The Polish delegation came to this session with rather mixed feelings. We remembered the initial progress that had been achieved at the previous session, at a time of growing international confidence. We recalled also the increased prestige of the United Nations and the increased responsibilities placed on it as a result of the admission of new Members. May I be allowed to extend a welcome to the delegations of the nineteen States that have recently been admitted to our Organization. We now have here representatives of nearly eighty States. This gives us greater possibilities, and greater responsibility, for steadfastly implementing the principles of the Charter and establishing the conditions for lasting peace, international co-operation and security.
99. On the other hand, the events which accompanied the opening of the eleventh session of the General Assembly caused great concern to all those who cherish international co-operation and peace. No sooner had the tension of the cold war lessened, no sooner had political, economic and cultural contacts been revived, than the international situation was subjected to new tensions; and of these the most serious sprang from the events in the Near East. In pursuit of their selfish ends, three States, the United Kingdom, France and Israel, launched a brutal attack on Egypt.
100. The blow that this act struck at the cause of peace and at the United Nations itself was all the greater because two of its authors were among the great Powers, that bear the primary responsibility for the maintenance of international peace and security. We must therefore take prompt and effective measures to give full satisfaction to Egypt and to provide guarantees for its territorial integrity and full independence
101. We regard the Anglo-French aggression in the Near East as an attempt to turn back the dock to the period of colonial conquests, as an attempt to wipe out the great progress in international affairs represented by the principle of the pacific settlement of all international disputes.
102. It is time that the United Nations and its Secretary-General can record a certain measure of success in their efforts to solve this problem. But we must see to it that the recommendations of the United Nations are carried out meticulously and, first and foremost, that the troops of the States which committed aggression against Egypt are withdrawn, immediately. We cannot allow the colonialist aims which certain Bowers are pursuing in the Near East to be achieved, even in part, behind the cloak of United Nations resolutions.
103. If we accept the premise that peace is indivisible, we cannot but regard the events in the Near East as a very grave warning. We must do everything in our power to ensure that such events never occur again, elsewhere and against another State. The legitimate and just demands of Egypt must be satisfied. The shattered equilibrium in international relations must be restored, and we must renew our efforts to strengthen peace. This is our most important task, the successful accomplishment of which would at the same time mean the rebirth and the strengthening of the authority of the United Nations. On behalf of the Polish people and the Polish Government, I pledge our full participation in these efforts which are so vital to all of us.
104. We represent here States with different systems; we represent almost the whole of modem civilization. We cannot, however, speak of the strength of the United Nations, or of the effectiveness of its decisions, as long as one of the great Powers, representing a large part of the Asian continent, is not sitting amongst us. It is high time to put an aid to an absurd and pernicious fiction. The Chinese people’s right to speak in this hall must be recognized. The sooner this happens, the better it will be for our Organization and for the entire world. That is why the Polish delegation deplores the General Assembly’s decision in this matter [A/RES/406], running counter as it does to the interests of international co-operation and of the United Nations itself.
105. We are living in an age of major political and economic changes, changes of historic importance. We are witnessing great popular struggles for national liberation from imperialism and colonialism in Asia, Africa and Latin America. The United Nations cannot hinder, nor can it ignore, this historical process. If it continues to do iso, it will be left in the wake of events. It is the duty of the United Nations to support, to hasten and to facilitate the national liberation movements of the colonial and semi-colonial peoples who desire independence. The United Nations should make a bold and effective contribution to eliminating the remnants of colonialism, wherever they still exist or wherever attempts are still being made to revive them.
106. This problem is closely connected with the economic situation of the under-developed countries. It is a well-known fact that in these countries the economic level, and especially the standard of living of the broad masses of the population, has not improved to any appreciable extent. On the contrary, the gap between the economic level and the standard of living of these countries, on the one hand, and those of the metropolitan and, generally speaking, the industrial countries on the other is widening continuously. This shows that the means which the United Nations and the specialized agencies have used so far in order to assist the underdeveloped countries have proved highly inadequate.
107. My Government 'has long shown interest in these problems. This is borne out by the proposals which we have submitted at previous sessions and by our expanding economic relations with the countries of Asia and Africa, on the basis of equality and mutual advantages. Nevertheless, we see the need for more effective measures to increase and co-ordinate past efforts. It must be borne in mind that the unsolved problems of the under-developed countries bear in themselves the seeds of dangerous conflicts and unrest. It is our considered view that economic questions constitute an essential factor in solving the basic problem of peace and security.
108. The main factor in ensuring world peace and security is the problem of disarmament and the liquidation of military blocs. Vast armaments and the existence of closed military alliances help to maintain international tension and create an atmosphere of fear and suspicion. We think that the events in the Middle East should be a lesson to all of us, and that we should at long last undertake really effective efforts to bring about disarmament and the prohibition of weapons of mass destruction.
109. The proposal for prohibiting experiments with these dreadful weapons, as the first step towards their complete elimination, is gaining ever-increasing support in world public opinion. Its implementation will be the logical sequence of the recent decisions on the peaceful use of atomic energy, which represent a certain success on the part of the United Nations. In this way we could emerge from the tragic impasse in which the disarmament discussions have been locked for years, although in this field, too, some signs of progress have recently become apparent. We have seen the great Powers’ points of view gradually drawing closer together, and we have even seen them borrowing certain ideas from each other.
110. We think that the new proposals presented by the Soviet Union constitute a further step along this road, and that they deserve detailed study on the part of this Assembly. A noteworthy new factor in this rapprochement of views is the Soviet proposal that the aerial inspection plan proposed by President Eisenhower should be put into the effect in a particular region. It is necessary, however, that those who, despite so many failures, would still like to shape international relations by the use of force or by the threat of force, renounce that policy.
111. In our view, steps should be taken at the same time towards a gradual building up of the collective security system, for this is one of the fundamental ideas underlying the United Nations. Step by step, but systematically, we can and must reunite our dangerously divided world.
112. Let us start with regional agreements. My Government is of the opinion that in Europe an important step in this direction would be an agreement concerning a zone of limited armaments. Such an agreement could lead to the gradual withdrawal of foreign troops from German territory, the present frontiers of the States neighbouring Germany and, until the unification of that country, the frontier between the German Federal Republic and the German Democratic Republic being guaranteed by mutual agreement.
113. This should subsequently make it possible to liquidate foreign military bases and to withdraw foreign troops from the territories of the other States, which would undoubtedly do much to lessen international tension. At the same time, the creation in Europe of zones of limited armaments would have a beneficial effect upon the future peaceful unification of Germany, which should be the outcome of on agreement between the two German States. The gradual bringing into being of the collective security system is the best guarantee of peace in Europe.
114. In the meantime, Europe is unfortunately divided. We cannot look with indifference on the continuing remilitarization of Western Germany or on the activities of revisionist forces in that country, with the support of certain imperialist circles in the West. We look with anxiety upon the growing stocks of atomic weapons on the other side of the Elbe. As long as these forces are active and Europe lacks even a partial system of collective security, our frontiers on the Oder and the Neisse, as also our territorial integrity, can be safeguarded only by means of special agreements between socialist States which face similar dangers.
115. As long as the North Atlantic Treaty exists, the Warsaw Treaty must continue to exist. The geographical position of Poland and the lesson of our tragic experience in the past explain why we are so vitally interested in it and in its proper functioning. The signatories of the Warsaw Treaty have, in particular, agreed to defend and assist each other in the event of aggression, while respecting each other’s independence and sovereignty. The Treaty itself stipulates that it will lapse as soon as a European system of collective security fits established.
116. The present international situation, and especially the lack of any agreed solutions which would provide sufficient safeguards against the revival of German militarism, is the reason why we think it is still advisable that a fixed number of Soviet forces should be temporarily stationed in Poland, under an agreement between our two countries. This is linked with the stationing of Soviet troops in the territory of the German Democratic Republic, whose security and peaceful development is a matter of special interest to us.
117. In speaking about the problems of Europe, it is impossible for me not to refer to the tragic events in Hungary.
118. The Polish delegation has already made known its attitude on this problem on two occasions here, both in its statements and in its votes on various resolutions. My Government has also made known its views on the Hungarian problem in official declarations and, recently, in the joint Polish-Soviet declaration signed in Moscow on 18 November 1956.
119. In those statements, we emphasized our conviction that the workers of Hungary and the whole Hungarian nation would find sufficient strength in themselves to safeguard the achievements of the popular democratic system, to implement the programme of socialist democratization and to settle Poland’s international relations on the basis of sovereignty. It is our view that we should not render this task of the Hungarian people more difficult. In our opinion, too, it is imperative that Hungary should be given assistance to heal its wounds and to bring the life of the country back to normal.
120. I should like to point out that the Polish people were among the first to go to the Hungarian people’s assistance. We have been helping them from the very beginning, and we are still doing iso, by sending medical (supplies, clothing and other necessary articles. My Government will support every initiative along these lines. It is upon this problem that the efforts of the United Nations should now be concentrated.
121. Poland is deeply attached to the principle of peaceful international co-operation and to the five principles of peaceful coexistence, which in our opinion should be binding in relations among all States. Our heartfelt desire for peace and international understanding results not only from the bitter lessons of our history, but also from the fact that we want to be able to devote all our efforts to the task of internal transformation and to the improvement of living conditions.
122. It must be said, and we say it with pride, that our country is now going through a period of far-reaching and irrevocable changes. It is an impetuous and at the same time a creative process, in which the whole strength of the Polish people is harnessed for the purpose of ensuring the further development of Poland as a democratic, socialist and sovereign State. Our aim is to achieve this by the best methods and by means that are in conformity with the needs and traditions of the Polish people.
123. We are sparing no effort to do away with or change everything that previously hampered the free development of our country. We wish to avail ourselves of all existing opportunities in order to improve the conditions in which our people live. Our main concern is to give the existing democratic institutions their full value and to find ways of ensuring that the working masses play as large and effective a part as possible in the management of the State and of its economy.
124. We are convinced that this great process of democratization is a turning point in the development of our country, and that it will bring the Polish nation enormous advantages and at the same time help to develop and broaden our relations with other countries.
125. We can already count to our credit the widespread resumption of international contacts. Warsaw, the capital of Poland, has been visited in recent months by many distinguished representatives of the political, scientific and cultural life of various countries. Our links with the socialist States, with which we are bound by the common aim of building a new order and defending peace, are particularly close and strong,
126. This community of aims, so far from excluding, obviously implies equality of rights, mutual respect for sovereignty and non-interference in each other’s internal affairs. These principles have been fully reflected in the Polish-Soviet declaration signed in Moscow on 18 November. To this declaration we attach great importance. It will help strengthen the unshakable alliance and brotherly friendship between the Polish people and the peoples of the Soviet Union, a friendship of vital importance to both our countries. In our opinion, an alliance based upon these principles represents also a vital contribution to the strengthening of European security.
127. In international relations we have always respected, and we continue to respect, the principles of the United Nations Charter. We desire a rapprochement with all other nations. We want to compare our achievements with those of other countries, irrespective of their political system. We want to enable other countries to become acquainted with our achievements so that they can then profit from them as they see fit. We want to benefit from the development of human thought throughout the world and in turn to enrich it ourselves.
128. We have repeatedly expressed our desire to promote economic co-operation with all countries, irrespective of their economic or political system. While maintaining close economic ties with the socialist countries, we recognize that our economic relations with the countries of Western Europe and other continents are undoubtedly insufficient, and we are ready to expand them on the basis of the principles of equality and mutual advantage and, of course, without any political conditions whatever. How ridiculous it is to seek to interpret one or other of our delegation’s votes as an attempt to obtain economic aid from certain countries! Our economic relations with all countries are based on the principles of absolute equality and noninterference in internal affairs, and will continue to be so.
129. In our efforts to defend and strengthen peace, we feel dose to all men of good will, and particularly to those millions of simple, honest human beings whose aim, like ours, is a peaceful life, free from fear and want. We want to join this great multitude, each nobly seeking to outdo the other in the struggle for a better morrow for mankind. The United Nations must remain true to these lofty endeavours, at the same time combining and supplementing our efforts to achieve peace and universal prosperity.