Guatemala

The General Assembly gave evidence of its confidence and faith in Prince Wan Waithayakon when it unanimously elected him to the presidency of its eleventh session. From that time on, each delegation that has taken the floor has paid a tribute of admiration to him. My delegation now wishes to join the others in this spontaneous and respectful tribute paid to the wisdom and moral courage which our President has shown since the beginning of the session, and which afford us the assurance that he will guide our work towards a satisfactory conclusion. We are indeed fortunate in our choice. 46. Before stating our political position, we should dike to extend a warm welcome to the new Members of the United Nations, for whose unrestricted admission we voted last year; in accordance with Article 4 of the Charter, we did so on the basis, not of their systems of government, but of their international conduct. We hope that Japan will join our Organization as soon as possible, that other nations, which unfortunately are at present divided, will in the near future be able to become Members, and that those peoples which are at present under a foreign administration will soon achieve their independence and also join the United Nations. 47. There is one more point to which I must refer before proceeding to the substantive part of my statement. As my country is a member of the Trusteeship Council and of the Committee on Information from Non-Self-Governing Territories, my delegation must report on its action therein. We are aware that we were elected by the Assembly to both these bodies because of our traditional anti-colonial policy, representative perhaps of the attitude of an entire geographical region. Conscious of our, moral responsibility to the United Nations, we intend to submit to the Fourth Committee the necessary information on our action, to which the relevant resolutions and records already bear witness. 48. In connexion with the problem of the Non-Self- Governing Territories, and in view of our vote last year in favour of the admission of new Members, we feel obliged to make at least a brief reference to the Guatemalan delegation’s surprise at the fact that certain States, whose international conduct, in accordance with Article 4 of the Charter, we approved when voting for their admission, do not seem to have realized that Chapter XI of that Charter imposes on them certain obligations in respect of their international policies. 49. I now come to my delegation’s position in regard to the general debate. The Guatemalan delegation will confine its observations almost exclusively to the two great problems which our Organization is facing in Hungary and the Middle East. I know that the purpose of a general debate in the Assembly is to enable Members to state their international position in relation to the United Nations and its problems, but such a statement has already been made by Guatemala on the occasion of its ratification of the Charter and by its President during the tenth session of the General Assembly [539th meeting]. As to our attitude towards the new developments that have arisen in the important problems which have to be faced at the present session of the Assembly, it will be stated by my delegation when each of these items comes up for discussion in committee and later in the General Assembly. 50. That is why we have not deemed it indispensable to participate in the general debate every year. In our view, a Member State needs to make its position known only when there has been a fundamental change in the international scene or in its attitude to international affairs. 51. Last year, an incredulous world saw the emergence of the “Geneva spirit”, which, at the beginning of the tenth session of the Assembly, was already sustaining its first setbacks. This year the world, entertaining perhaps the same doubts, but with anxious feelings of hope based on the determination to cure its ills, was beginning, albeit still very warily, to live in an atmosphere which seemed to promise an improvement, rather than a deterioration, of the international situation. 52. As the representative of Norway has pointed out [598th meeting], it was not without surprise that we received the two blows constituted by the events in the Middle East and in Hungary. This surprise was accompanied by a feeling of deep sorrow at the destiny of the hopes not only of diplomats and statesmen throughout the world, but also of whole peoples, of secure alliances, and of men of good will everywhere. 53. As regards first the problem of Hungary, my delegation’s position can be summed up in three words: condemnation, concern and action. 54. Guatemala condemns the repression of a people with the use of foreign forces. Guatemala condemns the crushing of a popular rebellion without any distinction being made between combatants and civilians. Guatemala condemns compulsory mass deportations, and the difficulties which have been placed in the way of international assistance and the dispatch of United Nations observers. 55. Guatemala is deeply concerned at the appalling situation of the Hungarian people, at the tragic condition of the Hungarian refugees and at the spectacle of a powerful tyranny which, although it feels itself threatened, still constitutes a danger to so many peoples in that part of the world. 56. But this condemnation of past and present occurrences, and this concern about the present and the future, make my delegation and my Government deeply, aware of the urgent need for action. 57. In the case of Hungary, as in the case of Egypt, Guatemala takes a firm stand but places the main emphasis on constructive action, on alleviating the sufferings of the Hungarian people and on sparing from even greater suffering those nations and peoples which are most vulnerable to the forces of evil and error. In line with that policy, Guatemala promptly and unobtrusively offered to receive a number of Hungarian refugees, being the second Latin American country to do so, and has also made contributions in kind towards alleviating the distress of the Hungarian people. 58. My delegation is furthermore determined to spare no effort to ensure that observers of the United Nations or the Secretary-General, acting as a negotiator, are permitted to go to Hungary, as well as to facilitate any intelligent and effective action we may take to improve rather than worsen the situation in that part of the world. 59. Thus it was with mingled feelings of misgiving and hope that we received yesterday [608th meeting] the Secretary-General’s report on the results of the negotiations which will, it seems, enable him to visit Budapest. And here I should like to say a word in defence of the United Nations and indirectly of my own and many other delegations. 60. Much has been said about the imperative and urgent need, or merely the expediency or the advisability, of sending a police force to Hungary. It is not my desire to discuss, or express an opinion on that issue because, even if such a course were in the interest of the Hungarian people, this general debate is hardly the place to deal with it. 61. I do, however, wish to say one thing. No one, I believe, denies that the United Nations has the right or the juridico-political ability to take such a step. It is true that a police force has entered Egypt, but it has done so with the acquiescence of Egypt and of the two greatest Powers in the world. In Hungary, in the absence of such acquiescence, it would have taken a large army to carry out police duties, and its intervention would almost inevitably have led to the third world War which we in the United Nations are striving to avoid. While the Hungarian people should not be abandoned to destruction, they would not have benefited from a third world war. 62. Finally, in the face of the division — albeit the temporary division — of the West, brought about by the unfortunate events in the Middle East, this was perhaps the worst moment in world affairs even to consider taking police action of the kind. 63. I hope that the participants in the tragic events in the Middle East will have realized that, had they not launched their attack against Egypt, it would perhaps have been difficult for the events in Hungary to have gone so far, and that, as a result of that attack, this Organization’s possibilities of action have perhaps been restricted. 64. It is true that the courageous and honest stand of many Member States has increased the moral prestige of the United Nations; it is, however, equally certain that two of its greatest champions have lost part of the moral force which their utterances had in the eyes of the world. We can only hope that, with valiant and persistent efforts on their part to put matters right, and with the help of time and human forgiveness, they will regain that status. 65. This brings me to the question of Egypt. The problems of the Middle East, too, have a past, a present and future. In slating my delegation’s position in that connexion, I shall enumerate what I consider the principal elements involved: in view of their complexity, merely to list those elements is in itself a useful contribution and serves to clarify the issue. 66. Guatemala condemned the recent attack on Egypt as unilateral and unjustified, and considered that it constituted a flagrant violation of the United Nations Charter and of the principles not only of ethics, but also of reasonable international coexistence, which should have been all the more scrupulously observed because of the explosive situation in the Middle East and of the world-wide responsibility resting on the shoulders of the permanent members of the Security Council. 67. As regards the more distant past, Guatemala has not forgotten the provocations which have occurred during the last few years between Israel and the Arab States, but wishes to recall that, as may be seen from the resolutions and recommendations of the Security Council and of the General Assembly itself, such provocations appear to have occurred as a rule on both sides. Even ignoring that aspect of the matter, such events cannot justify — although they might explain — a unilateral resort to force in violation of the armistice agreements and of the United Nations Charter. 68. Guatemala, which maintains such friendly relations both with the Arab States and with Israel, considers that Israel and Arab statesmen should have understood, and must understand in their own interest, that it has not been-owing to a selfish fear of a world conflict that the community of nations has been constantly recommending and urging the countries of the Middle East to show patience and moderation. Owing to their strategic geographical position and their considerable resources, they would no doubt be the first victims of a world conflict. Events are showing that any disturbance in the equilibrium of that part of the world produces an even greater disturbance, and that the desire of certain countries to defend their independence and their existence may compromise the very independence and freedom of nations. 69. As regards the less immediate past, Guatemala is also mindful of what have been called the “vital” interests of the European Powers. However, we are certain that even if they have not admitted it publicly, these States have found out for themselves that in the world today the best way to protect their interests is not to use unilateral force, which only makes matters worse, and that the principles of international coexistence, based on a collective security organization, are still valid in spite of the doubts which the limitations of our present system may have occasioned. 70. Those friendly States must stop believing that power confers infallibility of judgement, they must recognize without bitterness that the world has changed — thanks largely to the initiative of the European States themselves. They must not deplore or try to arrest the growing national consciousness of people, but adapt themselves to it. They must display a keen sense of political realism and admit that the power and economic strength which were, and still are, such important factors in their assessment of international problems, have undergone a process of evolution from the point of view of international distribution and balance. 71. We hope that their present experience will lead the statesmen of the European States who, until a short time ago, had shown remarkable capacity for vision, adaptability and resourcefulness, to make a realistic reassessment and rapid adjustment — and I repeat the word “rapid” — of the general lines of their economic and international policy. 72. As regards the present situation in the Middle East, it is true that the developments of the last three days give us at least some reason for optimism. Until three days ago, we were deeply concerned about what seemed to be a dangerous step in the direction of “precautionary political measures” which were being taken by certain countries directly or indirectly interested in the situation in the Middle East. However, the new developments which have come to our knowledge — and all of which are undoubtedly in the right direction — will probably bring about a certain relaxation of tension in that part of the world. And those countries which, as certain sinister rumours had it, were taking what are wrongly termed “precautionary political measures” may, as a result listen to the counsels of moderation which certain friendly nations have given them — counsels which are both in the general interest and in the interest of those countries themselves. 73. We should like to remind those countries that are directly or indirectly interested in taking so-called “precautionary political measures” that, in situations like the present one in the Middle East, reasons and motives of a positive and sincere nature are politically just as valid as fears and pretexts. Consequently, any step which any of the nations concerned may take should be carefully thought out beforehand and carried out with extreme caution. 74. Otherwise, there may be actions and reactions which may endanger world peace, and thus also the peace of the area concerned, or at least seriously endanger the freedom and independence of the very peoples that are trying to preserve peace, as well as the very interests which other nations are trying to protect. That is the inevitable fate — and more so than ever today — of those regions which find themselves at the crossroads of world politics. 75. However, aside from these reflections, Guatemala’s main consideration with respect to the Middle East has been its constant desire to look towards the future, and take constructive action, and in this connexion we are also prepared to support and promote the measures which certain States are proposing and which seem genuinely aimed at restoring the situation. 76. Apart from the present need for caution, which is more acute than ever, the real problem in the Middle East is a problem of the future — the elimination of conditions harmful to regional and extra-regional interests, and the consolidation of peace and justice to prevent the repetition of events dangerous to all nations, such as those which we have recently been deploring and which we are striving so hard to remedy. 77. Until a short time ago, there were four immediate problems to be settled in the Middle East: the cease-fire, the withdrawal of troops, the clearing of the Canal and a fourth problem which, in spite of its negative character, is of fundamental importance for solving the other problems of the Middle East, namely, that of the absolute need for all Member States to refrain from any direct or indirect intervention in that area, such action being in contravention of the resolutions adopted by the General Assembly during its first emergency special session and during the present session. 78. With respect to the first three problems, we must congratulate all the parties for accepting the cease-fire which the United Nations requested of all combatants, and we must also congratulate those States which have made generous and courageous reappraisal of the situation and are embarking on a course which, we are certain, will lead to the most equitable solution of the problems of the Middle East, with the moral weight of the United Nations and the firm support of its Member States behind them. Thus we have some reason for optimism when we hear the latest news about the withdrawal of troops and the clearing of the Suez Canal. 79. These measures may provide a provisional solution for the problem, but they will not be enough to solve it in any permanent way. The statu quo ante failed to prevent the events which we are deploring today. I believe that there is hardly one nation among the seventy-nine of which our Organization is now composed which would not admit, at least in its own conscience, that it is necessary to find a solution — and not merely to seek one — for the two great underlying problems: that of Israel’s relations with the Arab nations and that of the Suez Canal. 80. And let it not be said that suggestions from outside are unwelcome, because there is no question of imposing a solution unilaterally. We have seen that these problems concern the entire community of nations, and we have also seen that within the Middle East itself it has been impossible to agree on even the beginning of a solution. 81. Our suggestion proceeds from the idea that the matter is one for the collective judgement of the United Nations, and that the calm firmness of this Organization and of those Member States which exert the greatest power or authority in the Middle East constitute our only hope for a fair solution which, without encroaching on any sovereign rights, will call upon all parties (and we might as well face this fact now) to give up some of their claims. 82. My delegation will define its position in this matter at the proper time, when we discuss the problems that are raised in one way or another by the two draft resolutions submitted by the United States [A/3272 and A/3273]. Meanwhile, we should like to state a few principles, which we submit for the later consideration of the Assembly and, in particular, of those nations directly concerned. 83. With respect to the problem of Israel’s relations with the Arab States, my delegation considers the following three principles as fundamental: First, the Arab States must recognize Israel’s existence. Secondly, whether for good or evil, the existence of passions in the political field is a very powerful reality, and in the present case the feelings of the Arab peoples, whether justified or not, and their legitimate interests and fears, cannot be disregarded but must be taken into account as elements of the problem to be solved. Thirdly, the Arab peoples and Governments must realize that they have reached, as was inevitable, a turning point in their national history, and must put their passions on one side and adopt an attitude of cool logic in order to protect their interests. This can sometimes be done more effectively by making concessions than by puting forward demands. In political and parliamentary matters, it is not enough for us to believe that we are right; it is necessary that others should believe that we are reasonable. 84. With respect to the Suez Canal problem, the principles which we should like to lay down are the same six which have already been accepted by the countries directly concerned and unanimously approved by the Security Council [S/3675]. We shall only note the following. First, by free navigation, we understand a right which should be universally granted to all nations and all interests, and not merely to those States which the administering authority may select. Secondly, by users’ rights, we understand merely the rights of freedom and safety of navigation. Thirdly, if Egypt’s sovereign right to nationalize the Canal has been acknowledged, we do not see how there can be any discussion about granting it a “fair proportion of the dues”. 85. This brings us to the end of our statement. The events in Egypt and Hungary have subjected our Organization to a severe trial, from which, in our opinion, it has emerged not only successful but stronger than ever. We think that the United Nations is still the flexible instrument that we always believed it to be. Naturally, it is not an organ which can solve the complex problems of relations between men with the speed of electricity or the precision of a fine-edged tool. But those of us who realise that complex political problems cannot always be solved directly or instantaneously still have faith in our Organization. 86. I should like to remind those who try to blame the United Nations for the crisis, that a generous correction of a mistaken policy needs no excuse and that we should not attribute to the Organization defects which are our own. We should like to remind the sceptics who want international problems solved boldly and instantaneously that their pessimism would soon vanish if they only paused to think what the consequences of each of these crises would have been if our Organization, with its great moral strength in the eyes of the world, had not existed. 87. This does not mean that we refuse to accept the idea of improving our collective procedures. The creation of the Emergency Force for the Middle East is a step in the right direction, and my Government remains open to any constructive and practical suggestion that might lead to a serious study of the problem of a permanent United Nations force. Another step in the right direction is the diplomatic function which the Secretary-General has been able to perform thanks to his self-sacrifice, his devotion to principles and his outstanding personal abilities. My Government wishes me to convey a message of satisfaction and congratulations to the Secretary-General. 88. However, the problems of Hungary and Egypt have not had repercussions on our Organization alone. Those crises have produced numerous actions and reactions in the political attitude of many States to the international scene. It is only natural that these political reactions should in turn have repercussions on the attitude of a Member State to the problems of the United Nations, especially such problems as world disarmament, atomic energy, and colonial questions, which so greatly affect relations between States. 89. As regards the real division caused by the Egyptian crisis in what is called the Western world, my Government is confident that, thanks to a policy which already promises to be one of moderation and reform, the differences in the Western family are much slighter, much more temporary, and of much less ideological, political and economic seriousness than others which beset humanity as a whole. Although we viewed the beginnings of the Middle Eastern crisis with the greatest anxiety, it is with hope that we are now following the promising efforts of our friends, the nations of Europe and the Middle East. 90. With respect to that division of the world which unfortunately has become more familiar to us during the last decade, Guatemala’s position remains the same as that stated last year before this Assembly by the President of Guatemala. Our position is not to reject any manifestation of peace or good will, no matter from which side it may come, without long and thorough consideration, but to maintain at all times the attitude of careful vigilance which is necessary to protect our ideals and way of life, and to give our support only where deeds and attitudes show that they deserve it. 91. These are the principles which will guide the Guatemalan delegation during the present session of the General Assembly.