In my lifetime, the
world has been sliced up and labelled in many different
ways: East and West; communism and capitalism;
North and South; Christian and Muslim; developed
and developing, and so on. But as we meet today, the
most important fault line is not one of geography, or
ideology, or religion, or wealth; it is the divide between
those societies which are open and those which are
closed. Open societies choose democracy and freedom
at home, and engagement and responsibility abroad.
Closed societies suppress the liberty of their citizens,
draw a veil across their actions and withdraw from our
shared international life.
We must be honest — the forces of insularity and
isolationism have gained momentum in recent years.
Discrediting democracy feels easier. Authoritarian
States point enthusiastically at the ongoing fallout of
the 2008 financial crisis — proof, they say, of a broken
Western model. They feel vindicated; their citizens
may be less free, but their growth rates outstrip those
in the West. At the same time, in many of the States
affected by the financial crash, austerity has given rise
to a period of introspection. The impulse is to turn
inwards rather than face outwards.
And so a crisis of confidence has threatened to take
hold in parts of the developed world. It is not surprising
to hear some argue that liberal democracy has had
its day and that our multilateral system is becoming
obsolete. But those who make these claims are wrong.
They are drawing the wrong conclusions from recent
events.
The real lesson of the past five years has been
the remarkable resilience of open societies and the
acute need for international cooperation in today’s
world. Liberal democracies in Europe and across the
Atlantic have weathered profound economic difficulty.
The eurozone did not fall over, as many said it would.
By working together, disaster was averted and the
sovereign debt crisis is being managed.
In Europe we have maintained stability at a time of
great upheaval because, for the most part, our citizens
have expressed their frustration peacefully and through
the ballot box. And where there has been unrest, mature
democracies have managed it with relative success. And
so, just as the events of recent years have revealed the
weaknesses of some Western economies, they have also
underscored the great strength of open societies — the
ability to evolve and adapt. Open societies do not fear
change, and in the twenty-first century such openness
to reform is critical to lasting stability and success.
Democracy, free speech, participation, equality
before the law, the right to peaceful protest, the right
to be educated, the chance to work — these are not
Western values; they are the political and economic
freedoms sought by citizens everywhere, and they
are gaining force in every country around the globe.
Governments that ignore them are fighting a losing
battle. Democracy did not fail in Egypt; a single set of
elections failed. Egypt now needs to return to the path
of inclusive democracy. The democratic urge remains
as strong among the people as it was when they first
rejoiced in Tahrir Square.
In other parts of the region, while the picture is
mixed, important progress has been made. In Libya, the
General National Congress is working towards elections
in early 2014. Morocco has a new Constitution and, for
the first time, a Prime Minister elected by Parliament.
Although difficult challenges remain, Yemen has chosen
reconciliation, dialogue and democracy over violence.
Tunisia is also focused on building a new democracy
and economic growth, with progress towards a new
Constitution, and further elections expected in 2014.
Yes, these nations will undergo more turbulence.
That is certain. Well-functioning democracy cannot
emerge overnight, be exported from the West or
dropped on a country from 8,000 feet — that much we
have learnt from the failures of the past. Developing
the culture and institutions needed — the rule of law,
plural politics, human rights — is a painstaking process
for every country involved, and it requires strategic
patience from the rest of the world.
But while the road to democracy is difficult, the
direction of travel is set. Everywhere we look, people
are standing together against discrimination and for
equality; against oppression and for liberty. A wave
of openness has emerged, transcending borders and
cultures. Men and women of every creed, faith and
colour are calling for fair opportunities and demanding
to be heard.
The United Kingdom is clear. We are on the side of
all those who support political freedom and economic
empowerment. There will be no pulling up of the
drawbridge from us; no heading into retreat. We will
resist any impulse to turn our back on the world.
In North Africa and the Middle East, we are
helping States put in place the building blocks for their
democracies. Whether by training Libyan officials to
supervise fair elections, or supporting a free media by
training journalists in Morocco, these are the nuts and
bolts of successful democratic transition.
We are also supporting these countries’ economies
through our stewardship of the Group of Eight
Deauville Partnership this year, leading efforts to boost
trade and investment in the region, helping small- and
medium-sized enterprises and, crucially, promoting
greater participation by women. And we have kept the
political spotlight on the need to return assets stolen by
the former regimes in those countries.
In Syria, our priority is to help bring about a
political settlement. The foundations for a settlement
were agreed in Geneva last year — establishing, on
the basis of mutual consent, a transitional governing
body with full executive powers. We are in close touch
with our partners about convening a second Geneva
conference as soon as possible. No meaningful political
solution can occur without the moderate Syrian
opposition. We recognize the Syrian National Coalition
as the legitimate representatives of the Syrian people,
and we recognize their commitments to the Geneva
process and to building a secular, democratic and
pluralist Syria that ensures equal rights for all.
On the issue of chemical weapons in Syria, on
21 August the Al-Assad regime committed a war
crime under international humanitarian law, launching
a large-scale chemical-weapon attack on its own
people — the first attack on this scale for 25 years and
88 years after such weapons were universally banned.
As President Obama said here on Tuesday (see A/68/
PV.5), it is an insult to human reason to suggest that
the regime was not responsible for that war crime.
The international community must react, and react
in unison. That is why we hope to adopt later today a
Security Council resolution establishing binding legal
obligations on the Syrian regime for the removal and
destruction of Syria’s vast chemical-weapons arsenal.
On Wednesday, I announced that the United Kingdom
would provide a further $160 million of humanitarian
support for the Syrian people, bringing total United
Kingdom funding to $800 million — £500 million — our
biggest-ever response to a humanitarian crisis, much of
which is aimed at helping the many children caught up
in this tragic conflict.
The world has raised close to $1 billion of
humanitarian support this month, and I hope that others
will step up and contribute. Most importantly, I call on
all parties inside Syria to allow humanitarian agencies
to operate without hindrance or the threat of violence.
Unless that urgent humanitarian access is given, no
amount of money can alleviate the scale of the Syrian
people’s suffering.
I welcome President Rouhani’s comments on
Tuesday that he wants a constructive engagement
between Iran and the rest of the world and that he
wants to engage immediately in time-bound talks on
the nuclear issue. Those are encouraging words which I
very much hope are matched with genuine action. I am
pleased that negotiations on Iran’s nuclear programme
will restart in October. If Iran’s words are followed by
concrete steps, then there is a real opportunity to make
progress in resolving the serious international concerns
about Iran’s nuclear programme. We also look to a more
constructive approach from Iran in helping resolve the
crisis in Syria, and we have made clear to Iran that we are
ready, as the United Kingdom Government, to improve
our relationship on a step-by-step and reciprocal basis.
One thing that would fundamentally transform the
Middle East is a conclusive two-State agreement to end
the Israeli-Palestinian conflict — an agreement based
on 1967 borders with agreed land swaps that leads
to a sovereign and viable Palestinian State living in
peace alongside a safe and secure Israel, a universally
recognized Palestine alongside a universally recognized
Israel.
I commend the dedicated efforts of Secretary
Kerry and the courageous leadership of Prime Minister
Netanyahu and President Abbas, which have enabled
direct peace talks to resume. I sincerely hope that both
parties will make every effort to keep talks going,
including a halt in the building of new settlements. The
international community must fully support the parties
as they make the difficult decisions that are necessary
for achieving a lasting peace. Britain stands ready to
play its part.
As we wind up our military operations in
Afghanistan, the United Kingdom continues to work
with the Afghan Government to ensure a successful
transition. The Afghan National Security Forces are now
leading on security and continue to grow in confidence
and capability. That is a significant achievement. In the
United Kingdom, we recognize the serious challenges
still ahead for Afghanistan, but we strongly believe that
there is room for optimism about the country’s long-
term future. This is a crucial time for Afghan men,
women and children, as they prepare for elections in
2014, which must be credible, transparent and inclusive.
Poverty is as great a threat to stability and freedom
as are conflict and oppression. Thus, despite the strain
on our finances, the United Kingdom has met its target
to spend 0.7 per cent of its gross national income on
development assistance. We are the only country in
the Group of 20 (G-20) to have done so. Following the
global economic crisis, we said we would not balance
our books on the backs of the world’s poorest and we
have held true to our word.
On Monday, we announced that we would provide
$1.6 billion to the Global Fund to Fight AIDS,
Tuberculosis and Malaria. That is 10 per cent of the
Fund’s replenishment, so long as others join.
Women and girls remain at the heart of our
development agenda. They are the key to economic
growth, so investing in girls’ education is the single
most effective thing we can do to break the cycle of
poverty. We must end gender inequality, which is the
root of violence against women. That ambition is at
the heart of the United Kingdom’s initiative to end
sexual violence in conflict, and I would encourage all
States that have yet to do so to endorse the Declaration
of Commitment to End Sexual Violence in Conflict.
Over 115 States are already committed; we are sending
a message to the victims of those devastating crimes
that they are not alone and that their attackers will be
punished.
We have also used our presidency of the Group
of Eight (G-8) to focus on three areas where we can
support global prosperity — boosting trade, ensuring
better transparency to help developing nations benefit
from resources that are rightfully theirs, and cracking
down on tax evasion and closing tax loopholes. That
was just the start of our work on that agenda, and we
are pleased that the United Kingdom’s trade, tax and
transparency priorities have been fully reflected in
agreements reached by the G-20, including extending
the commitment to resist protectionist measures by
a further two years to the end of 2016, so that trade
remains as free and open as possible.
Whether it be in the G-8, the G-20, the European
Union, NATO or the Commonwealth, or as one of the
five permanent members of the Security Council, the
United Kingdom will continue to be an active and
engaged player in the world. The biggest problems we
face are problems we share.
Take climate change, for example — the report issued
this morning by the United Nations Intergovernmental
Panel on Climate Change confirms that sea levels are
already rising and that ice is melting faster than we had
expected. The report is an authoritative rebuke to all
those who persist in claiming that man-made climate
change does not exist. The United Kingdom will
continue to cut our emissions and give over $6 billion
to assist developing countries to do the same and adapt
to environmental changes.
But if we are to halt the devastating effects of
climate change, we must listen to the science, act now
and act together. We thus welcome the Secretary-
General’s announcement of a leaders’ summit next year
as a key step towards all nations agreeing to a deal in
2015 to take action to avert the crisis.
We are all affected by the scourge of terrorism.
Whether it is a soldier brutally murdered on a quiet
London street or innocent shoppers gunned down in a
busy Nairobi mall, we are all vulnerable. Following the
recent horrific events in Nairobi, the United Kingdom
is working closely with the Governments of Kenya,
Somalia and countries across the region to tackle the
issue. Our global response to terrorism must be robust,
intelligent and cover all those areas where our work
together can make a genuine difference. Alone we can
take small steps forward, but together we can take giant
leaps.
That much was clear earlier this year when we
signed the world’s first Arms Trade Treaty (resolution
67/234 B) to better regulate the global sale of weapons.
The United Kingdom is proud of the role we played in
delivering it, and we urge any countries that have not
signed it to do so. The Treaty reminds us that, with
enough political will, we can come together and do the
previously unthinkable, and that should embolden us to
do still more.
The United Nations has many virtues, but it also has
serious shortcomings that must be faced. The United
Nations has no greater friend than the United Kingdom,
but it does not adequately reflect the world we live in
today. The Security Council must be reformed. Unless
more room is made at the top table, it will fast become
an anachronism, a relic of a different time. That is why
the United Kingdom continues to support permanent
seats for Brazil, India, Germany and Japan, and
permanent African representation, too. We call on all
States to play their part in this forum, and in our other
international institutions, just as we will play ours.
We are at our best when we engage constructively
with one another and when we are ambitious in
pursuing our shared goals. That is as important for
those countries whose economies and influence have
grown and transformed over more recent years as it
is for the old, established Powers. Greater influence
means greater responsibility. The world is a better place
because Brazil is taking a lead in tackling deforestation,
because Mexico has enshrined climate-change targets
into law, because the Republic of Korea is leading the
way on nuclear security.
But there is much more to do; there are many more
areas where we need to take the lead. A global trade deal
to cut bureaucracy at borders — the subject of a World
Trade Organization meeting that will take place in
Bali in early December — would mean a trillion-dollar
boost for the global economy.
In the next two years, the United Kingdom wants
to do as much as it can to drive progress on the United
Nations Millennium Development Goals, and we are
also working in the United Nations and with civil
society to set out a post-2015 agenda that is even
more ambitious. There can be no greater goal than to
eradicate extreme poverty, leaving no one behind.
On these and all other issues facing our nations, we
are quite simply stronger together than we are apart.
Now more than ever, we must fend off the forces of
insularity and isolationism, stand up for our values and
look out to the world. That is what the United Kingdom
will do. We stand ready to work with all others who will
do the same.