36. I should like to begin my speech by congratulating you, Mr. President, upon your election. I first met you at the sixth session of the General Assembly in Paris in 1951. I received then a very clear impression of the great contribution which you could make towards the work of this Organization, an opinion which has since been consistently strengthened. I am delighted at your election and I hope that you have a happy and successful tern: of office.
37. With regard to the other candidate for-the office of President, the distinguished Foreign Minister of the Sudan, I would simply like to say how much I appreciated the way in which he accepted the decision of the General Assembly, and to express my hope that he will at some future Assembly occupy high office. Because of the long association between the Sudan and the United Kingdom, that would be a very happy day for us.
38. One final personal word: I wish to express the thanks of the United Kingdom delegation to the retiring President, Sir Leslie Munro, for the outstanding way in which he has carried out his duties. It is even pleasanter for me to say this because he is a close personal friend.
39. This is our annual debate upon the state of the world when we survey together the achievements and the failures of the past twelve months; the present causes of tension and the prospects for peace. For the theme of my own speech I feel that I cannot do better than to take up the thought in Sir Leslie Munro's final address [747th meeting] — the thought of international interdependence — as he said, an “irrevocably interdependent world".
40. To what extent are we achieving a world society with its members living at peace one with another? There is a certain tragic irony about our present situation. Man has conquered many of the secrets of nature. He has found new sources of power, new skills . in the use of the products of the earth. New prospects for health, prosperity and happiness have opened up and been developed. It has become Increasingly easier and quicker to communicate and to travel. Indeed, for foreign ministers travel has become almost too easy; we are expected to circumnavigate the globe with the regularity almost of sputniks. But the tragedy Is that in spite of all these wonderful developments there has been no corresponding improvement in the political relationships between the nations.
41. Where do we stand on the various aspects of interdependence? In the field of health and medical science there Is a wide recognition that the world is Interdependent. There is a considerable exchange of knowledge and techniques. In some technical fields such as agriculture, animal diseases, pest control and the like, there is also a feeling of Interdependence. Practical steps are being taken for the exchange of knowledge and techniques. The same applies over certain cultural activities such as the theatre, the ballet, music and sport. In the field of technical assistance there is a substantial international effort.
42. In all. this we are glad to recognize the work of the specialized agencies of the United' Nations and to thank those devoted men and women who dedicate themselves to it.
43. And, if I may make a point in parenthesis, we also hope that during 1959 people throughout the world will be given a special opportunity to express their interest and sympathy in a particular matter of humanitarian concern. I refer to the proposal for a World Refugee Year which organizations in my country are planning in order to secure a more intensive effort to resolve the refugee problems that continue to exist and which are a reproach to the consciences of us all. We hope that this project will receive generous support both from Governments and from peoples, since we believe that such a concerted effort could do much to ease the lot of these unfortunate people.
44. When we come to economic questions there is still much to be done in this field of interdependence. International economic co-operation leaves a great deal to be desired. Practical measures and policies have still to be worked out. There is a conflict among those who believe in free economies, those who believe in completely managed economies and those who believe in a compromise between the two. We have not yet succeeded in producing a common doctrine on economic policy which will preserve a balance between the interests of the primary producers, the great industrial consumers and the trading nations of the world. Nevertheless, even though we do not know precisely how to achieve it, I think we all realize that we are economically interdependent. We know that there cannot be great poverty in one part of the world without its sooner or later affecting other parts. Some forward steps are, however, being taken. We in the United Kingdom Welcome the creation of the Economic Commission for Africa. This new organization can count upon the whole-hearted support of Her Majesty's Government in the United Kingdom, and we wish it every success.
45. In his speech last Thursday, 18 September [749th meeting]. Mr. Dulles stated his belief that the time has come for the nations of the world to take stock pf accomplishments in the field of economic development and to chart a new long-term courses of co-operative action. He listed a number of major steps which might be token, including the possibility of Increasing the capital of the International Bank for Reconstruction and Development and the quotas of the International Monetary Fund. We very much welcome these proposals and are ready, in so far as our resources allow, to help in giving effect to this imaginative programme. This must, as Mr. Dulles emphasized, be a co-operative action by all the Member States, and I would repeat his hope that 1959 could become a year of outstanding initiative in the long-term process of economic growth.
46. On my theme of interdependence, so far so good — or at least not too bad. But when we turn to political interdependence between the nations and consider the progress made, we cannot avoid a feeling of failure and frustration.
47. What is the essence of political interdependence? The United Kingdom view, based on centuries of parliamentary institutions, is that within the State the only basis for a happy society is one of live and let live, of tolerance and understanding, of political argument of course, but also of the feeling that there is sufficient national unity to see that that tolerance is not abused. I once heard it said that democracy only works well if 75 percent of the people hold approximately the same views on 75 per cent of the issues of the day. All generalizations are dangerous, but I think there is an element of truth in this one. I believe that in my own country it is broadly correct and therefore our democracy works with reasonable tolerance and understanding between the various sections of the community.
48. What a revolution on world affairs it would be if we could get the same feeling of live and let live among the nations, a feeling not only held in theory but translated into practical measures! Therefore I want to try to deal in my speech with what can be done at the present time to promote this feeling and its practical applications.
49. First of all, there is the work of the United Nations itself. Under the Charter we are enjoined "to practise tolerance and live together in. peace with one another as good neighbours” in Article 1, which sets out the purposes of the United Nations, there appear these phrases familiar to many of you: "To achieve international co-operation in solving international problems of an economic, social, cultural, or humanitarian character, and in promoting and encouraging respect for human rights and for fundamental freedoms for all without distinction as to race, sex, language, or religion; and "To be a centre for harmonizing the actions of nations in the attainment of these common ends."
50. That is the theory of interdependence. To what extent is it also the practice? We have to admit that to date the Security Council, except in one or two instances, has not been a success as an authority for enforcing international agreements or for. dealing speedily with, threats to the peace. The reason for this is not a fault in the United Nations, but the fact that the great Powers have failed to agree and that the veto has been repeatedly misused by one great Power.
51. The result has been not only a failure to get agreed solutions, but also it has proved impossible for speedy action to be taken in critical situations. That is why in the situation in Lebanon and Jordan in the week beginning 14 July 1068 it was necessary for the United States and the United Kingdom, in response to requests from legitimate Governments, to take speedy action to preserve the independence of two small countries and so to win time for other action.
52. Our Organization is more successful when it is given time to reconcile different points of view in order to show the way to acceptable solutions. When there has been time for this process of reconciliation to work, the United Nations has proved well qualified and often very successful in producing acceptable solutions within the framework of the Charter.
53. Again in this context let us look at what has happened over Lebanon and Jordan. On 21 August 1958, at the third emergency special session of the General Assembly, something happened which none of us, I think, suspected would happen: a resolution [1237 (ES-III)] was unanimously passed. That resolution seemed to recognize exactly the principle which I am seeking to advocate — the principle of the interdependence of the Arab countries of the Middle East, indeed of all the countries of the Middle East. That resolution propounded in admirable words the doctrine of "live and let live".
54. Following upon the resolution, the Secretary-General visited some of the countries concerned in the Middle East. I pay warm tribute to his disinterested and strenuous endeavours to promote a settlement as well as to his other work in this Organization. We shall shortly receive his report. It will reveal the practical steps which he has inaugurated and which he has in mind. Our hope is that they will produce an atmosphere of peace and tolerance and so facilitate the withdrawal of British forces. It is our earnest desire that the good words of the resolution of 21 August 1958 should be translated into action.
55. We must, however, face facts. There is still a great deal to be done for that to happen. Jordan is at present a beleaguered country. The normal economic and commercial supply routes through Syria to Lebanon are not open. Not only is it not possible for oil products to be supplied along them, but the same applies to many needs of everyday life. The overflying of its territory by civil airplanes proceeding to Jordan is still forbidden by the United Arab Republic. These are matters of fact and not of interpretation. It seems to me impossible whilst this situation continues even to pretend that the resolution of 21 August is being carried out in the spirit in which it was put forward and accepted.
56. Then we come to the question of attacks upon the Jordan monarchy and Government from radio stations outside Jordanian territory. I have read some recent broadcasts, particularly one on 11 September and one on 16 September. I need only mention a phrase or two: "I predict that Hammarskjold's discussions and negotiations will fail...this means another solution has to be found...the fruits of the tree of freedom will not ripen unless the tree is irrigated by the blood of martyrs...the land of Jordan is thirsty and its soil asks for blood." The broadcast ends with an appeal to wipe out the present régime in Jordan. There are scurrilous and vicious attacks upon the existing Government in Jordan, and throughout runs the theme of blood and incitement to murder and destruction. The broadcasts to which I have just been referring come from a radio operating from the Damascus area.
57. The continuance of this kind of activity seems to me to be completely inconsistent with the resolution of 21 August. I know that it takes time for action to be taken, but I hope that the Governments concerned are already taking decisions in the spirit of that resolution and that the promise of-a good-neighbour policy towards Jordan will soon be fulfilled. We are anxious I repeat, that the withdrawal of our troops should take place as speedily as possible and therefore we are anxious that the détente expressed in words on 21 August should be translated speedily into a détente in deeds dealing in particular with the matters to which I have just referred. We eagerly await the Secretary-General's report and signs of progress over these difficulties.
58. I have just been speaking of radio attacks by one country or from one country against the Government of another country. This is a matter which does not only affect Jordan. It is of much wider significance. I think it is one of the most important factors in promoting world tension at the present time. In our domestic law you can say what you like about people and their views provided you do not defame them and provided you do not incite to violence. A great deal of material broadcast over certain radios goes far beyond the expression of political views on international topics. It is personal defamation and direct incitement to bloodshed.
59. I will deliberately not give further examples. Nor do I say that only one group of countries has been guilty in this respect. What I do say is that the international community needs to make a fresh start in this matter and to accept a new code of conduct, a new standard, under which Governments will not permit either from publicly-controlled stations or from other stations on national territories the broadcast of material designed to incite to murder, to insurrection and to war. I hope that further thought will be given to this subject during this session of the Assembly.
60. I spoke earlier of the difficulty which faces the United Nations if immediate action is required in a crisis. I believe that we must seriously consider whether there are any ways in which the capacity of this Organization to deal rapidly with a critical situation can be improved.
61. One way which has been suggested, of which I know many delegations have been thinking, might be through the creation of a United Nations peace force, or stand-by force — not a fighting force, but one to operate as the United Nations Emergency Force in the Gaza strip is doing. I am sure no one will question the success of that Force and our gratitude to the countries which have supplied its contingents. Without doubt other problems will arise which it will be easier to tackle if some form of United Nations force could be made available. A United Nations peace force would not solve the problem of immediate action in a crisis. It would always take some time to organize. The decision to use it in a particular situation would have to be taken by the United Nations and its employment would depend upon the agreement of the countries concerned, Nevertheless, much could be done to reduce the time which the establishment of such a force would require, and the knowledge that it could be created at short notice might of itself have a stabilizing effect.
62. There have been many suggestions about the way in which such a force might be organized. I am inclined myself to think that it is not practicable to contemplate a force in permanent being. That would raise insuperable difficulties of cost and organization, location, married quarters, education of families and similar topics. I do not, however, see the same difficulty about the ear-marking by individual States of personnel who would be very quickly available; nor would it be difficult to establish a small planning section in the Secretariat which could work out in advance plans for dealing with the problems which would arise if a decision was taken to set up a force for a particular purpose, and obviously that advance planning would be very much helped if it was known what countries would be prepared to make personnel available and if that personnel was already ear-marked.
63. I am sure that the report which the Secretary-General is due to make on the experience gained from the operation of the United Nations' Emergency Force will be a help and at this stage I do not wish to prejudge the matter. Nevertheless, I would hope that some progress can be made along these lines. It is possible to sense, in the speeches made both at the third emergency special session and at the present session of the Assembly, that international public opinion by and large is ready for some initiative of this sort.
64. I wish now to deal with the topic of disarmament. Thai is another matter where the interdependence of the world is very obvious. The consequences of modern armaments are Such that they affect peoples far away from the scene of actual hostilities. The cost of modern armaments is such that to build them up throughout the world means a diversion of physical effort and resources from more worth-while tasks. It is bound to affect the living standards of all. Therefore a start on controlled disarmament in which all the nations could have confidence would make the world both safer and richer. It would of itself produce a lessening of tension which would help the solution of other difficult problems
65. At its twelfth session, the General Assembly paid deep and serious attention to this problem, and recommended, in resolution 1148 (XII), which was approved by 56 votes to 9, with 15 abstentions, the lines on which the Powers concerned should continue to negotiate. The resolution suggested the outline of a disarmament programme, and the United Kingdom Government and fifty-five others supported this outline as forming a reasonable basis for further negotiation towards a partial disarmament agreement which could be put into effect in the world as it is today.
66. That resolution has remained almost a dead letter. Indeed, the Disarmament Commission, to the improvement of the composition of which much attention was given at the twelfth session, has not even been able to meet, nor has its Sub-Committee.
67. The Assembly will be aware that this deplorable situation has in no way been the fault of the United Kingdom Government or of our friends and allies. We have been ready at all times to resume negotiations with the Soviet Union on the lines so clearly marked out by the Assembly at the twelfth session. As the meeting of the Heads of Government of the North Atlantic Treaty Powers made clear in December 1957, only a month after the General Assembly approved resolution 1148 (XII), we were ready at any time to resume negotiations in the properly constituted United Nations bodies and to welcome suggestions from no matter what source provided they pointed to our goal of balanced, controllable disarmament.
68. But for nearly a year the Soviet Union has blocked the work of the United Nations in the field of disarmament. The Soviet Government can do this because it is relatively impervious to the feelings of public opinion. I do ask the Assembly to consider, however, what would have been the reaction throughout the world if a Western Government had behaved so obdurately and had declared such a boycott of the United Nations machinery, as did the Soviet Government after the twelfth session of the General Assembly. The fact is that no democratic Government would be allowed by its public opinion to act in such a way.
69. I feel justified in reminding the Assembly of this contrast in attitudes. But I do not wish to dwell on it. We have to deal with facts as they are, and recrimination is not a policy. Our policy is to go on trying, trying to seek agreement where we can and when we can, without insisting too much on questions of prestige or forms of procedure.
70. In the last few weeks this policy has paid a dividend which does much to redeem the otherwise bleak record of the year behind us. In May 1958 the Soviet Government yielded to an argument which the Western Governments had been pressing for many months without success — the argument that one practical way towards agreement would be to initiate expert studies of the practical matters involved in the control over disarmament measures, for without effective control there can be no effective disarmament. I make no apology for reminding the Assembly that I myself in the Sub-Committee of the Disarmament Commission in July 1957, fourteen months ago, proposed, on behalf of the Western Powers, that experts should meet to study the control measures which might be necessary in connexion with a possible agreement on the suspension of nuclear tests. I developed that proposal still further in my speech during the general debate in September 1957 [685th meeting], and it was the Soviet Government's acceptance of it in May 1958 which made possible the recent meeting in Geneva. For once East and West were able to meet in an atmosphere reasonably free from politics to discuss the technical aspects of a problem in the disarmament field. The United Kingdom Government welcomed the result of this conference as a most heartening success; and we at once sought to carry matters further.
71. The agreed conclusions reached at Geneva on 21 August 1958 enabled the United States and United Kingdom Governments to propose on 22 August that the Soviet Government should meet with us on 31 October to negotiate for an agreement on the suspension of nuclear tests with the actual establishment of an international control system as recommended by the experts.
72. As an earnest of our desire to make progress, we accompanied this proposal with an important statement on our side. If the Soviet Government were to accept these negotiations, we declared ourselves ready to refrain from nuclear testing for one year from the day the negotiations began, provided of course that the Soviet Government did not itself conduct tests in that year. Moreover, we undertook to extend this arrangement for further periods of one year on the condition that there should be progress towards setting up the controls and towards the execution of real measures of disarmament. I am confident that the Assembly will not underestimate the significance of these offers.
73. The Soviet Government has now agreed to these negotiations, and we have assented to their being held in Geneva. Assuming, then, that the negotiations take place as proposed, we shall in fact suspend our nuclear tests for one year from the date the negotiations begin. The Soviet Government has raised certain questions in connexion with the negotiations, and we have suggested that, if the Soviet Government is willing, these matters should be discussed at the conference itself.
74. But I can say — and I know I speak also for the Government of the United States in this matter — both our Governments will do all in their power to bring these negotiations- to a successful conclusion. It is our hope that the negotiations beginning on 31 October 1958 will be the first step along the path towards controlled disarmament.
75. Another encouraging development is that the Soviet Government has recognized the need for technical discussion in another field, that of measures of inspection to reduce the possibility of surprise attacks. This also is something for which I appealed to the Assembly a year ago. If technical progress can be made on these measures, as it has been on the control of nuclear tests, then it should facilitate an agreement that could bring a real and invaluable increase of confidence in international relations; and this could in turn lead to other things. My Government greatly hopes, therefore, that the correspondence now proceeding between the United States and Soviet Governments on this subject will lead to a meeting of experts in the near future.
76. As a result of these various developments, we hope that the United Nations will itself be very soon able to resume fruitful work on disarmament through its own established machinery.
77. Meanwhile, there is one matter, with some bearing on disarmament, in which I believe progress is possible at this session of the General Assembly. I refer to measures designed to associate the United Nations directly in the solution of the problems which are now emerging from man's discoveries in outer space. At this session. the Assembly has the opportunity to approach the whole problem from a different and perhaps more positive standpoint. My Government welcomes the initiative of the United States Government aimed at developing international co-operation in the peaceful uses of outer space.
78. We believe that this should be done now, while the space age is still in its infancy. Let us have no repetition of the delays and missed opportunities that have made the problems of nuclear energy So much more intractable. But we cannot act effectively without a fuller knowledge of the problem; the peaceful uses of outer space are still largely undefined, and yet they clearly involve many interests, including those of several of the specialized agencies of the United Nations.
79. We shay therefore support the United States proposal [A/3902] that, as a first step, the General Assembly should appoint an ad hoc committee to study and make recommendations. We hope that this undertaking can be kept apart from the disarmament problem and free from the international differences which beset that problem. If so, we are sure that this Initiative can in time contribute to the general aim of strengthening peace.
80. I wish now to refer to some of the particular problems which are causing tension in the world and which may fall to be discussed during this session of the Assembly.
81. There is the question of Cyprus. There have been repeated debates about this problem in the past, I do not wish to say anything in my speech today which would make future debates more difficult or more acrimonious. The United Kingdom Government has tried very hard to find an acceptable final solution which would satisfy all concerned. We have made proposal after proposal. We have tried every form of diplomatic approach and negotiation. We have now put forward an interim plan to cover the next seven years, and I wish to tell the Assembly of the reasoning behind our new plan.
82. Three nations are concerned with the problem of Cyprus. First, the United Kingdom: the sovereignty of the island is now vested in us. It is our responsibility to safeguard the peace and well-being of the Cypriots. The island is important to us from a military point of view so that we should be able to fulfil our international obligations. A large majority of the population are Greek Cypriots. In addition to their cultural and religious leanings towards Greece, they aspire to union with Greece. Therefore, Greece has a strong interest in the island. Then there is Turkey. A considerable number of Turkish Cypriots live in the island, people who look to Turkey as their fatherland. The island is of great strategic importance to Turkey, covering its southern ports, and has had a long association with Turkey in the past.
83. It is a case, therefore — and this really cannot be disputed — of three countries having an interest in the problem. It is a tripartite problem. It seemed to us that the most constructive way to seek to make progress was for the three nations-concerned to try to put into effect for the next seven years a plan taking account of that tripartite interest and, at the same time, making it possible for the peoples of Cyprus to make progress towards self-government. I will not go today into the details of the carefully balanced plan with its checks and balances which are well known to most of you.
84. It does not pretend to be a final solution. No one is asked to give up their ideas as to what the ultimate solution should be. What is more, I believe it to be the only way which will prevent continued violence in the island and enable harmony to be restored between the three countries and the two Cypriot communities and so open up some long-term prospect for the peoples of Cyprus. The policy is founded on the sound principles that each community should control its own affairs and that the elected representatives of both communities should come together, in q body with a Greek majority, to run the affairs of the island as a whole. There are, of course, dangers in going ahead with our policy, but we are convinced after the most careful examination that they are not nearly as great as the dangers of wavering or of going back. We believe that the policy embodied in this interim plan is the best for all the people of Cyprus and that it offers the only escape from the deadlock of the past and the only hope for practical progress. It is an imaginative effort, in accordance with the spirit of our time, to make an interdependent approach to a difficult and contentious issue, and I commend it to you.
85. The topic of territorial waters and fishing rights will be raised in the Sixth Committee during the session. This is an even more striking example of a subject where the principle of interdependence should be recognized. Our attitude is that this is a matter which must be settled by international agreement, that unilateral seizure of areas of the high seas under the pretext of some unilateral national decision is quite out of tune with the spirit of the day. We regret very much our present dispute with Iceland. We have a long history of most cordial relations which we wish to restore as quickly as possible. Our difference is essentially a difference' of opinion as to what Iceland is legally entitled to do. The United Kingdom, with other countries, believes that Iceland is acting illegally. Iceland maintains that it is acting legally. So I have this proposition to make. If the Icelandic Government is prepared to agree, let us submit the issue to the International Court of Justice. If the law is on Iceland’s side, then it has nothing to fear from such a course.
86. Ir. the meantime, I would repeat that the United Kingdom has always been and is still prepared to negotiate an agreement which would safeguard the future of the fisheries around Iceland and take account of Iceland's dependence on its fisheries. This would, of course, be without prejudice to the consideration on a world-wide basis of the questions of territorial waters and fishery limits at a second United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea. The United Kingdom is also prepared to continue negotiations for an acceptable modus vivendi with Iceland pending the holding of such a conference.
87. We have made repeated efforts to get negotiations started, but so far without success. In brief, if the Icelandic Government bases its case for the extension of its fishery limits on its economic needs, we are prepared to negotiate an equitable solution; if it bases it on its right in international law, let us submit the issue to the International Court of Justice. I have no doubt that Iceland would loyally abide by the decision of the Court and so, of course, would we.
88. Another problem which has long been a source of instability is the continued division of Germany. It is surely a monstrous thing that, more than thirteen years after the end of the war, the German people are still divided, contrary to the heart-felt desire of the vast majority on both sides of the dividing line. I do not see how we can hope to achieve any lasting system of European security until this injustice has been removed. Unfortunately, the Soviet Government still refuses to recognize its responsibilities or accept the directive which the Soviet Government itself agreed to at the Geneva meeting in July 1955. We still maintain that the only practicable and just solution is to permit the German people freely to choose their own government by means of free, all-German elections, and to recognize the right of a freely elected all- German Government to choose its own domestic and foreign policies. Is it too much to hope that the Soviet Government will at long last recognize the justice of this claim and permit a solution to be found?
89. I now wish to say something about the situation in the Taiwan Strait; The Government of the United Kingdom supports the United States Government in its wish for a peaceful settlement. I hope that that wish is sincerely held by all. The crisis had been immediately precipitated by large-scale bombardment of Quemoy by Chinese Communist forces. We hope that this resort to force will be terminated and that the Chinese Nationalist authorities will also abstain from military activities. We welcome the fact that talks are taking place in, Warsaw between the United States Government and that of the Chinese People's Republic. We have noted two very significant statements made on behalf of the United States with regard to these negotiations. President Eisenhower in his address to the American people on 12 September 1958 said: "There are measures that can be taken to assure that these offshore islands will not be a thorn in the side of peace.” Mr. Dulles in his speech here on 18 September used these words: "We seek a prompt cease-fire and equitable conditions that will eliminate provocations and leave for peaceful resolution the different claims and counterclaims that are involved." [749th meeting, para. 30.]
90. We welcome that conciliatory approach by the United States Government. We deprecate the violent and provocative language which is being used about the situation by spokesmen of the Chinese People's Republic and of the Soviet Union. In our approach to this situation we cannot forget how the parties have acted during the past ten years, or the great contribution which the people of the United States have made in the way of economic assistance to Western Europe and most other countries of the world. We remember their leadership over Korea and the tremendous sacrifices they have made to provide a framework of security within which nations can try to live their own lives free from the fear of aggression. We have not observed any similar effort on the part of those who now talk about American aggression in the Far East. However that may be, and whatever maybe the juridical aspects of the current controversy, I believe that the whole international community should join in insisting that this matter should not be settled by force. We hope therefore most earnestly that there will be an immediate cessation of current military action and the determination to see that the Warsaw talks reach a satisfactory conclusion.
91. I have touched on some of the grave problems which still impede the realization of our objectives of world peace and world stability. I have tried to speak without rancour of British differences of opinion with other nations. I have not tried to minimize the difficulties surrounding these problems, but 1 have attempted to indicate the way in which, the approach by which, I believe we may surmount these difficulties. Never before have such material opportunities been open to mankind. Never before have the benefits of science come within the reach so many. If we are to take these opportunities and enjoy the fruits of so much brilliant work by scientists and technicians, two things seem to me to be necessary. First, we must see that the moral stature of man matches these material opportunities and that the things of the spirit are not lost sight of. Secondly, we must seek a new political approach. I have tried in my speech to dwell upon this theme of interdependence. It means that, in pushing our individual claims and interests, we have to consider also the hopes and aspirations of other nations and of the international community as a whole. Without tolerance and mutual understanding the world will be an unhappy place for us and those to come after us. If, however, we can succeed in remembering that we are all members one of another, irrespective of race or creed, and if we can carry out in practice, each one of us, the noble professions of our lips, then indeed we can face our future with confidence and with hope.
92. The PRESIDENT; The representative of Jordan has asked to make a very brief statement at this point. This will not be his definitive statement in the general debate;' it is a brief statement in connexion with one of the topics raised by the representative of the United Kingdom.