79. We have gathered here this year with renewed hopes and revived faith in the ability of this Organization to assist in solving international problems and improving world conditions. Several developments have taken place since the last session which have resulted in reducing world tensions and creating a favourable climate for dispelling fears and suspicion and encouraging mutual trust and confidence. This, we believe, will enable the United Nations to work in greater harmony and with more efficacy.
80. I shall not enumerate all the events which seem to have affected so favourably the currents of international life. Many representatives before me have dwelt abundantly on that matter. However, I feel it opportune to recall at least. the Geneva Conference, which brought together for the first time since the end of the Second World War the responsible Heads of Government of the four big Powers in whose hands, primarily, lies the responsibility of promoting and safeguarding peace in the world. Nor can we omit mentioning the International Conference on the Peaceful Uses of Atomic Energy, which proved that this tremendous force would be mostly used for the benefit of humanity and the well-being of mankind, dispelling the fears that it was doomed to serve as an instrument of destruction. We also note the Austrian State Treaty which has stabilized conditions in that especially delicate area where East and West come into contact.
81. All these events are significant manifestations of a new spirit arising in the world. We consider no less significant the tone used in the speeches made in this general debate, which is in striking contrast with the past.
82. It is in that same spirit, we believe, that another important event took place in the current year, namely, the Bandung Conference. Many might have regarded this Conference as a purely regional one concerned with purely regional problems, or as an attempt on the part of the Asian and African countries to group themselves in opposition to the rest of the world. This impression of the Bandung Conference, in which my country took part, is, in our opinion, completely erroneous.
83. Actually, the Bandung Conference was an expression of the desire of the peoples of Asia and Africa to participate actively in the solution of problems which are of common concern to all nations and, as such, was a new manifestation of the solidarity of mankind. What in reality took place at that Conference was a renewed endorsement of the principles and purposes of the Charter of the United Nations, aimed at reactivating them and giving them a new impetus.
84. The recommendations of this Conference with regard to the right of self-determination of all peoples and nations, universal respect for human rights and fundamental freedoms, the abolition of colonialism in all its forms and manifestations, the elimination of racial discrimination, the principles necessary for the maintenance of peace, and the universality of the United Nations, as well as its recommendations concerning specific problems such as the Palestine question, the question of Aden and the protectorates, the question of West Irian and the questions relating to North Africa — all these recommendations were only made in an effort to help the United Nations in its endeavour to settle these issues.
85. Furthermore, the principles of economic and cultural co-operation established by the Conference show clearly that the peoples of Asia and Africa, while undeniably striving to establish closer relations among themselves, are also eager to broaden these ties so as to embrace the whole world. Finally, the Bandung Conference recognized the need of the world today for coexistence, not in its accepted interpretation of peoples merely living and tolerating the lives of others, but in its real and more profound meaning of the need for peoples to live together in a more intense spiritual and material intercourse. This is the true meaning of peace; it is a positive and constructive reality and not a mere negation of war. We believe that this spirit of Bandung cannot have failed to contribute to the lessening of world tensions and to the emergence of the spirit under which we are starting our deliberations in this Assembly.
86. All these favourable conditions, which have brought about this atmosphere of confidence, tolerance, conciliation and understanding, will certainly be of great assistance to the Organization in its work. But, at the same time, they also constitute a challenge. It is a challenge because, in the past, it was always possible for the supporters of the United Nations to attribute many of its weaknesses or deficiencies to the then prevailing world tension and unfavourable international atmosphere. If it is true that present conditions are better, it follows that there will be less justification in the future for such failures or deficiencies, because the Organization will be working under the conditions which were in the minds of its founders when they drew up the Charter ten years ago. If, in these circumstances, the Organization should still fail to prove its efficacy, then it would be logical to believe that the weaknesses stem from the structure of the Charter itself.
87. In this latter case, a review of the Charter becomes imperative. The experience gained so far is not a proper indication of the inadequacy of the Charter to implement its aims, because the machinery of the Charter has functioned for the most part under adverse conditions. It appears to us, therefore, that a new chance should be given to the Organization to function under normal conditions before considering a review of its Charter. It should not be understood from this that we are opposed to the idea of deciding in principle to hold a conference to review the Charter. However, we believe that the date of such a conference should be left open for a future decision, bearing in mind that the Organization should be given sufficient time in these new and more favourable conditions to prove its efficacy.
88. The duty of the United Nations today is, therefore, to try with a new impulse and a new, approach to solve the main problems still outstanding, problems whose solution might have been hindered in the past by the existing world tension and the atmosphere of distrust and suspicion.
89. Foremost among these is the problem of disarmament, which has remained static for several years and which should find a speedy and proper solution. We hope that those who are primarily concerned with this problem will find it possible to agree on the reduction of armaments and the prohibition of nuclear weapons, including provisions for adequate control, which are in our view of paramount importance.
90. Similarly, the problem of the admission of new Members should find, under the new prevailing conditions, a long-awaited solution. This Organization is by its nature intended to be universal, and it cannot develop all its potentialities so long as universality has not been attained. We believe that all the countries qualified for membership should be admitted without delay, and thus be permitted to contribute to the activities of the Organization. We will favour any proposal by which this could be achieved, provided it respects the principle of individual merit laid down in the Charter. This problem is of particular interest to us since there are two Arab countries — Jordan and Libya — which are qualified for membership and which we are anxious to see admitted. We are likewise in favour of the admission of a number of other States which possess the necessary qualifications for admission.
91. In the economic field, it is to be hoped that the new world political situation will favour the intensification of the activities of the United Nations for the development of the under-developed areas of the world and the strengthening of the programme of technical assistance. We would do well to start thinking of plans and schemes of development and assistance which could be implemented with funds made available by a massive reduction of armaments and with power derived from atomic energy. The Secretariat of the United Nations could, in our opinion, play a useful role in carrying out the preparatory work to that effect.
92. We entertain the same hope with regard to the activities of the United Nations in the social and cultural fields, and in particular in the field of human rights and freedom of information. My delegation, which played an important role in these activities, is convinced that the drafting of the two covenants on human rights and of the conventions on freedom of information was delayed because of the desire of many States not to yield some of the powers which they are eager to keep in a tense world situation. With the improvement which has come about in the world situation, a new effort deployed with a greater degree of sincerity and goodwill could, we believe, lead to agreement on these documents.
93. Let us now turn our attention to other problems of less universal character, but by no means of less importance. Here again, we believe that the new political climate should contribute to their early and just solution.
94. I am thinking, first of all, of the tragic problem of Palestine, which continues to be the overriding concern of the peoples and Governments of the Arab world and the centre of their preoccupation and worries. We believe that this Organization will gain in prestige and authority as its efficacy increases in the improved world situation. Consequently its decisions and recommendations will bear more weight and command more respect. At the same time, the stronger feeling of security which the new world situation brings with it will result in a sharper sense of justice and fairness within this Organization.
95. These two factors could lead to the solution of the Palestine problem if a real, sincere and determined effort is made to exert due pressure on the Israel authorities to abide by the resolutions of the General Assembly and to respond to the requirements of justice and fairness. This is the only ground on which any hopes for the settlement of a painful and explosive situation in the Middle East could be built.
96. We had thought that Mr. Hammarskjold, in the valuable report which he has submitted to this Assembly, would not contemplate, as Secretary-General of the United Nations, any other “basis” for the solution of this problem. We had also hoped that the Secretary-General would fulfil what we consider to be his duty in recalling that "basis” to those who seem to forget it. I must confess, unfortunately, that we have been disappointed by the views he has expressed on the matter in the introduction to his annual report. The Secretary-General says: “It should be one of the principal objectives of the United Nations in the coming year so to influence conditions in the area as to create a basis on which the parties may find it possible to consider a more lasting settlement” [A/2911, page xiii).
97. As Secretary-General of the Organization, Mr. Hammarskjold could not and should not, I submit, think of any other basis than the existing resolutions of the General Assembly. I hope I have not misinterpreted his words. He may well have intended to mean that the “conditions in the area” to be influenced are the hearts and minds of the Israelis; if such is the case, we owe him an apology, but still would wish him to say it more clearly and unequivocally.
98. With regard to the problem of the Arab refugees, we were heartened to see Mr. Hammarskjold reaffirm with the following words — which he wrote with sincerity and anxiety — the responsibility of the Organization and its Member States as to the fate of the refugees: “The fate of the Palestine refugees has been far too long upon our conscience” [ibid.]. The responsibility of the United Nations to which he refers consists, we believe, not only in having created the problem of refugees, but also in having failed to exert the necessary pressure on the Israelis to submit to the solution recommended by the General Assembly.
99. We fail, however, to understand the attitude of the Secretary-General when, in an effort to find at least a partial solution to that problem, he thinks only of the Jordan River project and does not mention the repatriation of those refugees desiring to return to their homes. We submit that, as Secretary-General of the United Nations, Mr. Hammarskjold should have pointed out this principle which was proclaimed and has often been reaffirmed by the General Assembly.
100. I come now to the problem of North Africa. We note with satisfaction the efforts made by France in finding a solution to the problem of Tunisia and trust that its endeavours to solve the Moroccan problem will be crowned with success. As for the problem of Algeria, we think that its inscription on the agenda of the present session will prepare the ground for a favourable solution.
101. In this connexion, I should like to express the hope that the intentions of the Asian-African countries in requesting the discussion of these North African problems by the United Nations will be well understood and appreciated. This request cannot stem from any desire on the part of any of the fourteen sponsoring Governments to profit by the emancipation of these countries. Furthermore, none of them has any interest in creating trouble in or disturbing the peace of that area. Nor is it their intention to antagonize France, for all of them entertain friendly relations with France.
102. The request stems first and foremost from their conviction that the peoples of North Africa, whatever their legal status, have the right to self-determination and should enjoy this right for their own benefit, for the sake of justice and in the interest of international co-operation and peace; it also stems from the fact that the fourteen sponsoring States, having closer affinities with the peoples of North Africa, are in a better position than others to know and understand the real feeling of the peoples of Morocco, Tunisia and Algeria, their growing consciousness as national entities and their eagerness to decide by themselves, and in freedom, their own fate and destiny. Therefore the sponsoring States realize more clearly than others that repression and the use of force can only make the situation much worse. By bringing these questions to the United Nations, their aim is only to facilitate the finding of a peaceful solution thereto.
103. We trust and hope that France and its supporters will view our purposes and intentions in their true perspective. We are sorry that our action has been misunderstood by the French delegation, and regret that delegation's absence from this Assembly.
104. It is in the same spirit that the Asian-African countries have also requested the inscription of the West Irian question on the agenda of the present session. As long as the Netherlands authorities refuse to enter into negotiations with the Indonesian Government, we feel there is no other course we can follow but to ask this Assembly to call for such negotiations. We hope that this will facilitate a just solution of this problem.
105. Finally, my delegation has constantly joined the Asian-African countries in sponsoring resolutions regarding the questions of the treatment of persons of Indian origin in the Union of South Africa and of racial discrimination in that State. These items are on our agenda again this year. We hope that the Government of the Union of South Africa, having sought in vain the protection of paragraph 7 of Article 2 of the Charter, will, this time, put aside this feeble shield and come forward before the Assembly to discuss with us the substance of the matter. I am convinced that many delegations here — and my delegation is among them — appreciate the difficulties which confront the Union of South Africa with its manifold populations. We sincerely wish that the South African delegation would expound these difficulties before us, and are confident that the United Nations will find a fair and just solution to that problem,
106. The improvement which we now witness in the world situation — and which we hope will continue — will, I trust, have its effects on the manner in which the purposes and principles of the Charter are applied. It is our deep conviction that all these, and other, problems could be solved if only the United Nations would sincerely abide by the principles and purposes of its Charter, which was established to guide the policies of the States and not to serve the egotistical interests of its Members. We are also sure that the Organization will fulfil its mission when these principles and purposes are no longer applied to suit the policies and interest of this or that State, but, on the contrary, when Member States mould their policies on the principles of the Charter.