109. Permit me, at the outset, to offer to you, Mr. President, my delegation's sincere felicitations on your unanimous election as President of this historic Assembly.
110. My delegation has special reasons to be particularly happy with your election. First, you are a representative of a small nation like ours, pulling its full weight In International affairs — not ostentatiously, perhaps, but by no means ineffectively. The geographical position of your country has, over a long period of time, demanded conditions of peace in the area as a pre-condition for national survival. Like Malaysia, Afghanistan is a small country placed in the midst of much large ones.
111. Secondly, sir, you have long represented your country and have built up for yourself personally a reputation for moderation, common sense and a practical approach to international problems. You enjoy the great privilege of belonging to a succession of Asian statesmen who have in the past been elected to this high office. This long line of succession has included General Carlos P. Romulo of the Philippines, Nasrollah Entezam of Iran, Madame Vijaya Lakshmi Pandit of India, Prince Wan Waithayakon of Thailand and Muhammad Zafrulla Khan of Pakistan. My delegation, therefore, looks forward with complete confidence to your wise guidance of the affairs of this Assembly.
112. May I also say a word of gratitude and thankfulness to Foreign Minister Amintore Fanfani of Italy for his efficient guidance of the last session of the Assembly. He had a firm hand on the helm and at the same time manifested a deep understanding of the rules of debate that are intended to guide rather than stifle the free expression of views by Member States participating in debates.
113. One may not forget that with this session — the twenty-first — the General Assembly, or, what is the same thing, the United Nations, has come of age, The United Nations in recent years has had its painful problems of adolescence. These were struggling years of growth when the important and the unimportant jostled for attention. That experience was the very condition for progress towards maturity.
114. Today, therefore, as we stand on the threshold of a new chapter of human history, may I be permitted to express the hope that all of us gathered here in this great Assembly of nations, representing our respective Governments, will renew our pledge to uphold the Charter of the United Nations and endeavour to realize the objective of
co-operation among nations in a peaceful world of order, of law and of justice.
115. We in Malaysia have always based our foreign policy on the norms of behaviour as prescribed by the Charter. We desire above all to be friendly with all countries, regardless of their ideological persuasions and systems of government. We believe that it is just and right for each country to choose the system of government and way of life best suited to it, for that is the essence of peaceful coexistence. We believe that each country has the right to be free from outside interference in any form, and that respect for each other's political sovereignty and territorial integrity is a pre-condition for peaceful living among nations. So long as there is mutual respect for each other's independence and sovereignty, we believe that the nations of the world, of whatever ideological convictions, can live together, not merely in passive coexistence but in active co-operation for the common pursuit of peace and economic and social well-being of the peoples of the world. In this spirit of positive international co-operation, we want to develop further ties of friendship with as many countries as are similarly disposed towards us.
116. Malaysia firmly believes that the United Nations has a major role to play in bringing about active international co-operation among nations. As the only universal organization available to mankind, the United Nations has vast potentialities as an effective instrument to harmonize relations among nations, to soften the edges of discord, and, in broader terms and as its ultimate objective, to evolve a peaceful and prosperous world order with freedom and justice.
117. Twenty-one years ago, this Organization began with a membership of fifty-one. Large segments of the human race were unaccounted for, or at least unrepresented. But the principle of universality was enshrined in the concept of the United Nations. Today, this Organization consists of 118 Members. That simple arithmetical fact alone emphasizes the growing strength of the Organization, as it also emphasizes how our problems have necessarily grown, not only in number but, inevitably, in complexity.
118. The present membership of our Organization so nearly embraces the entire organized and peopled surface of the earth that lack of universality has to some extent diminished the authority of the Organization. It is, therefore, the plain duty of the present Members of the Organization to encourage the hesitant few outside it to come in and thereby strengthen the authority of the United Nations so that it may be better able to achieve its ideals and objectives.
119. The absence of the People's Republic of China from the United Nations has often been cited as a glaring example of the lack of universality of the Organization. My country has always believed that the Chinese people, with their illustrious civilization, a people who number one quarter of the world's population, should be brought into association with the other 118 Member States of the Organization. It is a fact, however, that the People's Republic of China, by choosing to adopt critical and even hostile policies towards the United Nations, has created barriers in its own path which prevent it from joining the United Nations, unless the Organization is refashioned in a manner acceptable to it. We regret China's attitude to the United Nations — that this Organization should be completely reorganized and reconstructed in conformity with China's own preconceptions. That the Organization has, in the past, shown certain weaknesses and difficulties, cannot be denied, but no single State, however powerful or populous, can impose its will upon the United Nations. No single state can remake the United Nations in its own image and likeness.
120. While my Government believes in the importance of the representation of the People's Republic of China in the United Nations, it strongLy feels, at the same time, that this can only be considered together with the question of the fate of the 13 million inhabitants of Taiwan. We have always held the view that these 13 million inhabitants of Taiwan must not be denied the right to pursue a separate destiny of their own, a right this Organization has prescribed and promoted in even the tiniest colonies of the world. My country believes that this Organization cannot deny the 13 million inhabitants of Taiwan their inalienable right to self-determination and that Taiwan should not be tied to the chariot wheels of the mainland State merely because of the latter's claim that it is an integral part of China. Therefore, in my Government's view, it would be unrealistic and unjust for this Organization to take a decision on this question involving the sacrifice of the rights of the inhabitants of Taiwan to the demands of mainland China. Taiwan should be allowed the right to remain a Member of the United Nations, while mainland China could be admitted to this Organization If it so agrees.
121. I have referred, in my earlier remarks, to the United Nations consisting of 118 Members. The number during the twentieth session was 117, but remained at 116 because of the voluntary
non-participation of the Republic of Indonesia. Permit me to say a word now about that great State of Indonesia, a close neighbour of my country and Inhabited by no less than 107 million people who are linked to my country by strong ties of history, race and culture. Members of the Assembly are aware of the unhappy differences which arose between Indonesia and Malaysia almost precisely three years ago. The events of the past three years have kept apart our two countries — two countries which have every reason to hold together and work closely together, and have no justification whatsoever for standing apart. It is a matter of great rejoicing, not only to our two peoples, but also to all peace-loving nations that this unhappy episode is now ended. The credit goes to both sides. It was a victory for both countries, a victory of peace and co-operation over enmity and confrontation. We in Malaysia have always believed in peace, co-operation and friendship among nations. That is why we are so happy that the new leaders of Indonesia have decided to bring an end to the confrontation.
122. I should like to pay my sincere tribute and that of my Government to the new leaders of Indonesia, in particular to the Chairman of the Presidium, General Suharto, and the distinguished Foreign Minister of Indonesia, Mr. Adam Malik, whose integrity, sincerity and patience have greatly contributed towards bringing about peace between our two countries. Now Indonesia and Malaysia can look forward to an era of peace, co-operation and friendship and my Government is determined to develop the closest and the most durable friendship between our two countries.
123. Since it was my great privilege to participate personally in the diplomatic negotiations leading to the resumption of friendly relations between Indonesia and my country, may I be permitted to say, in all humility but with every satisfaction, that the restoration of peace in our part of Asia represents a major contribution to the progressive stabilization of the most turbulent region in the world today, namely, South-East Asia, and by their action Indonesia and Malaysia together have strengthened the stakes of peace, order and progress throughout the world.
124. The ending of confrontation came about as a result of direct contacts between the two countries in a sincere endeavour to bring about a peaceful settlement, As a result, it was possible to discuss our differences freely and frankly and in a spirit of friendship so as to find ways and means of bringing about the desired settlement. We hope that this will set a pattern for the settlement of disputes between nations. It is an outcome based on a sincere determination to find lasting solutions to differences and problems among nations by peaceful negotiations.
125. On behalf of my country I wish to take this opportunity to extend a formal welcome back to this Organization of the delegation of Indonesia, whose wise counsel in our debates had always been available to this Organization and which will again be available with fresh vigour and a new earnestness.
126. Coupled with our rapprochement with Indonesia, other equally happy events have recently taken place which bring profound rejoicing to us in Malaysia. I refer to Malaysia's resumption of diplomatic relations with the Philippines and also with Pakistan. With these happy developments, Malaysia can now look forward with the keenest anticipation to fruitful cooperation with these great Asian countries and neighbours in the pursuit of peace and the economic and social well-being of our peoples.
127. In this connexion, I should like to place in the records of this Assembly our deep gratitude and appreciation for the personal initiative taken and the painstaking efforts made by His Imperial Majesty the Shahinshah [of Iran] to bring about the restoration of normal relations between Pakistan and Malaysia.
128. My country achieved its independence barely nine years ago. Since then we have devoted our energy and resources to development, but this process has been somewhat retarded because of the unhappy episode with Indonesia, With the return of peace to Malaysia we can now redirect our resources and redouble our efforts in the field of economic development and towards giving our people a fuller measure of happiness and prosperity.
129. It is also a cardinal principle in the policy of my country to promote and achieve on a regional basis co-operation in trade, economic and cultural matters. We firmly believe that regional co-operation is the logical starting point and indeed the basis for international co-operation on a wider global basis. It is desirable that States in particular geographical regions should get together on a
co-operative basis to solve problems which, by their very nature, are common to them. It is, for example, obvious that one can more easily discover a common denominator and a common basis for action among States within a particular region, such as South-East Asia, than
seek to discover common ground between regions geographically placed as far apart as, say, South America and South-East Asia.
130. This is not to say that efforts should not be made to discover common factors among widely separated and disparate regions, for such an attitude would be contrary to the spirit, ideals and scope of the Charter. All that we in Malaysia plead for is a return to realism and common sense, a return to first principles. We in Malaysia believe profoundly that the development of world peace and world order is, in a very real sense, a process in which we should proceed, slowly but surely, from the particular to the general, from the part to the whole,
131. It is with this objective in mind that my Government, in association with the Governments of Thailand and the Philippines, has reactivated the Association of South-east Asia [ASA], which had more than its rightful share of teething troubles in its early years,
132. ASA has been revised and revitalized with a view to pursuing common economic and cultural objectives shared by the States of our region. Its specific, and only, objectives are to promote cooperation among its members In the economic and cultural fields. It proposes, by its inherent immediate strength and its long-term potential, to generate economic forces for development. It is not a power-bloc, but a peaceful bloc, powerful in goodwill, understanding and mutual co-operation.
133. We look forward to, and wish to work towards, a form of regional co-operation, and to extend the frontiers of such co-operation even with limited objectives in the first instance, that may bring the States of South-East Asia into co-operation with one another and, individually and collectively, with the other countries of Asia. We have much to contribute to each other's development and prosperity so as to facilitate progress towards a more stable and self-sustaining
South-East Asia.
134. This is not to say that the States of South-East Asia must learn, and are now beginning, to look inwards rather than outwards. This is only by way of changing the emphasis, and I wish to reiterate that our dedication to the Charter ideals of universal peace in conformity with the principles of justice and international law is not subject to any reservations or qualifications. The Preamble to the Charter bids us live together in peace with one another as good neighbours, and the virtue of neighbourliness can first be proved and given effect by those who are neighbours.
135. But we cannot afford to live isolated lives as South-East Asians, and we are deeply aware that events occurring in other parts of the world necessarily affect us in South-East Asia to a greater or lesser extent.
136. Among the problems of world-wide importance is that of disarmament. It is a problem shared by all nations, from the greatest and most powerful to the smallest and weakest. The frenzied increase and improvement in armaments, both nuclear and conventional, involve the whole world, not merely the great Powers, since a general war would
not discriminate between the guilty and the innocent in the casualty lists. Every State, large or small, has therefore the right and the duty to call a halt to this insane competition among the great Powers who seem determined to increase and perfect their potential power of destroying themselves and the entire human race.
137. It is a matter of no small significance that the Eighteen-Nation Committee on Disarmament, functioning with seventeen members, has not been able to stem the aspirations of other States in their prestigious desire to enter what is known as the "Nuclear Club".
138. Nuclear proliferation has also become a new ideological arena for conflict between the great Powers. Nuclear military science has produced a new language and a new jargon of controversy that is all but meaningless to the rest of the world. The protagonists in this controversy use the same terminology to indicate diametrically contradictory concepts. But the people of the world are demonstrating that they will not be deceived or confused by this verbal smokescreen. With this in mind, my delegation has, in common with many States, like Sweden, consistently urged that non-nuclear Powers should get together as soon as possible in order to enter into a convention pledging absolutely and for all time that they will not accept, either by gift or sale, possession, participation or custody of any nuclear weapon from any nuclear Power. The urgency of such a move has been underlined by the recent proceedings of the Eighteen-Nation Committee on Disarmament, which emphasize the danger posed by the attitude of certain States which possess the potential of a nuclear arsenal. These States have made it clear that their present attitudes should not lead to the assumption that at a later stage they would be willing to adhere to a nonproliferation treaty. As a country in South-East Asia, Malaysia cannot afford to forget that it lives under the shadow of an Asian nuclear Power. Malaysia's interest in the problem of disarmament cannot be merely academic, since its very existence is at stake. Therefore, we strongly urge an early solution to this problem, whether under the auspices of the United Nations or otherwise.
139. I now turn to the problems of trade and development. More than two years have gone by since the first United Nations Conference on Trade and Development. Its second Conference is hopefully expected to take place next year. But we shall only be deluding ourselves if we tend to regard that mere passage of time as having in any way contributed to the progress to which the first Conference had looked forward.
140. It must be admitted that the problems which cried for solution then remain with us still. If anything at all, they have grown in extent, and have enlarged in their dimensions. The gap between the developed and the developing nations is consistently and predictably growing wider on a scale that renders it less and less easy to bridge. Capital outflow has not significantly increased and technological skills are getting more and more beyond the reach of the developing nations. The rate of growth, ironically in the United Nations Development Decade, is slower than it was in the preceding decade. Per capita food
production in the ECAFE region has moved backwards — and it is here that the greater part of the world's population continues to reside and grow — and this situation threatens to engulf all problems.
141. I have no doubt that we shall — whenever the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development next meets — expend more millions of words in a variety of languages, in order to take stock and endeavour to move forward. But I venture to think that, instead of waiting hopefully for any positive action by the developed countries, a more useful endeavour will be for the developing countries themselves to meet and re-examine their needs and discover whether they cannot help themselves, even in limited spheres of economic activity.
142. In this connexion, I should like to inform the Assembly that it is with this objective that my Government has planned a Seminar on Development to be held next month in my own country's capital, Kuala Lumpur, at which several African-Asian guests will meet and exchange their knowledge and experience in the field of planning and development. We believe that this Seminar will produce positive results towards helping the countries taking part in it to implement their respective development plans for a faster rate of economic growth for the benefit of their own peoples. In this context also, the newly created Asian Development Bank, of which my country is a member, will become a most useful instrument for development in our region.
143. My Government has for some time been engaged in promoting economic co-operation and facilitating trade among countries in South-East Asia, and the clouds of political upheavals which for a time had thrown shadows across our path have happily lifted, and we are moving forward again. My delegation naturally welcomes, in this connexion, the creation of the United Nations Organization for Industrial Development, in which we hope to participate to the full limits of our capacity.
144. There are a variety of other problems that confront us at this session and that require urgent solution. They include the financing of peace-keeping operations, the persistence of the evil, anachronistic policy of apartheid in South Africa, the extension of apartheid into the mandated territory of South West Africa — a process by no means discouraged by the recent regrettable decision of the International Court of Justice relating to that territory — the denial of self-determination to the vast majority of the people of Southern Rhodesia, the intransigent colonial policy of Portugal in Angola, Mozambique and other smaller territories in Africa and Asia, the movement for independence in South Arabia, and the denial of the inalienable rights of the people of Palestine. My Government's policies on these issues are well known and my delegation will have the opportunity at the appropriate time at this season to elaborate on them in detail.
145. However, I cannot allow this occasion to pass without expressing the grave anxieties of my Government about recent developments in the affairs of southern Africa and the increasing disappointment and disillusionment of the coloured nations and peoples at the apparent acquiescence of the Western countries in these developments. May I, therefore, address myself directly to the Western States concerned and, in particular, to the major Powers, and most earnestly urge upon them the need for prompt and positive action to arrest this trend which has the most dangerous implications for the future of relations between the white and the coloured nations and peoples of the world.
146. May I also be permitted to speak a little on Rhodesia. My Government continues to regard with grave concern the Rhodesian situation and urges that effective steps be taken to bring to an early end the rebellious and illegal regime of Ian Smith. We cannot for one moment accept a situation which involves the suppression of the African majority by the white minority regime. Our policy on the Rhodesian situation has remained very clear and very consistent. We firmly believe that this British colony of Rhodesia must not be granted independence before majority rule has been established on the basis of universal adult franchise, that is, one man one vote. The Smith regime in Rhodesia, by seizing independence illegally, has made it the duty of every Member of the United Nations to see that this illegal regime is removed and replaced by a constitutional and democratic government. The recent meeting of the Commonwealth Prime Minister has given a solemn and categorical warning to the Smith regime. If this warning is not heeded, we must urge that effective mandatory sanctions under Chapter VII of the Charter of the United Nations be applied firmly and vigorously so that the people of Rhodesia may be ensured their inalienable right to self- determination and independence.
147. I should now like to refer to an important matter that very closely concerns us in Malaysia and indeed all of South-East Asia: the continuing conflict in Viet-Nam, in which many, including our distinguished Secretary-General, U Thant, have seen the seeds of the third world war. To us in South-East Asia, the Viet-Nam conflict poses a real and proximate.threat to the peace, progress and security of the whole region. We in Malaysia have on a number of occasions made it clear that we would like this conflict to be brought to an end as speedily as possible and that those directly involved should be helped to resolve their differences by peaceful negotiations across the conference table. Malaysia has taken and will continue to take every necessary and appropriate initiative open to it on a comprehensive all-Asian basis to seek an Asian solution to this problem. It should be left to the parties involved to find a formula to solve their problems and our efforts should be directed solely to bringing them together, not to suggesting — and much less to imposing — a solution. We have always held the view, in accordance with the Charter, that every country has the right to an independent existence without interference from any other country in its territorial integrity or political independence. We can only hope that our efforts will succeed.
148. May I use this solemn occasion, standing here at this rostrum, to invite all States, large and small, represented in this Assembly to give us their help in bringing the parties immediately concerned to the conference table. An end must be brought, and brought early, to this most unfortunate of conflicts, so that the people of all Viet-Nam —North and South — may be released from the cruel realities of war from which they have suffered continually for more than two decades.
149. We are acutely conscious that there are great and fearsome obstacles to the promotion of peace in Viet-Nam from within this Organization, Therefore, we cannot but regret that it has not yet been possible for the co-chairmen of the Geneva Conference to convoke a conference so that a solution to the conflict can be sought and found outside this Organization, if necessary.
150. Before concluding, may I be permitted to say a word about our Secretary-General? I do not wish to repeat what has been said from this rostrum, and from outside, about the absolute necessity of having him continue as Secretary-General, at least in the years immediately ahead. My country, both individually and collectively with other Asian States, has joined in this process of persuasion and gentle pressure. However, I am not unmindful of the difficulties that, fairly and legitimately, he has set out in detail as standing In the way of his offering to continue to serve. May I not now invite him to consider the fact that the States which have already addressed urgent pleas to him include those that may be regarded as being directly or indirectly involved in those difficulties, and that they have, by the very fact of their plea, morally committed themselves to a solution of those difficulties? In any event, I regard his letter of 1 September [A/6400] as meaning no more than that he will stand aside for the moment so that the Security Council may feel absolutely free in making its recommendations to this Assembly, unhampered by any embarrassments that the Security Council might feel should he offer to stay.
151. This is one matter on which this Assembly has expressed its wishes with complete and rare unanimity, U Thant, as we all well know, has rendered great and distinguished service to the cause of the United Nations and of world peace. Now, more than ever in its history, this Organization needs him. There are still many problems besetting this Organization to which he has drawn attention. Let us urge every priority for these problems and pledge ourselves to finding solutions to them. With these words, I hope and trust that U Thant will find it possible, in the interests of this Organization and of international co-operation, to meet the wishes of us all and agree to continue in office.