1. It is my privilege to bring to you the greetings of my sovereign and the salutations of the people and Government of Nepal, and their best wishes for the success of the work of this thirteenth session of the General Assembly.
2. Permit me, Mr. President, to congratulate you on your election to the high office of the Presidency of the current session of this Assembly. I have no doubt that your intrinsic merit, combined with your experience in international conferences, amply qualifies you for the high post you now hold. We hope that you will successfully guide the proceedings of this Assembly, which is at the moment seized with vital problems that seem to affect the very peace of the world itself.
3. I do not think it will be out of place here to outline briefly the main features of the foreign policy of His Majesty's Government in Nepal. His Majesty's Government believes in a policy of friendship with all, irrespective of the political and social systems which prevail in the different countries of the world. We believe that it is entirely for the people of the countries themselves to choose the kind of government under which they want to live. Small though our country is, we have been intensely proud of our national sovereignty. In our own history, we have always prized freedom more than anything else, and that is precisely why we have the same respect and consideration for the freedom of others.
4. We have good will towards all; we bear ill will towards none. We believe in a policy of non-alignment with any one of the existing international power blocs because we pursue an independent foreign policy. We do not wish to be committed beforehand to the support of one bloc or the other. We believe in assessing every international issue on its merits, without consideration of anybody's fear or favour. That is the only way, we feel, in which we can retain our independence of judgement on any international issue until the very end. That also explains why we ourselves are not in favour of military pacts and alliances as a rule. We sincerely believe, that, as a small country, we can contribute most to the deliberations in the United Nations by retaining our objectivity and independence in this regard. If all the small nations conscientiously adhere to this kind of policy, they can exercise a moderating and highly constructive influence on the work of the United Nations, and sometimes even be the attitudes of the great Powers.
5. Though we do not suffer from past resentments against Western imperialism in the same way as many other countries in our part of the world do, yet we feel strongly that it is wrong and immoral for any country to dominate the affairs of another country. With the passage of time, the forms of imperialism are also becoming more and more subtle. To us, however, imperialism implies every attempt on the part of the bigger countries to influence the affairs of the smaller countries by taking advantage of the weakness of the latter in any manner or under any pretext whatsoever. That is why we have always expressed ourselves firmly against imperialism of every kind or colour, be it over seas or over land.
6. We have instinctive sympathy with the movement for political and national renaissance everywhere in Asia and Africa. We feel that nationalism, though it might have outlived its utility in some of the more advanced countries of the world, is still a potent force in Asia, which, if canalized in constructive channels, might prove to be of immense good to the people in general. To those friends of ours in the West who have shown apprehensions about the excesses of Asian nationalism, all that we have to say is that even in their case — that is, in the case of Europe — history shows that the road to a wider measure of international co-operation, has always lain through the healthy growth of nationalism. Therefore, we oppose every attempt to obstruct the free growth of nationalism in any part of the world. The United Nations Charter itself is based on the principle and concept of international co-operation in various spheres, including the economic. It has become a truism to say that prosperity, like peace, is becoming more and more indivisible in the world we live in. Recent events are making it more and more clear that the world can no longer survive half rich and half poor, nor can technical or industrial knowledge remain forever the monopoly of a particular group of countries. We feel very strongly that the more developed the pattern of economic and technical co-operation between the so-called advanced and under-developed countries, the greater the chances of the foundations of peace and prosperity being strengthened in the world. But in this age of democracy, even in the relations between nations, this pattern or relationship of economic co-operation has also to be evolved on the basis of mutual benefit and equality. We have always viewed and accepted in this light the technical assistance and aid which we have received from the United Nations and from other countries in the world, and we acknowledge our gratitude to the United Nations and to other countries which have come forward to help us on these terms.
7. We live in a world in which the only alternative to peaceful coexistence has been non-existence. Call it by any name you like: call it the practice of tolerance and living together in peace with one another as good neighbours, or call it peaceful coexistence, the peace and prosperity of the world will largely depend on how well the nations practice this principle in international conduct and life. There is nothing new about this principle itself. It is contained in the United Nations Charter, as we have seen, and long before that it inspired the Kellogg-Briand Pact. The Bandung Conference of 1955 reaffirmed it as an important principle of international conduct. His Majesty's Government in Nepal has always abided by the five principles of the Pancha Shila in dealing with other countries. The Pancha Shila — or the Five Principles — form the basis of our treaty with the People's Republic of China, and recently, the joint communique issued by His Majesty the King of Nepal and the Chairman of the Praesidium of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR, Mr.Voroshilov, emphasizing these Five Principles, expressed the conviction that "war should be renounced as an instrument of State policy,” and reaffirmed the “desire for the universal peace and friendship which are so essential for the progress and prosperity of humanity”.
8. After having outlined the main features of our foreign policy, I would now like to turn my attention to some of the immediate problems with which the United Nations is seized. Though the events in the Far East have been quite disturbing and tense, nevertheless I would take up the Middle East question first because it has already received some attention in this Assembly. As my delegation stated at the time of the third emergency special session [745th meeting], no lasting settlement in the Middle East can be arrived at unless and until the proposed solution takes full cognizance of the following facts: first, the potentiality of Arab nationalism; second, the economic inter-relationship between the Arab East and Western Europe; and third, the interests of two of the great world Powers in the area from the point of view of the cold war strategy. Our delegation ventured to suggest at the emergency special session that the neutralization of the entire region, with the undertaking by the great Powers under the auspices of the United Nations not to interfere in any way with the natural course of developments in these countries, could eventually result in the solution to the Middle East question, a question which has baffled the United Nations over the past ten years. The report of the Secretary-General [A/3934/Rev.1]. however, is commendable and suggests some practical measures which, if implemented, might bring about the temporary relaxation of the tensions in that region, which of late has become one of the most sensitive and explosive areas in the world.
9. The events in the Far East are no less disturbing and are full of portentous significance to world peace. Though it is to be remembered that the Bandung Conference in 1955 consistently counselled restraint and the use of peaceful means to the People's Republic of China in the matter of acquiring its legitimate control of the off-shore islands, it must also be said to the credit of the People's Republic of China that it has abided by this counsel over all these years. His Majesty's Government in Nepal has not, as a rule, approved of the use of force for gaining political ends, yet it has always recognized the title of the legitimate government of China — that is, the Central Government of the People's Republic of China, in this case — to the control not only of the off-shore island, but also to that of Taiwan as a whole. All that we can say now is that we hope the United States, with its inheritance of world influence and prestige, will not fail to show the real sort of vision, imagination and wisdom which the situation seems to demand of it. All this might call for great efforts on the part of that country. Let us hope that it will show itself capable of these efforts, and will not fail to give further proof of its greatness,
10. Another problem which confronts this Assembly is that of disarmament. I need not recall before this distinguished audience the background and history of the disarmament talks in the United Nations. Everybody is agreed that disarmament is the most serious problem that confronts the international community, but the fact remains that no real progress has been made towards the real settlement of this problem. There was some hope for some measure of agreement on this question as long as the Disarmament Commission was functioning, but, as we all very well know, there has been a serious impasse, which has resulted not only in a complete deadlock over the negotiations but also in a breakdown of the very machinery for the conduct of the negotiations themselves.
11. It is indeed a sad state of affairs. The failure of the disarmament talks might eventually lead to the failure of the United Nations itself. We all know that the failure of the Disarmament, Conference in 1930 eventually led to the collapse of the League of Nations and to the outbreak of the. most disastrous war the world has so far seen. Let us hope that the agreement that has been reached between the scientists of the East and the West on the feasibility of setting up systems for the detection of atomic tests and the outcome of the conference between the representatives of the East and the West this month on a workable system for the prevention of surprise attacks might have an impact on the nations which will prove strong enough to compel them to resume disarmament negotiations in all seriousness.
12. We have always stood for the cessation of nuclear tests and have also welcomed the initiative shown in this matter by the great Powers from time to time. All that we can do as a small nation that has nothing to disarm is to hope and pray that wisdom will eventually dawn on the great Powers of the world in this vital matter of saving the world from complete extermination and annihilation. If only the great Powers that are engaged in the race for arms could spend on the development of under-developed countries apart of what they might eventually save by cutting down their expense on armaments, the entire outlook would change for everybody. This is the kind of positive disarmament for which we have always pleaded.
13. At the twelfth session, in our statement during the general debate [698th meeting], we endeavoured to show how a United Nations peace force could be a source of comfort and strength to the smaller countries of the world. Everybody knows that the kind of collective force of the United Nations which was envisaged by the founding fathers of the Charter could not come into being because of the differences between the two great Power blocs in the Military Staff Committee as early as 1947, and unfortunately, those differences have only been accentuated with the passage of time and the prospects for this kind of force are as dismal as ever. But the events in the Middle East in the fall of 1956, and the still more recent events there, have called on the General Assembly to take upon itself the functions for which it was never intended. The result is that it has been necessary every time to organize a force or observation group on an ad hoc basis, more or less as an expediency. We strongly feel that the creation of a United Nations peace force, even though it may be just for non-combatant purposes, for the purpose of enforcing only negotiated peace may go a long way in equipping the United Nations better to meet similar contingencies in the future. If the discussion of the report of the Secretary-General on the subject results in the eventual creation of mobile equipment of this kind, to be placed at the disposal of the Secretary-General, it would be a step forward in this sphere.
14. We have always advocated that universality should be the goal of the United Nations. With this end in view, we have always welcomed the admission of new Members to the United Nations. We hope that in the hear future quite a few nations from Africa will be able to take their rightful place in this council of nations. One thing that has always perplexed us and bewildered us is the question of the recognition of the People's Republic of China. We have always expressed the hope that the recognition of the People's Government of China will carry the United Nations a great step forward in the direction of universality. The exclusion of 600 million people of the world from the wholesome and efficacious influence of this great Organization does it no credit. From yet another point of view, the admission of this country to membership of the United Nations appears to be very, very essential. There are so many international problems — as, for example, the problem of the settlement of the Far East question, that of disarmament and the like — which, as has become clear over the years, cannot be solved without the willing consent and co-operation of the People's Republic of China. After all, the United Nations was never intended to be, and should not be, and exclusive club of like-minded countries. The more it reflects the realities of the world situation the greater the chances of its success in its high mission.
15. The eyes of the world are upon us. The people are waiting for the successful outcome of our deliberations here, especially in those vital matters that affect the peace of the world and the survival of humanity. The common man in the world has placed his confidence in the United Nations. People everywhere have pinned high hopes on this organization and its future. Let us not betray their hopes and confidence. In other words, let us not fail them.