107. Mr. President, may I first of all congratulate you on behalf of the USSR delegation on your election to the high post of President of the General Assembly and extend to you our heartfelt wishes for success in discharging your responsible duties.
108. The Charter of the United Nations begins by declaring that the peoples are determined "to save succeeding generations from the scourge of war, which twice in our lifetime has brought untold sorrow to mankind". This lofty aim has united countries situated in different continents and having a different social system. It is the raison d'etre of the United Nations. It is the true criterion by which to assess the activities of the UnitedNations at any given period.
109. Even when the United Nations Charterwasbeing drawn up, when the curtain on the final act of the heroic struggle of peoples against the fascist aggressors, to be succeeded by life in peace had not yet fallen-even at that time no one is likely to have imagined that all that was needed to eliminate the lurking dangers to peace was for the just principles of good neighbourliness, peaceful co-operation and the equality of all peoples to be endorsed by the signatures of a majority of States.
110. If the Ideals of peace, freedom and national independence are to prevail in international relations, timely and purposeful action must be taken by the peace-loving elements. That was true in the past and is still true. But the opportunities for such action are now immeasurably greater. The fatalistic assumption that the forces of aggression cannot be halted in our time is as unfounded as the illusory hope that the international outlook will brighten by itself.
111. When violence is being plotted against peoples, the conspirators always conceal their intentions by peace-loving talk and false assurances, and resort to various manoeuvres to divide the ranks of the opponents of aggression and to paralyse the activities of international organizations which are called upon to guard the peace. Therefore, the sooner the danger is revealed and its consequences are weighed, and the firmer and closer to unanimity is the resistance, the more reliable will be the defence of universal peace.
112. On the basis of these considerations and guided by the aims proclaimed in the United Nations Charter, the USSR Government is in favour of again focusing attention at this twenty-first session of the General Assembly on questions whose solution would protect peoples from attacks on their sovereignty and independence, and would immobilize the aggressive forces. It cannot be said that the United Nations has never before made efforts toward this end. It has more than once taken commendable decisions in defence of the rights of peoples.
113. But what often follows such decisions? Unfortunately, what quite often happens is that a country or group of countries has only to oppose, overtly or covertly, the implementation of decisions which are serving the interests of peace and protecting the lawful rights of peoples, for such decisions to remain on paper, and for the United Nations to be unable to make any headway.
114. Let us take the principle of non-interference in the domestic affairs of States. Ask any delegation in this hall and surely not one of them will question the validity of this principle. But that is lip service, What happens in fact? Not only is the policy of interference in the affairs of others not on the wane, but in a number of cases it has assumed increasingly brazen and dangerous forms.
115. The invasion of South Viet-Nam by more than 300,000 United States soldiers and officers, the barbarous bombings of the territory of the Democratic Republic of Viet-Nam, the armed interference in the affairs of Cambodia and Laos — all this is aggression. A Power with large armed forces and modern weapons has attacked a people which gained its independence after a hard struggle and does not wish to submit to new oppressors. The crimes being committed by the United States military clique in Viet-Nam have been denounced by the whole world.
116. The right of the Viet-Namese people to peace, freedom and national unity was solemnly proclaimed twelve years ago in the Geneva Agreements. If the United States had not acted contrary to the Geneva Agreements, had not interfered in the domestic affairs of the Viet-Namese people, and had not sabotaged the holding of nation-wide elections In Viet-Nam, then there would be no war there today. The Viet-Namese people would long ago have looked into its own affairs and found ways of dealing with them.
117. Every State, in whatever part of the world It may be, has been affected In one way or another by the consequences of the aggression in the Indo-China area. In fact, all international questions are now influenced by the course of events in Viet-Nam. War communiques have not only become front-page news, but have also made people everywhere fear that yet another generation may have to put on military uniforms.
118. Washington pours out an endless stream of words intended to prove that the United States is seeking a peaceful way out of the present situation, as if it was almost against its will that the United States had found itself in Viet-Nam and was hurling more divisions, air squadrons and warships into battle. The incontrovertible fact is, however, that every so-called "peace feeler" by Washington is followed by a further escalation of its aggression.
119. What emerges from the statement made yesterday on behalf of the United States Government here in the General Assembly [1412th plenary meeting] is that the United States Government is defending its aggressive course in the Viet-Nam question and that there is still no sign of any serious intention on the part of Washington to seek a solution to this question and to halt the aggression against the Viet-Namese people.
120. Where should we seek the solution to this problem? A programme for settling the question of Viet-Nam in accordance with the principles of international law and the interests of peace exists. This programme has. been put forward by the Government of the Democratic Republic of Viet-Nam and the National Liberation Front of South Viet-Nam. It is a simple and natural plan; to halt unconditionally the bombings of the territory of the Democratic Republic of Viet-Nam, to withdraw from South Viet-Nam all armed forces of the United States and its allies, as well as foreign weapons, and to give the Viet-Namese people an opportunity to settle its internal problems for itself. The aggressor came to Viet-Nam and the aggressor must depart.
121. It is the duty of every State and every Government which is aware of its responsibility before the peoples of the world to speak out from this rostrum in support of the heroic Viet-Namese people, to condemn the United States aggression and require it to be halted unconditionally both in North and South Viet-Nam, and to demand the withdrawal from Viet-Nam of all armed forces of the United States and its allies.
122. The Soviet Union and other socialist States, and all the forces of peace, are on the side of the Viet-Namese people and its just cause. We have extended and shall extend every assistance to the Democratic Republic of Viet-Nam in repulsing aggression. Those responsible for the Viet-Namese war should duly weigh the significance of the warning issued by the socialist States meeting at Bucharest and draw the appropriate conclusions.
123. The policy of aggression in its most concentrated form is to be found today in Viet-Nam, but Viet-Nam is not the only country so affected. We have already referred to Laos and Cambodia. Nor can we forget the intervention in the Dominican Republic and the
threats, intrigues and subversive activities against the peoples of a number of other countries.
124. The continuing provocations of the United States against the Republic of Cuba constitute a great threat to peace. The Soviet Union has warned and warns again those who harbour aggressive designs against Cuba that Cuba has faithful and reliable friends who are keeping a close watch on the intrigues of the enemies of the Cuban revolution and who are ready to give the Cuban people all necessary support in its struggle for freedom and independence.
125. Acts of interference in the domestic affairs of independent States, wherever they are committed; are a threat to peace and to the security of all peoples. The Soviet Union is a great Power and a permanent member of the Security Council, and it bears a substantial part of the responsibility for maintaining world peace.
126. The Soviet Union, a firm adherent of the principle of non-interference in the domestic affairs of other States, vigorously opposes those who disregard the sovereign rights of peoples and seek to implant lawlessness and violence in international relations. Together with other States which advocate peace, we shall use every opportunity to rebuff any manifestations of the policy of interference in the domestic affairs of others.
127. The front line in the struggle against violations of national sovereignty is everywhere. This struggle is going on in all continents, at different levels of international relations, and in a variety of forms. It is one in which the United Nations is required to play an active role.
128. A year ago, the General Assembly adopted the Declaration on the Inadmissibility of Intervention in the Domestic Affairs of States and the Protection of Their Independence and Sovereignty [resolution 2131 (XX)]. The States Members of the United Nations acted in the belief that this important document could and should be a useful instrument for the normalization of international relations, and that those States which voted for the Declaration would adhere strictly to it. Because this has not in fact been the case, giving rise to justified alarm, the USSR delegation, on the instructions of its Government, is submitting for the consideration of the twenty-first session of the General Assembly as an important and urgent question, an item entitled "Status of the implementation of the Declaration on the Inadmissibility of Intervention in the Domestic Affairs of States and the Protection of Their Independence and Sovereignty" [A/6397].
129. Consideration of this question will give the United Nations an opportunity to make plain to all mankind who is violating the Declaration. The United Nations must state in the clearest terms that those who violate the Declaration by trampling on the sovereignty of independent States are assuming a grave responsibility for the possible consequences. It has been repeatedly stated here, in the General Assembly, that the Assembly's work must be made more effective and fruitful. This is a case where that can and must be done.
130. We believe that the item submitted by Czechoslovakia, entitled "Strict observance of the prohibition of the threat or use of force in international relations, and of the right of peoples to self-determination" [A/6393 and Corr. 1], is also of great immediacy. The USSR Government fully supports the initiative of the Czechoslovak Government in submitting this important question for the consideration of the General Assembly.
131. An analysis of developments in the international situation in the post-war period and particularly in the last few years inevitably leads to the conclusion that the military bases established in foreign territory by certain Powers of Western military blocs are a basic, instrument of aggressive policy. Many of these bases are a legacy of colonialism. There are also other bases which these Powers have set up in the territory of weaker countries simply by imposing completely unfair agreements on them.
132. This applies primarily to the United States, which has set up hundreds of military bases and fortified points beyond its borders, and permanently maintains about a million of its armed forces, nuclear and missile equipment, aircraft and other weaponry in the territory of other States.
133. A great many facts could be adduced to show that the foreign bases of certain Western Power shave been used as springboards of aggression to force the States in whose territory they are situated, and even neighbouring States, to make political and economic concessions against the interests of their own peoples. The logic they use is simple enough: if you do not accept our political argument, we have a much more convincing argument to hand — bombers, marines and aircraft carriers.
134. Why do certain circles in the United States cling to their bases, such as those in and around South Viet-Nam, which are situated many thousands of miles from New York and San Francisco? Have they brought culture, progress and well-being to the local population? They have not. If a sculptor should attempt to depict what the foreign military bases stand for, he would have to produce a monument to violence, destruction and death. Some of the military bases serving the aims of aggression are situated hundreds rather than thousands of miles from the United States, as for example in Latin America, but their purpose is much the same.
135. Many countries would like to get rid of such bases and the unfair agreements by which those bases were imposed on them. However, they are not yet in a position to do so and their demands are not heeded. They need support, not least from the United Nations.
136. Is it in the power of the United Nations to solve this problem and should the twenty-first session of the General Assembly deal with it? For the masters of such bases have, so to speak, become firmly entrenched and it is not easy to dislodge them.
137. No one claims that the elimination of these military bases is a simple matter. But even in a simple matter no progress can be achieved unless an effort is made. We can see that the bases may not be eliminated all at once, but, to begin with, only in certain areas and in individual States. But it is essential to move in that direction if the United Nations really intends to take action to achieve a relaxation of international tension and to create conditions in which every State will feel secure.
138. Of course, I am not referring to the formal reduction in the number of bases and other military installations abroad which certain Western Powers sometimes effect for economic reasons. Instead of, say, fifteen bases in a certain area, ten are left, but those ten bases are expanded and equipped with more powerful weapons, and the result is that the total number of foreign troops and armaments deployed beyond national borders is actually increased rather than decreased. What is needed is a genuine elimination of bases and not the appearance thereof,
139. It may be that not all States represented here will react in the same way to our proposal. We hope that the majority will adopt a sympathetic attitude. It is not any narrow interests of our own that we are promoting here. The Soviet Union is a Power which has everything necessary to defend its security against, among other things, the threats posed by the foreign bases of certain members of Western military blocs. We are motivated by broader interests — the interests of world peace.
140. The decision to eliminate United States military bases in foreign territories would not, in our opinion, jeopardize the interests of United States security. If the United States undertook their elimination, such a step would certainly not be held against it.
141. Where should a start be made on the elimination of foreign military bases serving the aims of aggression? It might be advisable to begin in Asia, Africa and Latin America. This might perhaps prove to be the easier way.
142. The Organization of African Unity has demanded the elimination of foreign military bases in Africa. A firm stand on that subject was taken by the Cairo Conference of Non-Aligned Countries. Many States have striven to solve this question at previous sessions of the United Nations General Assembly and at meetings of the Eighteen-Nation Committee on Disarmament.
143. All this gives the USSR Government reason to hope for a constructive approach at the twenty-first session of the General Assembly to the question which we are submitting as an important and urgent item, entitled "Elimination of foreign military bases in the countries of Asia, Africa and Latin America" [A/6399], The adoption of a clear and unequivocal decision on this question would be a great step towards strengthening the independence of the newly-emerged States, protecting them from foreign intervention, and relaxing world tension,
144. In our day, the task of consolidating peace and of resisting aggression and interference in the domestic affairs of States is inseparably linked to averting the danger of nuclear war. This problem, which is one of the most serious in the whole history of mankind, has confronted the United Nations ever since the establishment of the Organization. At the very first session of the General Assembly, in 1946, the USSR Government drew the attention of Governments and peoples to the dangerous situation which had arisen as a result of the appearance of nuclear weapons and submitted a Draft International Convention to Prohibit the Production and Employment of Weapons Based on the Use of Atomic Energy for the Purpose of Mass Destruction. Since that time, the United Nations has been continuously concerned with the problem of nuclear weapons.
145. The opinion is sometimes voiced that the elimination of the nuclear threat is primarily the concern of those States which possess nuclear weapons. These States have, indeed, a special responsibility, if only because they alone possess nuclear weapons and know their destructive capabilities better than anyone else. Nevertheless, much depends on the United Nations as a whole.
146. The problem of the removal of the nuclear threat can be dealt with in different ways. For example, its existence can be mentioned from time to time in official records and resolutions and it can be referred from one session of the General Assembly to another and from committee to committee. The USSR Government does not approve of this practice. The United Nations should not work merely in order to build up archives serving as a kind of burial ground for proposals and plans directed towards the solution of one of the most vital problems facing mankind. We appeal for a different approach. The United Nations is entitled to express its opinion clearly and firmly on the ways of eliminating the nuclear threat, and to state it in such terms that those who are opposed to such action would be unable to ignore its attitude.
147. Which aspects of the nuclear problem are being placed in the forefront today? The answer to this question was given by the twentieth session of the General Assembly which gave a prominent place on its agenda to the question of the non-proliferation of nuclear weapons. This answer is, of course, still valid.
148. Last year a constructive resolution was adopted which urged all States to take the steps necessary for the conclusion of a treaty which would be void of any loop-holes leading to the proliferation, either directly or indirectly, of nuclear weapons in any form [resolution 2028 (XX)]. So far, however, no such treaty has been concluded and the probability that more and more States will become nuclear Powers, in addition to the present five, is increasing and already almost lends itself to factual analysis.
149. It is also apparent to everyone that, if the process of proliferation of nuclear weapons continues, it may become irreversible, to say the least. An appropriate international treaty imposing clearly defined obligations on States might be an effective means of combating such proliferation.
150. The reason why it has not so far been possible to conclude a treaty on the non-proliferation of nuclear weapons is no secret to anyone. No sooner had all States voted in favour of a constructive resolution on this question in New York, than certain Powers, in Geneva, started to look for those very loop-holes for the proliferation of nuclear weapons which the United Nations had unequivocally opposed. Everyone knows that this is being done for the sake of the Federal Republic of Germany. But that only gives us cause for redoubled and tripled concern.
151. In Western Germany, preparations are already being made to equip the army with nuclear missiles. Military personnel reared by Hitler's generals are being trained in the use of nuclear weapons and missile technology. The Federal Republic of Germany is laying the foundation for its own atomic industry, is carrying out research, and has made arrangements for production and supply of nuclear materials. And who can fail to be aware of the fact that the leaders of the Federal Republic of Germany are clamouring to be allowed to participate in the control of nuclear weapons within NATO?
152. This militarist obsession is rooted in the ideology, policies and the entire mentality of those who set pre-war Germany on a course of expansion and enslavement of other nations. What is happening in the Federal Republic of Germany today is in many ways reminiscent of the path chosen by Germany more than once in the past. The ruling circles in the Federal Republic of Germany have taken over, like a baton in a relay race, the slogans and aims for the sake of which, first, the Prussian junkers and after them the Nazi invaders twice plunged Europe into a bloodbath before breaking their own necks. These slogans are well known to everyone: so-called equal rights in armaments, the creation of a military striking force, and the redrawing of European frontiers.
153. Those who have not learned the lessons of the past sometimes refer to the fact that Western Germany is much weaker militarily than the Soviet Union, and much weaker still than all the socialist countries and the peace-loving countries taken together. That, of course, is true. And we would not like to describe from this rostrum what Western Germany would draw upon itself if the intoxication of militarism and revanchism should cloud the minds of its leaders and drive them to an act of madness. But it is also true that, although the Federal Republic of Germany may not be in a position to win a war, it can precipitate one if political recklessness oversteps the bounds. This is why the question of maintaining the security of Europe has become so urgent at the present time.
154. For historical reasons, the state of affairs in Europe affects the interests of all States Members of the United Nations. Even when centres of international tension appear elsewhere, Europe remains the barometer of the world's political climate and Europe's reply to the question of whether there shall be war or peace is to a great extent decisive. If any Government or any statesman of a country situated thousands of miles from Europe should argue that European affairs are too remote and need not be of any concern, we can only say that the Second World War has put an end to this way of thinking: with a few exceptions, virtually all States, however remote from Europe, were directly or indirectly involved in that war.
155. The peoples which fought against fascism and which performed feats of heroism during the Second World War did not do so simply in order to gain the upper hand on the battlefield. No, the battle was also waged for the future of peace in Europe and against a third world war. And this battle continues.
156. The Soviet Union, like the other socialist countries, deems it its bounden duty to do everything in its power to save Europe from the danger of devastating wars, and to make way for peaceful cooperation among all European countries regardless of their social structure. The recent conference of countries members of the Warsaw Pact, which adopted the Declaration on the strengthening of peace and security in Europe, put forward a broad and realistic programme for the solution of these problems. Among the measures suggested by the socialist countries for strengthening European security, I should like to mention two, namely, that the inviolability of the existing European frontiers must be ensured and that the forces of revanchism must not be allowed access to nuclear weapons. Unless these conditions are met, there can be no lasting peace and security in Europe or elsewhere.
157. True security for the European nations can only be assured if this problem is solved at the all-European level, by co-operation between Eastern and Western European States. Peace cannot be considered secure in Europe when one military grouping of States confronts another, and when both sides are piling up weapons and concentrating their troops. Such a situation is contrary to the interests of the peoples of Europe, and of others as well. It benefits only those who would like to keep Europe permanently in a state of military tension and who pursue their own ends, which have nothing to do with the security of the European nations.
158. The Soviet Union, like the other socialist States, is ready to sit down at the negotiating table with all European States to discuss the pressing problems of European security,
159. We would not exclude from these talks any European State, not even the Federal Republic of Germany if it expressed a readiness to participate. The USSR Government is far from being motivated by any prejudice against the Federal Republic of Germany, with which we would like to develop good relations, or by any desire to put it on a lower footing than other States.
160. This attitude fully applies also to the question of non-proliferation of nuclear weapons. No people and no country would lose anything or suffer in any way from the conclusion of a treaty on the non-proliferation of nuclear weapons. All would benefit for the cause of peace would gain.
161. Is there any prospect at the moment of a treaty on the non-proliferation of nuclear weapons being concluded? We believe that there is, but it is essential, of course, that the United States of America, whose representatives admit that the proliferation of nuclear weapons is fraught with danger for its own people, too, and declare that the United States recognizes the responsibility imposed upon it by the possession of nuclear weapons, should take practical steps in keeping with these statements. That is all that is needed.
162. The USSR Government's own position remains unchanged: we are ready to continue the search for a solution enabling a treaty on the non-proliferation of nuclear weapons to be signed. We shall listen attentively to all constructive observations, including the opinions of those States which do not possess nuclear weapons.
163. In our view, negotiations on the non-proliferation of nuclear weapons could be concluded in a relatively short period. In the meantime, it is important that no one should take any steps which might lead, directly or indirectly, to the spread of nuclear weapons. With this in mind, the USSR Government submits for the consideration of the General Assembly an item entitled "Renunciation by States of actions hampering the conclusion of an agreement on the non-proliferation of nuclear weapons" [A/6398].
164. We believe that the item we propose corresponds to the wishes of the majority of States Members of the United Nations and will serve to develop and supplement the decision adopted by the General Assembly at its twentieth session. The USSR Government appeals to all States represented in the General Assembly to give due consideration to our proposal.
165. The whole problem of disarmament also requires the close attention of the General Assembly. Everything that can be said about the significance of this problem must surely have been said within the United Nations. The harsh truth is that, whereas virtually nothing is done towards disarmament, the arms race mounts, year by year in an increasingly steep line. Not only are there every year more weapons in the world — especially the most destructive ones, nuclear weapons and missiles — not only is the annual absolute growth of this death-dealing potential increasing constantly, but the rate of this increase is also rising. The arms race can be compared to a rapidly widening inverted pyramid and the work of the Eighteen-Nation Committee, which has now been in existence for five years, to a monotonous movement in a closed circle. The reasons for this situation have been revealed here on more than one occasion. There are some Powers whose Governments do not want disarmament,
166. We reject the pessimistic philosophy which maintains that the world is simply incapable of dealing with the arms race. Such an approach is convenient only for those who seek to conceal their arms race policy. If it had not been for the struggle for disarmament, if it had not been for the efforts made by many countries which genuinely want to achieve a solution to this problem and to reach agreement both on separate measures and on the broad programme of general and complete disarmament, what would have been the world situation? It would have been even more complex and dangerous.
167. It can be said with certainty that if all States recognized their responsibility for the maintenance of peace, the problem of disarmament would be solved. The United Nations can and must find the strength to give a fresh impetus to the disarmament talks.
168. The impasse these talks have reached makes the idea of convening a world disarmament conference with the participation of all States even more timely. No opportunity must be neglected to utilize material and human resources, the achievements of science and technology, the brains of scientists and the skills of engineers and workers solely for the benefit of mankind and not to develop the arms race.
169. The United Nations was born of the struggle of the peoples against the fascist oppressors. Its mission is to support any nation fighting for its freedom and independence.
170. Every year the peoples of the world have been gaining new victories in doing away with colonialism. Today it is only in the southern part of Africa that colonialism retains a strong base. But there, too, as in all other territories whose peoples have not yet achieved their national liberation, the struggle against colonialism is active. The Soviet people are on the side of those, in Angola, Mozambique and so-called Portuguese Guinea, in South West Africa and in Southern Arabia, who are fighting for their freedom and independence, even as they are on the side of those, in the Republic of South Africa and in Southern Rhodesia, who are defending their human, civil and political dignity in the struggle against the racists. We are firmly convinced that the peoples of every single colony will be victorious and that the hour of this final victory is not far off.
171. The United Nations Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples [resolution 1514 (XV)], the recognition of the legality of the national liberation struggle, decisions concerning the need to render moral and material assistance to the national liberation movements in colonial territories, the condemnation of the activities of international capitalist monopolies, the branding of colonialism and racism as crimes against humanity — these are genuine political contributions made by the United Nations to the cause of eliminating colonial regimes. But this is no longer enough.
172. In the opinion of the USSR Government, the General Assembly has a real duty to adopt resolutions which would help to make 1967 the year of the complete and final elimination of colonial regimes. In the first few days' work of the current session of the General Assembly we are to consider the question of the elimination of foreign racist domination over South West Africa. The Soviet Union is ready to support the independent African States which sponsored the inclusion of this item in the agenda. In the struggle against the racists and their protectors, justice is on the side of free Africa.
173. The United Nations must also firmly and resolutely oppose all manifestations of the policy of neocolonialism, that policy of the re-enslavement of peoples which have achieved their political independence after a hard struggle but which have not yet thrown off the bonds of economic dependence. Joint and resolute action by all anti-colonialist forces will provide the peoples with the surest
guarantee of success in their continuing struggle for freedom and independence.
174. The United Nations faces interesting and important tasks in the development of peaceful cooperation between States in the economic, scientific, technical, cultural and other spheres. But here, again, not everything is going smoothly. For example, the first United Nations Conference on Trade and Development formulated the principles of equal trade relations among all States, This was to a great extent the result of co-operation between the socialist and the developing countries, which advocate genuine equality and the abolition of all discrimination in international trade. Certain Powers, however, have a persistent habit of using trade as a means of plundering the economically less-developed countries. They have resolved to frustrate a reorganization of world trade on a fair basis. The Soviet Union, for its part, is ready to co-operate with all States in order to achieve the implementation of the decisions adopted by the First Conference and to move ahead to the establishment of normal world trade relations.
175. The United Nations has been discussing social problems for twenty years and invariably those who demand the implementation of the provisions of the United Nations Charter proclaiming the lofty principles of the equality of nations large and small and respect for human rights without distinction as to race, sex, language or religion, meet with stubborn opposition from the forces of the old world, the world of inequality and oppression. But the United Nations has by no means said its last word on these matters. Together with all those who value justice and the dignity of every human being, in whatever country or continent he may live, we shall strive for the adoption by the United Nations of workable decisions on international social problems.
176. In recent years a completely new direction has been opened up for the development of civilization — the conquest of outer space and the heavenly bodies. Our people are proud of the fact that they were the first to embark on the task of conquering the cosmos.
177. Bright prospects of utilizing outer space for the benefit of mankind are already apparent. They include long-distance communications, television relay through outer space, and a reliable meteorological service, and that is not the end. It is natural that the question should arise of co-operation between States in research into the peaceful uses of outer space. The Soviet Union is prepared to co-operate in this matter and will proceed on this basis during the current negotiations.
178. An important and essential step in this direction would be the establishment of rules of international law for the activities of States in outer space. With this aim in view, the Government of the USSR has proposed the conclusion of an appropriate international treaty [A/6341 and A/6352]. My delegation expresses the hope that the General Assembly will give due attention to this whole question.
179. The twenty-first session of the General Assembly opens the third decade of the existence and activity of the United Nations. The tasks facing it in the maintenance of universal peace and the development of international co-operation are not becoming any easier, but rather more complex and more important. But their complexity is not the only reason why United Nations organs are often in no position to give the right answer to the questions of the day.
180. Under the United Nations Charter, the principal responsibility for the maintenance of international peace and security rests with the Security Council. At best, however, the Security Council merely registers international crises, and then not always. The responsibility for the abnormal and irregular state of affairs in the Security Council rests with those Powers which strive to attain their own narrow aims in the United Nations, aims which have nothing to do with the strengthening of international peace.
181. But we are far from drawing the conclusion that the Security Council should be considered doomed to inaction. There are sufficient means at the disposal of the States represented in the General Assembly to breathe new life into this most important organ of the United Nations and to enhance its role, as well as the role of the United Nations as a whole, so that it can fulfil the purposes set out in the Charter.
182. In order to achieve this, we must first of all ensure the strict observance of the provisions of the Charter by all Member States and discourage all attempts — and there have been many — to violate the Charter.
183. How urgent this has become is shown by the fact that every so often pressure is again built up in favour of setting up an armed force outside the framework of the Security Council, that is, in violation of the United Nations Charter. Such a force would be at the disposal of a small group of States, would serve their special interests, and would be entitled to act as an international police force. Such a scheme would be very must to the liking of certain circles. Together with all other States which value the freedom and independence of peoples, the Soviet Union categorically opposes and will continue to oppose any such plans.
184. The United Nations must not only prevent violation of its own constitution — the Charter. It is called upon to defend the system of rules of international law on which peaceful relations between States are founded. The struggle to ensure strict observance of the rules of international law by all States, large or small, is acquiring special significance in the prevailing circumstances.
185. This means that the United Nations must help States to cleanse their international relations of the incrustations of the cold war and, above all, dissociate itself from questions which poison the atmosphere, such as the so-called Korean question. The only useful decision which the United Nations can take on this question is the decision to withdraw immediately all foreign troops from South Korea and dissolve the ill-fated United Nations Commission for the Unification and Rehabilitation of Korea. If others stop interfering with them, the Korean people themselves will find peaceful ways to settle their own domestic problems and that is what the Government of the Democratic People's Republic of Korea has been consistently urging.
186. The delegations of the socialist countries, on the instructions of their Governments, have submitted for consideration by the General Assembly at its twenty-first session an item entitled "Withdrawal of all United States and other foreign forces occupying South Korea under the flag of the United Nations and the dissolution of the United Nations Commission for the Unification and Rehabilitation of Korea" [A/6394], We hope that the General Assembly will take a decision on this question that will be in the interests of respect for the rights of the Korean people and of peace in the Far East.
187. Enhancing the role of the United Nations in international affairs would mean turning it into a genuinely universal organization. Any political discrimination against States which declare their readiness to assume the obligations set out in the Charter of the United Nations strikes a blow, in the first instance, at the United Nations itself.
188. An application by the German Democratic Republic for membership in the United Nations [A/6283 and A/6443] has now been submitted for consideration. There is no doubt that the participation in the work of the United Nations of that peace-loving German State, the German Democratic Republic, which is making such a significant contribution to the maintenance of European security, would give our Organization greater scope and effectiveness. It would also be proper to admit simultaneously to membership in the United Nations the other German State — the Federal Republic of Germany.
189. The Soviet Union is also in favour of putting an end at last to the unnatural situation in which the People's Republic of China is deprived of its lawful rights in the United Nations while its place is occupied by the representatives of the Chiang Kai-shek clique, which has been repudiated by the Chinese people and is being kept by a foreign Power. The lawful rights of the People's Republic of China must be restored and the representatives of the Chiang Kai-shek regime must be expelled from all United Nations organs.
190. We would like to take this opportunity to mention the great and constructive role played by Secretary-General U Thant in the activities of the United Nations. If he should express readiness to continue his work as Secretary-General, the USSR Government would be only too pleased.
191. States with different social systems are represented in the United Nations. They have different views on the future course of history and on ways of solving the domestic problems of States. We Soviet people have our own convictions and we are sure that they are right. They find their expression in the practical building of communism, in the decisions of the XXIII Congress of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union which also defined the aims of our country's foreign policy, and in those great social and economic achievements which are the lifeblood of Soviet society. We do not seek to impose our convictions or our methods on anyone. Not a single Soviet missile, not a single Soviet gun is aimed against the social systems of other countries and peoples. Their domestic affairs are their own concern. But let no one count on being able to interfere in our affairs or in the affairs of our friends and allies. If all States adopt this position of principle, peace in the world will be truly secured.
192. The Soviet Union's policy of maintaining international peace was made manifest at the time of the well-known Tashkent meeting, which led to the cessation of a dangerous military conflict between two great Asian States, India and Pakistan. The Soviet Union sought nothing for itself at the Tashkent meeting. Neither do we seek any unilateral gains for ourselves when we bring forward a number of pressing problems during this session of the General Assembly in the interests of averting acts of aggression and combating aggressive policies.
193. In the United Nations and in international affairs as a whole, the Soviet Union, like other socialist States, bases its position on peace among nations, respect for the sovereignty, independence and territorial integrity of all States, and support for peoples fighting for their national liberation. These basic principles of our foreign policy are inseparably linked to the socialist social system of our country, in which there is no place for the exploitation of human beings and in which no one has or can have a material interest in maintaining international tension or in a war, but in which there is a natural need for a lasting peace, since the far-reaching plans for the building of communism require peaceful conditions for their execution.
194. Not only do we proclaim the principles of peaceful and equitable relations among States, but we use all our international authority to defend just causes, and to secure the affirmation of these principles in everyday international relations. In this, too, the nature of our socialist system and the profound humanism of its ideals are apparent.
195. The Soviet Union opposes any situation in which a small country, simply because it is small, is placed in an inequitable position, in a position of subjection and dependence, and in which the principle of peaceful coexistence is taken into account only in relations between certain States, generally large States, and is ignored where relations between a great Power and small countries are concerned.
196. The diversity of international developments brings many different questions before each session of the General Assembly. We must concentrate on those problems which can be solved and the solution of which will truly contribute to the relaxation of tension.
197. We are inspired by the knowledge that the majority of Governments represented here are striving towards this same goal, and it is therefore with considerable confidence In the future that we approach the work before us.