100. Mr. President, I should like to express my sincere congratulations to you on your election to the high office of the presidency of our Assembly. Your election is a just tribute to your well-known devotion to the cause and ideals of the United Nations. Your ability, impartiality and wisdom will be of tremendous value in our deliberations and will give us the assurance that the proceedings of this Assembly will be efficient and constructive. Moreover, I have special pleasure in your election because you represent a country situated in the same region as Iran — and a country with which we have close ties of culture and friendship.
101. Once again we have gathered here to renew our pledge of unity and co-operation and to harmonize our efforts for peace and security in the world.
102. A month ago representatives from eighty-one nations met together here to deliberate upon the crisis which had occurred in the Middle East and to dispel the clouds which had temporarily darkened the international horizon. It was encouraging that the third emergency special session of the General Assembly was able to break the stalemate and to adopt a resolution [1237 (ES-III)] which, to say the least, averted the imminent dangers in the area. In this connexion, we must applaud the sincere efforts of all concerned towards the settlement of the problem which confronted the emergency special session of the General Assembly. The Arab States are especially deserving of praise for their conciliatory spirit and understanding, which contributed so effectively to the return of tranquillity to the area.
103. The practical arrangements being made by the Secretary-General, in consultation with the Governments concerned, will further uphold the purposes and principles of the United Nations Charter in ensuring peace and stability in Lebanon and Jordan and thereby facilitating the withdrawal of United States and United Kingdom forces from those countries. We are confident that, in the light of the practical arrangements being made by our esteemed and able Secretary-General and the statement made by the Secretary of State of the United States [749th meeting], as well as statements made previously during the third emergency special session of the General Assembly, the prompt withdrawal of these forces will take place. It is our hope that continuation of such efforts, in goodwill and good faith, will further strengthen the ties of friendship and understanding among all the countries of the Middle East and will pave the way towards an enduring peace.
104. As we mentioned in our intervention at the third emergency special session of the General Assembly, we must tackle the problem? of the Middle East in the light of those underlying factors which have brought so much unrest and turmoil to the region; for the solution of the pressing "surface" issues alone cannot dispel the basic unrest from which the Middle East has suffered so grievously.
105. The Middle East is indeed undergoing profound social, political and economic changes; this is a natural process of an historical phenomenon. It is common knowledge that one of the main causes of turbulence in the area is the thwarting of the legitimate desire of the people for freedom and social and political advancement. These nations are becoming increasingly desirous of asserting their national identity in their attempt to realize their social and political aspirations as well as to carry on their economic development and to make wider use of their national resources to raise their standard of living,
106. We believe that only through international cooperation and reconciliation of interests involved can differences be overcome and equitable solutions found in the best interests of the peoples of the Middle East and in the cause of peace and stability in the region.
107. While the world community was relieved of the grave situation in the Middle East by the return of calm to that area, the United Nations is now facing another most urgent and serious problem in the Strait of Taiwan. As a representative of an Asian country, I cannot conceal our deep concern over the course of recent events in the Far East, particularly if we bear in mind that such a chain of events may provoke a major conflict. The efforts now being made in the Warsaw talks are most praiseworthy and we earnestly hope that the parties concerned will demonstrate restraint and moderation in refraining from the use of force and will seek a settlement through peaceful means in conformity with the principles of the Charter.
108. I should like now to turn to some other important and still outstanding problems which appear on our agenda.
109. The most vital problem which confronts us is that of disarmament. Although the main responsibility for progress or failure in this field, as well as in other important problems, rests with the great Powers, it is none the less true that the question is of paramount importance to all nations, great and small. Despite the sincere efforts made during the twelfth session of the General Assembly to reach agreement on disarmament-efforts which resulted in the adoption of a resolution by the General Assembly [resolution 1148 (XII)] — no concrete results were achieved. The Subcommittee of the Disarmament Commission did not convene to carry out the pertinent provisions of the General Assembly's resolution. This was, of course, a setback — which could, however, be overcome if member nations were prepared to reconcile their views in the spirit of the resolution, "Peaceful and neighbourly relations among States" [resolution 1236 (XII)]. which recognizes the need to broaden international co-operation, to reduce tensions and to settle differences and disputes among States by peaceful means.
110. The mistrust of the great Powers towards one another has indeed created an atmosphere which has not only caused postponement and delay in the creation of a proper international system for the control of armament, but has also engendered a race in the production of weapons of mass destruction. In such circumstances, the small nations have been left with no alternative but to expend a substantial portion of their resources on the procurement of arms rather than directing them towards their social and economic development,
111. If the great Powers could arrive at some agreement in this field, not only could tire arms expenditures of small nations be reduced, but, as contemplated by the General Assembly, the great Powers could allocate additional resources out of the funds made available as a result of disarmament to the improvement of living conditions throughout the world and especially in the less developed countries.
112. We are not, however, pessimistic about the ultimate prospects for disarmament. The earnest desire of the world community to see the establishment of an enduring peace will ultimately bring about the end of the arms race. It is most promising that the East-West Conference of Scientific Experts, in Geneva, reached agreement on a detection system to enforce an international ban on the testing of nuclear weapons. The recent report of the United Nations Scientific Committee on the Effects of Atomic Radiation [A/3838], moreover, strikingly illustrated the imperative need to cease the testing of nuclear and thermonuclear weapons. We venture to express the hope that in the light of these conclusions, agreement on the suspension of nuclear and thermonuclear tests will be attained at the conference which will be held at the end of October 1958 in Geneva. We are further encouraged to note that a conference of experts of the United States, the United Kingdom and the Soviet Union, to discuss means of preventing surprise attacks, will take place in November 1958. The convening of this conference 13 still another hopeful sign on the path to disarmament and we are confident that agreements reached will contribute to a further clarification of the technical aspects of the problem and pave the way for greater progress in bringing about an internationally controlled system of disarmament.
113. Moreover, the results achieved at the Second United Nations International Conference on the Peaceful Uses of Atomic Energy have strengthened our hope that this power at mankind's disposal will not be employed as a weapon of mass destruction, but will be used solely for the promotion of progress in human society.
114. Another problem of international concern is that of Algeria. We can scarcely conceal our anxiety over the postponement of its solution. However, we cherish the hope that, in a spirit of understanding and cooperation, a peaceful, democratic and just solution will be found, which would meet the national aspirations of the Algerian people, in conformity with the purposes and principles of the United Nations.
115. In this same spirit we earnestly hope that further progress will be made towards the attainment of the objectives set forth in the Charter regarding recognition of the aspirations of all dependent peoples. In this connexion, may I say that we attach great importance to the solution of the problem of West Irian. The continuation of this dispute between Indonesia and the Netherlands, impairing as it does the tranquillity of the area, leads us to express the whole-hearted wish that negotiations between these two nations will be prompted, and that a solution will be reached, on the basis of the purposes and principles of the Charter.
116. The Cyprus question figures again on the agenda of this session. For our part we regret that up to now this question has not been solved in conformity with General Assembly resolution 1013 (XI), that is to say, by way of negotiation among the parties directly concerned, namely the Governments of the United Kingdom, Turkey and Greece, as well as the representatives of the Turkish and Greek communities of Cyprus. My Government maintains the most friendly relations with these three Governments. Therefore, we ardently hope that a solution which will safeguard, under conditions of equality, the legitimate rights of the Greek and Turkish Cypriots, as well as those of the Governments directly concerned, may soon be reached in an atmosphere of peace and mutual understanding.
117. In dealing with the still unsolved issues of international importance, I could scarcely fail to say a few words about the continued division of Germany. We in Iran believe that the present situation in Germany is not only repugnant to the aspirations of the German people, but that it constitutes a source of tension and grave unrest as well. We sincerely hope that the problem of the unification of Germany, as well as that of Korea and Viet-Nam, will be resolved both to meet the legitimate desires of the countries concerned and in the interests of world peace.
118. By truly complying with the spirit and the letter of our Charter and by sincerely harmonizing our efforts, these pressing international issues would indeed be nearer solution. We appreciate the great achievements already made by the United Nations in limiting armed conflict. However, we cannot but recognize inadequacies in its machinery for achieving some of its main purposes as set forth in the Charter. The establishment of an international force to meet the threat of armed aggression, as prescribed by the Charter, has not so far been possible due to the lack of unanimity among the permanent members of the Security Council. In consequence, the provision of the Charter calling for collective security has not been actuated. We retain the hope that, with the relaxation of tensions resulting from the sincere efforts made to restore confidence, difficulties in the way of the creation of such an international force will be overcome.
119. In the meantime, however, certain Member nations have tried to supplement this unfortunate gap by setting up defence alliances in line with Article 51 of the Charter. The ideal, of course, would have been the establishment of a United Nations collective security system to enforce peace whenever and wherever the need arose. Such an undertaking, however, is not at present within reach, and the establishment of the present system of alliances has, therefore, become a necessary expedient.
120. Along this line and animated by justified motives of self-preservation, Iran is linked in a defence alliance with some other nations with which we share common ideals and interests, with a view to resisting aggression of any kind and to furthering regional economic and social co-operation. The recent events in the Middle East have convinced us that the need which called this alliance into being is greater than ever and we are, therefore, determined to strengthen further our united defence position in the area. It is gratifying to note that the United States, which has already taken part as an observer to the Pact, agreed, in July 1958, to cooperate fully towards the security and defence of the member nations of the alliance.
121. As I have said, although no international force as stipulated by the Charter has been developed, the creation of the United Nations Emergency Force in 1956 contributed a great deal to the maintenance of tranquillity in the Middle East. The United Nations Emergency Force has been an instrument of restraint and practical value. In this connexion, my Government considers the studios being made by the Secretary-General on the feasibility of establishing a stand-by United Nations peace force to be of great interest and to deserve the utmost consideration by the General Assembly.
122. An examination of recent history and more particularly of the events of the past decade, however, will make it abundantly clear that direct armed aggression is not the only threat to the independence and territorial integrity of nations. Subversive activities, fomenting of civil strife and infiltration, all elements of indirect aggression, are equally as perilous, not only to the country which falls prey to them, but to world peace in general.
123. It is true that the concept of indirect aggression, like that of direct aggression, has not yet been legally defined. However, as no one would deny the concept of direct aggression, so also no one can deny the concept and meaning of indirect aggression as a more frequent phenomenon in recent international life. No country can feel safe if subversive activities are allowed to succeed in their insidious work, especially the smaller nations which are more susceptible to this danger. Among the weapons of indirect aggression can be counted all sorts of propaganda, including radio broadcasts which attempt to subvert the will of those nations at which they are aimed.
124. My Government wishes to stress the gravity with which we view indirect aggression or subversive activities anywhere. Such activities are contrary to the United Nations Charter, which has made it incumbent on all Members to refrain in their international relations from the threat or use of force not only against the territorial integrity or political independence of any State, but also, in the words of the Charter, "in any other manner inconsistent with the purposes of the United Nations." The debates of the third emergency special session of the General Assembly illustrated once again the apprehension of many Members towards the dangers inherent in indirect aggression, threatening, as it does, not only the independence and integrity of smaller countries, but also menacing international peace and stability throughout the world.
125. May I point out here that Iran’s foreign policy is firmly based on the principles of the Charter of the United Nations — principles of close international cooperation and maintenance of good neighbourly relations.
126. Our relations with Pakistan and Turkey are so close that there would seem to be no need for me to elaborate on them here.
127. As to our relations with our great neighbour to the north, the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics, I should like to emphasize that, in a spirit of developing friendly relations, we have succeeded in settling century-old differences over our common frontier. We have also succeeded in strengthening our commercial and economic ties and we are working on the exploitation of water resources through the construction of dams along the rivers which separate our two countries. We express our appreciation to our great northern neighbour for the good will it has manifested in the settlement of differences between our two nations, and we earnestly hope that this good will will remain firm and stable based on mutual respect and benefit.
128. Close ties of culture and friendship link us to our Afghan brothers, with whom we are continuing to develop most co-operative relations. It was with profound satisfaction that our people enthusiastically took part in the celebrations marking the fortieth anniversary of the independence of Afghanistan, and we take this opportunity once again to wish our neighbour continued well-being and prosperity.
129. The deep-rooted cultural and religious ties and the common interests existing between Iraq and my country make it incumbent upon both to multiply our efforts towards developing an atmosphere which would lead to the promotion of our friendship, understanding and co-operation to the mutual benefit of our nations.
130. I should like to turn now, if I may, to the activities of the United Nations in the economic and social fields. My Government wishes to express its profound appreciation for the assistance afforded my country through the Expanded Programme of Technical Assistance. It is our feeling that the expanded Programme has proved most effective and has given cause for considerable satisfaction.
131. I should like also at this time to express my sincere appreciation for the economic and technical assistance furnished by the United States which allowed my Government, particularly in a time of emergency, to cope with the many economic difficulties with which it was confronted.
132. However, if we consider the basic requirements of the under-developed countries, it becomes clear that the work of the United Nations in this field remains inadequate. The rate of growth in the less developed areas is still much inferior to that of the more industrialized nations, and the inequalities existing between the standards of living of these areas is incresing.
133. The Special United Nations Fund for Economic Development, which received considerable support here, could and would, we believe, give great momentum to advancement in the less developed countries. As yet, obstacles in the path to its realization have not been surmounted. We look forward, however, to the prompt establishment of the Special Fund aimed at an expansion of existing technical assistance and at the development of the activities of the United Nations and the specialized agencies in this sphere.
134. The creation of regional commissions under which concerted governmental action is being taken toward the promotion of economic and social development in the given areas has proven useful and most beneficial. Aware of the advantages of such concerted efforts, my Government has joined the Economic Commission for Asia and the Far East with a view to bringing our humble contribution and experiences which, I feel sure, will be helpful to us all. This does not, however, affect our position that the Middle East, as an entity, requires an economic commission of its own which, I hope, will be created in spite of present difficulties.
135. While we sincerely appreciate the tremendous assistance afforded us through United Nations programmes and otherwise, we are, nonetheless, willing to agree that the main responsibility for promoting economic development and social progress in a given country rests primarily with that country itself. We fully recognize the pertinence of this basic principle and are making every effort to act on it to the letter, missing no opportunity to encourage the promotion of economic development in our country to the best of our ability.
136. We are following a policy of positive and constructive nationalism aimed at promoting prosperity and economic and social development in Iran, with the full co-operation of those countries which possess the knowledge and the capital and wish to come to our assistance on a basis of mutual benefit and with no political strings attached to it. This is our understanding of the expression of "positive and constructive nationalism". What is "positive and constructive nationalism"? In this connexion, I could do no better than quote the words of our beloved Sovereign when His Majesty spoke recently to the National Press Club in Washington in July 1958. He said: "Constructive nationalism, one of the most powerful dynamic forces of our day, has awakened new hopes and aspirations and stirred our people with a fresh self-confidence. Harnessed, channelized and guided, it forms the mainspring of our efforts. We have progressed along the path of stability and social reform in a democratic and constructive manner and in a mood of dignity and honour, without wild denunciation, without ostentation and self-aggrandizement. This is ... an enduring service to the cause of our people and to the peace of the world,"
137. I should like to conclude, Mr. President, by expressing my hope that under your wise guidance the deliberations of this session of the General Assembly will be crowned with success. I should like also, as a representative of an oriental country, once again to reaffirm our faith in the United Nations by pledging that we shall not fail to do our utmost to see the realization of our common endeavour to achieve the ideals of peace and justice.