The General Assembly holds its present meeting in an atmosphere of tense agitation and under gathering clouds of uncertainty and anxiety. People from all parts of the world look up to it in hope and in fear to see what measures will be taken to allay their anxieties and put an end to the fear which fills their hearts as to their future and the future of humanity at large.
48. They were once promised freedom from fear and want. Then this world Organization was set up. The most lofty principles of equity, freedom, equality, human tolerance and international brotherhood were enunciated in the eloquent Preamble to its Charter. The contracting parties made the most solemn vows to save succeeding generations from the scourge of war, to direct human energy towards social reform and to raise the standard of life of all peoples.
49. But see how far we have departed from those lofty principles and noble ideals.
50. A single glance at our agenda is enough to show to what extent our Organization has failed in the discharge of its duties and in realizing the hopes placed in it. The problems confronting us today are almost the self-same problems of yesterday, which have come into being since the end of the last World War. The agenda of the Assembly each year is almost a copy of the agenda of the year before. Not only have we failed to settle the problems confronting us, but peoples all over the world are living in constant fear and anxiety. Their nerves are continually being shattered by the ruthless and unabating cold war and the flood of contradictory propaganda which has become their daily bread and has found its way into every place, even into this very Organization and every branch thereof.
51. Human efforts, which the Charter has promised to direct towards reform, reconstruction and the raising of the standard of life, have once again been mobilized for the accumulation of weapons of destruction and death. Yet only five years have elapsed since the end of the last World War, which spread havoc and destruction all over the world and gave humanity the atom bomb. How feeble and short-lived is the memory of man, and how strange the workings of the human mind. One would be puzzled if one were to try to determine the responsibility and to point out those responsible for this state of affairs. Each side says that its antagonists are warmongers and, if one were to believe all one hears, the eventual conclusion drawn would be that all people are warmongers.
52. I am not concerned here with determining responsibilities, for this may lead me into disfavour with everyone and I am indeed anxious to win the favour of all. But we shall never be able to put an end to this long series of failures with which our Organization has hitherto met unless we try at least to know our mistakes and unless we have enough courage to admit them. For knowing mistakes and having the courage to admit them are the first steps towards reform. Indeed there is nothing more injurious nor more confusing to the people than ignoring their own mistakes and persisting in committing them in spite of grave consequences.
53. I realize that it is extremely difficult for the strong and for those directly concerned in a dispute to pay attention to their mistakes, much less to admit them. Fortunately, however, the term “strong” does not apply to the vast majority of the Members of this Organization, who are in fact concerned with the settlement of the dispute between the strong, more especially as they have always been and will continue to be the first victims of those mistakes. In other words, there is no lack of mediators amongst us who are able by their faith, sincerity and disinterestedness, indeed by the strength of their very weakness, to draw attention to the mistakes of the past and thereby seek means of relief from our sufferings. Egypt does not claim for itself any wisdom or experience which others lack, but its peculiar circumstances, its standing grievance and the complaints of its neighbouring sister countries which have found no redress, all these considerations have forced it to speak out before others and to declare in all frankness the stark truth.
54. You have no doubt understood that I am referring to the stand taken by Egypt in the Security Council with regard to the Korean question.
55. I know that we alone have taken this stand. Nevertheless, we do not feel isolated. On the contrary, we feel indeed that we have voiced the sentiments of small and medium states and that the great Powers themselves, when they have our attitude properly weighed up, cannot but approve it and welcome its objectives, since they are the very same objectives of justice and peace so dear and near to the hearts of men, even though they may very often depart from their proper path. We are certain that oppressed people aspiring to freedom have acclaimed the attitude which insisted on the necessity for equality and called for the repelling of aggression against all states and peoples without any distinction or exception.
56. Certain people have tried hard to criticize our attitude and to distort it by false interpretation out of its proper perspective. But our attitude is so clear and simple as to permit of no interpretation other than the two reasons given to explain our abstention from voting.
57. First is our concern for peace and our fear that it would be disturbed by the long standing conflict between the two blocs, a conflict which has of late become so fierce that anxiety and fear prevail everywhere. We have given first the general reason with which all peoples are concerned, and which is in fact the ultimate goal of the United Nations and the highest aim of the Charter.
58. Secondly, there is the often observed practice of differentiating in treatment between States and peoples. The United Nations, while completely ignoring aggression at one time, hastens at another to take the most stringent measures to repel it. Yet, right is one unchangeable entity, and justice is one indivisible whole. It is everyone’s right to have the protection of the United Nations on a footing of equality with the rest.
59. It has been alleged that Egypt did not condemn aggression as others have done. No, indeed — for were it permissible to draw a distinction between Members of this Organization in the extent of their abhorrence of aggression, Egypt would undoubtedly be among those who abhor and condemn it the most, since it still continues to suffer from the violation of its rights. Egypt justly calls upon the United Nations to use one and the same measure in all cases of aggression and resolutely to repel aggression with the same alacrity wherever it may occur.
60. There is no doubt that the universalization of justice and the dissemination of the feeling of equality are two essential conditions for international security and peace. The two reasons which led Egypt to abstain from voting on the Security Council resolution of 27 June last are traceable, in fact, to one single reason: the love of peace and concern for its protection.
61. Permit me, after this survey of our position, to turn to certain international problems of particular interest to Egypt, the first and foremost of which, of course, is the Egyptian case which has been pending before the Security Council since September 1947: the case of uniting Egypt and the Sudan under the Egyptian Crown and the complete and immediate withdrawal of British forces from the territory.
62. It is natural that the heads of Egyptian delegations at every session of the General Assembly held since that date have pointed to this case as a flagrant example of the slow and lame justice practised by the United Nations. But I have something new to say at this session. In conformity with the provisions of the Charter and the wishes of the Security Council the Egyptian Government has entered, at its request, into preliminary talks with the United Kingdom Government, with a view to settling outstanding questions between the two countries. I believe that these preliminary talks have covered most of the ground. With goodwill and proper respect for rights and for the principles of the Charter — especially the principle of the sovereign equality of Member States — we should be able to arrive at the desired agreement and thus avoid the necessity for having recourse to other international means for the settlement of this problem.
63. Egypt is equally concerned over the development of affairs in Palestine. It rightly believes that all events which have taken place in that unfortunate country since the partition resolution of 1947 [181 (II)] clearly show how sincere and far-sighted the Arab States were in their repeated warnings to the United Nations against taking this Arab land from its legitimate owners and handing it over to aliens coming from all parts of the world.
64. In fact, the problem of refugees in Palestine, which is one of the gravest problems dealt with by the United Nations, is enough to substantiate what I have just said. It was argued that the Jews needed a part of Palestine as they were persecuted and driven out from certain European countries. It may be seen now how the position has been reversed, how the Jews have taken possession of the largest, most important and most fertile part of Palestine, and how the legitimate owners have been driven out of their homes into neighbouring countries to suffer hardships and privations and expose the whole of the Middle East to the gravest material and moral dangers. Was this what was meant by the partition resolution of the United Nations? And is it in this manner that its justice is upheld and the principles of its Charter applied? Is it not clear now that United Nations policy in Palestine has from the start been a flagrant mistake, and that it is imperative and for the best that the United Nations should hasten to admit that mistake and work forthwith to rectify it and remove its grave consequences?
65. In this hope we have requested the inclusion in the agenda of this session [A,/1323] of the item concerning the problem of Arab refugees and the necessity for the implementation of General Assembly resolution 194 (III) of 11 December 1948 providing for their return to their homes and compensating them for the loss of their assets and property. Doubtless, the attitude to be taken by the United Nations as regards this problem and the problem of the internationalization of Jerusalem, on which specific resolutions were adopted by the General Assembly on 29 November 1947 [181 (II)], 11 December 1948 and 9 December 1949 [303(IV)], will have a great significance in the present circumstances on the kind of justice dispensed by the United Nations and brought to bear on the various questions submitted to the Organization and the resolutions adopted by it. Is this justice to be the cherished justice worthy of its name for its fairness, impartiality and universal application? Or is it to be that lame, ugly justice in whose hands the balance is disturbed and equality is lost in a maze of political manoeuvres, false propaganda and materialistic passions?
66. The least we can do for our Organization is to save its justice from degenerating into the latter kind which has no claim to that noble name.
67. Just as Egypt is concerned with stability and security on her eastern frontiers, so is she equally concerned with stability and security on her western borders. I should like here to refer to General Assembly resolution 289 A (IV) of 21 November 1949 providing for the unity and independence of Libya within a period not extending beyond 1 January 1952. No sooner had this resolution seen the light of day than imperialist elements and political subterfuges became active in their attempts to undermine it and destroy the future of Libya. What I fear most of all is that these attempts may achieve their objectives unless the United Nations comes to the succour of its own resolution.
68. Time will not, of course, permit me to deal with all the questions included in the agenda. Indeed, it will not permit of my dealing with questions with which Egypt is particularly concerned. The Egyptian delegation will submit its views in due time, but it was necessary to speak now of international questions most closely connected with us. I believe that my previous statements in this connexion clearly outline Egypt’s attitude in foreign policy. You may see that it is a straightforward, disinterested attitude inspired by the principles of the Charter and having no other end in view save justice and international peace.
69. There is, however, another question which causes grave concern everywhere and is, therefore, the most important problem confronting us, namely, the question of reducing or increasing armament. The reduction of armament would have been more compatible with the spirit of the Charter and its provisions and more likely to realize the highest objectives of peace, but lack of confidence rendered such reduction difficult. Indeed it led to the race in armaments witnessed today. If, in regard to disarmament, a comparison were to be drawn between the efforts made by the defunct League of Nations at its inception and the efforts of this Organization in the hist five years, the result would be in favour of the League although it was deemed desirable to replace the latter by a new international organization, more powerful and more capable of effecting just settlements of disputes and maintaining world peace,
70. I do not wish to minimize the gravity of the practical difficulties confronting the United Nations in this connexion. Nevertheless, I wonder whether we have made enough of an effort in regard to disarmament.
71. There is no doubt that mutual confidence is the most effective remedy needed by this sick world not only with regard to the problem of armaments but also in regard to other problems. I find myself once again irresistibly led by logic into reiterating that the prevalence of confidence cannot be realized unless complete equality obtains between all States and peoples.
72. It is Egypt’s hope that mutual confidence will prevail among all States great and small alike, that the need for armaments will thereby be obviated and that the considerable expenditure on it will be earmarked for building up a better world and a happier people. But if it is the lot of our Organization to hear continually complaints of the actions of certain Member States and to fail to bring them back into general confidence, no wonder other Members would stand in greater need of mutual confidence, and hence of dealing and cooperating with each other on a basis of complete equality in rights and obligations. In other words, if we find ourselves obliged to adopt an armaments policy for the prevention of war, the followers of this policy should deal equitably with one another and secure for each country the material and types of arms most suited to its peculiar needs and circumstances.
73. Discrimination in this respect is highly unjust and is fraught with grave consequences. Even worse is depriving a country of arms with a view to bringing political_ pressure to bear on it for aggressive or imperialistic purposes.
74. There remains an important problem closely connected with this question, namely, the problem of armed forces, assistance and facilities necessary for the maintenance of international peace and security which all Member States have undertaken to make available to the Security Council under Article 43 of the Charter, which includes, in fact, a new element of the utmost importance introduced into an international institution by the United Nations Charter.
75. The Egyptian delegation complained at the fourth session of the General Assembly [226th meeting] of the suspension of the provisions of this Article. We should, therefore, be glad of any effort made in this session to implement its provisions or of any proposals for other practical and just provisions to replace them. The Egyptian delegation trusts that such provisions would once and for all put an end to the claims of certain States in connexion with strategic interests or military obligations within the boundaries of other States.
76. I would like, in conclusion, to summarize Egypt’s views on the present international situation and on the most effective remedy for dispelling gathering clouds and consolidating the United Nations.
77. This remedy may be summed up in two words, namely, democratic principles. These principles which are dear to us have been established in internal institutions but they have so far been excluded from international institutions. If we are truly desirous of establishing peace and security and directing human efforts towards the good of humanity, let us loyally work for the application of these principles in international dealings.
78. Let us do our utmost to ensure for all peoples in the international community those rights and freedoms so essential to democracy, just as we have done for individuals in national communities. Let us respect the independence and sovereignty of nations just as we respect the dignity and personality of the individual and let our motto be: justice, equality and peace for all.