusted to autonomous bodies which assist contributors in cases of illness, maternity, family allowances, old age, retirement or disability.
198. In accordance with this policy of protection of the interests of the working classes, my Government has taken a particular interest in the situation of thousands of Panamanians who are serving in the Canal Zone.
199. In order to fulfil certain contractual obligations laid down in the agreements between Panama and the United States of America signed in 1955, the United States Congress adopted the corresponding complementary law, which went into effect in June of this year.
200. The Panamanian nation is confident that the administration of this law will implement the principles embodied in the Memorandum of Understandings Reached attached to the Treaty of Mutual Understanding and Co-operation signed at Panama on 25 January 1955, according to which Panamanian citizens working in the Canal Zone are entitled to equal treatment and equal opportunities.
201. The abolition of all discriminatory practices in employment in connexion with Panamanian employees and workers in the Canal Zone would be the starting point for a new era which would promote the strengthening of friendly relations between the Republic of Panama and the United States of America.
202. It behoves all Members of the United Nations to guard the prestige of the Organization and contribute by every possible means to its strengthening. To this end, the first requirement is to see that our actions comply with the requirements of the Charter and to carry out in good faith the resolutions adopted here to ensure international peace and security.
203. Obviously, it is important for the good name and success of the United Nations that its principal organs should adopt unanimous decisions, since unanimity will ensure their implementation by all the Member States.
204. We must emphasize that if we wish to ensure the establishment of world peace, it is essential to establish a legal order which will be a guarantee for all nations, regardless of any considerations of military or economic power.
205. Peace cannot be won in a day, nor in ten years, nor can It be achieved through the activity or the genius of a single man, no matter how wise he may be. Peace must be achieved through patient and steadfast effort in which not only one, but several, generations must take part. It is a work of education and understanding: education, because the peoples must learn to live under a new international legal system in which the rights of rich and powerful nations will no longer prevail over those of small and weak ones; understanding, because the experience gained through time and events has made it clear that it is impossible for us to close our eyes and turn a deaf ear to the needs and sufferings of others, since we live in a world of nations which are interdependent In all things,
206. The triumphs of modern science and the development of means of transport and communications have abolished distances and today there are no peoples which cannot be regarded as neighbours. Peace demands the harmonious coexistence of neighbouring peoples. We are all neighbours, though geography may have divided us into separate continents.
207. Peaceful coexistence, of which so much is said, will not come into being unless the solution is found to the problems -which divide world public opinion.
208. We must prove to the peoples that the world must not remain divided into hostile groups on account of the prevailing divergent political philosophies nor on account of irreconcilable interests, and the proof can only be the peaceful settlement, within the strictest justice, of the serious situations which we have inherited from the post-war years. Only thus can we succeed in reviving international confidence and so peace will cease to be a mere aspiration and will become a blessing common to all the peoples of the earth.