Belgium

Mr. van ZEELAND said that, in commenting on the opening meetings of the General Assembly, an American newspaper had recently expressed the belief that the United Nations had already come of age. That was perhaps an over-optimistic view. So vast an Organization, the objectives of which were rightly and necessarily ambitious, could not be expected to mature early. Many of the difficulties encountered by the late League of Nations had been due to the excessive hopes and over-impatience which had presided at its birth. The United Nations was still taking its first steps. It would not do, however, to take refuge behind an easy scepticism and ignore mistakes, forget shortcomings, let opportunities slip and thus run the risk of once more arriving too late. The advantage of free general discussion was that it enabled Members of the Organization to make their points, to bring up questions of a magnitude beyond the scope of any commission and far transcending their solution in importance. 78. The speeches hitherto made had focused attention on many aspects of the life of the Organization, on its needs and potentialities. Mr. van Zeeland would in his turn submit to the Assembly a few reflections, which were admittedly of a general nature, but which had nevertheless a close bearing on the concrete realities of the time. Those realities were of direct concern to the United Nations by virtue both of the limits they imposed and of the opportunities they afforded for action on the level appropriate to the Organization, namely the world level. 79. It would be vain to harbour illusions. The role played by the United Nations since its inception in the relations both between States and between individuals had disappointed large sections of the population. The severest critics of the Organization included those who, despite everything, were the most convinced of the need to organize international relations at the world level. 80. Was it the time to inquire into the causes of the relative failure of the United Nations? Mr. van Zeeland thought that it was not. He wished to emphasize, how far the United Nations had fallen short of the magnificent objectives it had set before mankind at the close of the war — lasting and universal peace, economic prosperity, better material and spiritual standards of life for all men throughout the world. No one would deny that responsibility for such shortcomings and deficiencies lay with the nations which constituted the United Nations, particularly with those Powers which, either de jure or de facto, had assumed its direction, and especially with those Powers which had used their rights and powers for ends other than those of the community as a whole. 81. It must nevertheless be recognized that, however great, the goodwill inspiring the vast majority of the Members of the United Nations, whatever support they had received from the departments working under their orders, the problems confronting the peoples after the recent world war had been beyond the scope of any organization in their magnitude, complexity and diversity. 82. Furthermore, some of those problems arose at a level at which they could not be dealt with effectively by an international organization conceived and established at the universal level. After the war, national. States were confronted with numerous problems which were of equal gravity and urgency but which required vastly differing solutions. 83. Some of the problems were related to activities which only a national State could exercise within its own frontiers. Other problems at the opposite end of the political scale were beyond the capacity and competence of any national State. Their solution was inevitably and solely dependent upon agreement among all the peoples of the world, sought at the level of the United Nations. 84. But between the two categories of problems there was a third category which could be solved neither by the national State acting in isolation nor by the collective intervention of the United Nations. The proper solution of such problems required the intervention of intermediate organizations, and particularly of regional arrangements, for the existence of which provision had been made in the United Nations Charter. 85. The failure of the United Nations in certain spheres — whether temporary or otherwise was unimportant — had made it particularly clear that the establishment of such intermediate organizations was both mandatory and of immediate urgency. 86. Even had it been otherwise, even had the United Nations from the beginning, and with universal consent, acquitted itself satisfactorily of all its tasks without exception, the need for intermediate organizations would still have made itself felt. For that method was imposed by concrete realities from the demands from which there was no escape. 87. It had been one of the weaknesses of the late League of Nations that it had failed to make use of such forces and had in fact by-passed problems by making a direct transition from the national State to the world organization. But, as always happened when an idea was right and mature, the desire for regional association had nevertheless found expression in many parts of the world. 88. Mr. van Zeeland referred briefly to two groups of very different character and with widely differing objectives, which nevertheless served to illustrate his argument: on the one hand, the organic association of peoples’ republics under the aegis of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics and, at the other end of the world, the strengthening of the bonds constituting the Pan American Union. 89. He then pointed out two other signs of the need to organize nations at a level between that of the national State and that of the United Nations, and in that connexion referred to Europe and to the forms which the expression of the people’s will had taken in order to regain for the old Continent, decimated by the war, its role, its prestige, and its former prosperity. He recalled that because of his functions he had been called upon to preside over some of the councils of the new Europe, but explained that he would deal with those problems only from a personal point of view. 90. Thanks to the Marshall Plan, nineteen countries had benefited by the efforts of the United States to restore normal conditions of life, production and exchange throughout the world. They had grouped themselves in an organization of limited aims but very great significance, the Organization for European Economic Co-operation. That title stated precisely what it was intended to state. It comprised, in fact, the four essential words corresponding to the basic ideas of the whole undertaking and, in Mr. van Zeeland’s opinion, it met the needs of modem times. 91. In the first place, it evoked the concept of co-operation between peoples. There was no need to stress the cardinal importance of that idea. Everyone, was convinced that there was not a single State, however powerful, in the modem world which could isolate itself in its own power and aim at achieving its own happiness without concerning itself with others. Mankind had reached complete unanimity on that point, but divergences arose in respect of the methods of achieving such co-operation or the goals to which it must be directed. 92. Next, it expressed the idea that such co-operation among States at that time must be carried out in accordance with a specific, organic method. Hence the term “organization". 93. Thirdly, the word “European” emphasized the necessity for Europe to organize itself at a level above that of national States but below that of the world Organization. That was the idea of regionalism, the region, in the case in point, being Europe. 94. Finally, that complex title evoked the idea of the need for a special effort in the economic field. It was hoped that through such an effort nations would be assured of the material conditions which strengthened their freedom of action, while the peoples of Europe would be assured of the standard of living to which they were entitled at the current stage of scientific and technical knowledge. 95. Mr. van Zeeland would not go so far as to say that the OEEC had so far been more successful than the United Nations. He would refrain from giving his opinion, but many believed that the OEEC had so far merely touched upon the fundamental problems facing Europe. 96. To be sure, by technical methods and by the most efficient use of the possibilities of immediate action placed at its disposal by the enlightened generosity of the United States, OEEC had made possible a stabilization of the material situation which struck any impartial observer visiting the old countries of Europe. But obviously that did not suffice. The OEEC was faced with a magnificent but formidable task. It had to prepare and to foster the economic integration of Europe by organic and, hence, lasting methods. That was the task to which he hoped it would devote itself thenceforth, without neglecting others. 97. He did not wish to minimize the difficulties of the task; but in his opinion the time for half measures was past. If Europe wished to regain its former status, it must restore its economy on new foundations. It was essential, by whatever method and whether in one or two stages, but without delay, to recreate a vast, territory where goods would be exchanged and where capital would circulate free from the obstacles that had hampered or immobilized it so far. 98. The removal of quantitative trade restrictions, the freeing of payments, the distribution of investments, were all problems capable of technical solutions eminently favourable to the production of goods, in other words, solutions that would meet the interests of all, both inside and outside Europe. The direct and courageous solutions so long awaited must be put into effect at once, as part of a long-term policy. 99. But the will to restore to Europe, through true, solid and lasting organization, the place it had enjoyed before the previous wars, had led the European nations to take a step of probably decisive, and in any case, historic significance, namely, the establishment of the Council of Europe. 100. The events preceding the birth of the Council were worthy of emphasis. It was obvious that in that matter European public opinion had preceded the desires and actions of the Governments themselves. It was true that the new organization was based on a decision whereby the Governments concerned had expressed their common will. But the pact had been signed by the Governments because congresses organized by private initiative had succeeded in making clear to Governments, and at the same time to the general public, the determined, spontaneous and active will of a large section of opinion in each of the countries of Europe. It could be said of the Council of Europe, with even more truth than of most of the bodies established in democratic nations, that it was the expression of the free will of the peoples. 101. That, in Mr. van Zeeland’s opinion, was the explanation of the surprising success of the first Assembly of the Council of Europe in Strasbourg. About one hundred men had met there, from thirteen different countries, representing very divergent political tendencies, and with no other point of contact than the desire to create a new Europe. It had been necessary to start from scratch; no one could have foreseen what personal reactions, what clashes of ideas and national sentiments, what difficulties of language there might be. Yet there was not a single experienced parliamentarian who had not left Strasbourg with the impression that the Assembly of the Council of Europe had deliberated in an atmosphere of high dignity and genuine efficiency. 102. Mr. van Zeeland did not wish, in any way, to express an opinion on the resolutions of the Strasbourg Assembly. They would be submitted to the Committee of Ministers according to the Statute of the Council. But it seemed obvious to him that the European spirit had been expressed at the Strasbourg Assembly with such lofty power and dignity as to ensure that the resolutions would not remain a dead letter. 103. In such circumstances, a question immediately sprang to mind, namely, whether there was no juridical conflict between such regional organizations as the Council of Europe or OEEC and the United Nations, whether there was not in fact a danger that their activities would clash. 104. Anyone who had attended the meetings in Strasbourg or Paris, or had taken part in them in any capacity whatsoever, could easily reply to that question. 105. The most, convinced champions of European organization were aware both of the needs and of the limitations of such an organization. 106. Again and again, it had been stressed that the errors made and repeated by nations should not be carried over to the regional organization. No region of the world could isolate itself, nor could any State. The region was a necessary intermediary, but it fulfilled its role only if it acted as a link between the national State and the supreme Organization. 107. Europe would live and realize its political mission only if it were closely integrated in the universal Organization. Such was the spirit which had guided the founders of the new organization. It was for that reason that the authors of its Statute had inserted a clause stipulating that all precautions should be taken to ensure that the meetings of the European organs should in no way hamper those of the United Nations; though only a detail, the point was significant. 108. That being so, it was true to say that anything done to organize Europe directly served the same ends as were being pursued by the United Nations, namely, the improved organization of relations among men. throughout the world. 109. The setting up of such organizations unquestionably emphasized one aspect of a general problem which had already been mentioned during the current session by some Members of the United Nations, notably by Brazil (222nd meeting), namely, the multiplication of international bodies with overlapping functions. 110. The time had come for the United Nations to concern itself about that multiplicity, to take steps for the re-establishment of order and clarity, to co-ordinate and to simplify. Mr. de Freitas Valle had cited some impressive facts concerning the organs of the United Nations. The problem had already made itself acutely felt in Europe, and it was clear that the respective functions to be carried out by the Council of Europe, the OEEC and the United Nations Economic Commission for Europe must be reconsidered. 111. The earlier that co-ordination was achieved, the more valuable it would be. Nevertheless, it was better that two organizations should be doing the same work, even though they might, in their zeal, sometimes interfere with each other, than that nothing at all should be done. 112. He wished to draw a general conclusion from one of the resolutions adopted by the Assembly of the Council of Europe at Strasbourg, a conclusion which affected one of the items on the agenda of the current session. 113. After careful work in committee and a general discussion of a high standard, the Assembly had approved, by a majority of more than two-thirds, a resolution to the effect that a court of human rights should be established. In so doing, its object had been one which was shared by many of the representatives at the General Assembly of the United Nations, and which had been expressed in the far-reaching discussions concerning the means of ensuring the implementation of the international bill of human rights. The vote had shown that the members of the Strasbourg Assembly considered that any violation of the fundamental rights pertaining to a human person was a matter which, as such, was outside the purview of the powers and responsibilities of the national State; it should be possible, subject to the necessary precautions, to bring such a violation before a supreme court, an organ whose authority went beyond that of national States. 114. There could be no clearer evidence that any violation of those fundamental rights was of direct concern to the collective entity as a whole. Mr. van Zeeland regarded such a vote as an obvious step forward on the path of freedom and respect for the human person, the path which led to the achievement of One of the highest purposes of the United Nations itself, 115. He believed he was expressing the ideas which inspired all those who had worked unceasingly through long years for the establishment of a more secure and more just international order, when he said that such an order, could exist only if at the base there were the national State, at the apex, the United Nations and, between the two, the intermediary groups duly integrated for international action, each pursuing the same purposes, namely, to serve the individual and the collectivity. 116. Belgium had never ceased to work for and serve that ideal of international organization. In the past it had served it within the League of Nations; in the future it would serve it within Benelux, the West, Europe and, above all, the United Nations. 117. In conclusion, Mr. van Zeeland expressed the hope, that the same spirit should prevail at each level of the international organization, the spirit of loyal and effective co-operation among all Members, the same respect for the fundamental rules of social life, and the same concern that the legitimate interests of each should be served while the interests of all were respected. 118. If that condition were met, then the Members of the United Nations would be enabled to draw gradually nearer to the ultimate aims which the Organization had set itself and short of which it could not rest without defeat. At that price the world might one day know peace with security, material prosperity, the raising of living standards for the masses and withal — social justice. To achieve such ends, no effort could be too great; though clouds might gather on the political horizon, Belgium remained convinced that no endeavour in the right direction was ever completely lost.