1. Mr. President, I am most pleased to extend to you, on behalf of the Greek delegation and on my own behalf, our warmest congratulations on your election to the highest office of our Organization, that of President of this Assembly.
2. My pleasure is all the greater because I am addressing these wishes to the representative of a country whose ties with the Greek nation date back hundreds of years, as attested by Herodotus, the father of history. Our peoples, although separated geographically, have known and esteemed each other for a very long time. And we are certain, Mr. President, that we shall find in you all the qualities of firmness, wisdom, tact and experience that we have learned to appreciate in the Afghan nation.
3. I should also like to ask the Italian delegation to please convey to the outgoing President, Mr. Fanfani, the Greek delegation's gratitude and appreciation for successfully carrying out his difficult duties as President during the twentieth session. Throughout that session, Mr. Fanfani demonstrated the qualities that all of us, and particularly we Greeks, neighbours and friends of his country, have recognized in him for some time.
4. Faced with an agenda of some hundred items, most of them extremely important, one is tempted to wonder whether this multitude of issues is a sign of prosperity and strength or, rather, a symptom of the Organization's weakness and decline.
5. A glance at the past makes us realize that the United Nations has already accomplished a great deal in its various areas of competence, particularly in social, economic and humanitarian matters, and in education, the liberation of peoples, the restoration of human dignity and the protection of human rights. But much remains to be done. There are in particular crucial problems which cannot be ignored with impunity, such as decolonization, and economic, financial and technical assistance to developing countries.
6. As regards decolonization, we are indeed happy with the results already attained. They redound to the credit of the United Nations, since they have led to the emergence of many new, independent States whose collaboration we truly appreciate.
7. My country is happy today to welcome Guyana, a new State in the Western Hemisphere, on its admission to the United Nations and on its participation in our work. We extend to it our sincere congratulations and our best wishes for progress and prosperity.
8. I should also like to take this opportunity to tell the Indonesian delegation how glad we are to see it resume its rightful role in the work of the United Nations.
9. We have not forgotten, however, that other peoples in other parts of the world are still waiting to be freed. The questions of Southern Rhodesia and South West Africa are foremost among those which must be settled quickly, in conformity with our principles. None of us can have a clear conscience until the principles of the Charter have been fully applied, I need hardly point out that with only three of the eleven Territories placed under trusteeship after the Organization was founded still under trusteeship, it is indeed inconceivable that the Mandate for South West Africa should still be — even nominally — the same as the Mandate the League of Nations established nearly forty-six years ago.
10. Such situations, together with other forms of interventionism and absolutism such as apartheid, belong to the past and must be considered for ever obsolete.
11. Greece, which has a long history of struggle for freedom and human dignity, for national independence and self-determination, will continue to lend whatever support it can to every constructive and reasonable measure designed to ensure universal acceptance of the principles, ideals and high moral values of our civilization.
12. In the economic sector, the Organization has become increasingly more active in conjunction with the United Nations Development Decade. The work of the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development (UNCTAD) and the imminent establishment of the United Nations Organization for Industrial Development will give, I am sure, new impetus to this collective effort. But we must not forget that in this era of extraordinarily rapid scientific and technological progress, the rate of development in all sectors of human life is much faster than it was thirty, twenty or even ten years ago. This is particularly obvious in the economy of developed nations, as precise statistics show. This is another aspect of the gap between the level of living of the developed and that of the developing countries, a gap which, instead of narrowing, grows ever wider and more difficult to close.
13. While I do not underestimate the difficulties inherent in any assistance project forming part of a plan of well-conceived and close co-operation between industrialized countries and those at a less advanced stage of development, I have no hesitation in saying that the possibilities of such assistance and cooperation are far from exhausted. In this context, I should like to recall the Secretary-General's comments during the last session of the Economic and Social Council [1421st meeting]. He spoke of the prevalent disappointment with the aid to developing countries and, while seeking the reasons, he tried to visualize possible solutions to the problem.
14. The industrialized countries and the third world alike must make greater and more intensive efforts in view of the inadequate results of the United Nations Development Decade. It has often been emphasized, and my country's experience has proved, that the main effort, the essential effort — in other words, the will which is the determining factor — must come from the developing countries. But both parties must also act in full awareness of the fact that such co-operation is from the outset, and even more in the long run, in their mutual and reciprocal interest. The application of science and technology to development and multilateral economic assistance, particularly in financing, are necessary to reduce the shocking differences between nations. International aid is in short only a manifestation of human solidarity, a means to combat poverty and misery, to eliminate the causes of resentment and bitterness, and to prevent possible outbreaks of revolt and hatred.
15. Each of us has a clear duty towards mankind, towards his own country, towards world order and peace, towards the economic and social progress of the international community to do his best to help improve conditions which might prove harmful to all mankind. The interest of us all, great or small, rich or poor, is in this respect one and indivisible. We must do everything in our power to prevent erosion of the foundations of international peace which — let us never forget — are precarious and unsteady.
16. Although the matter is not on our agenda, we can hardly ignore the threat to world peace created by the Viet-Namese conflict. This conflict is the main source of the apprehension and anxiety which the present international situation has engendered. It is the most serious obstacle to the efforts made to solve other crucially important questions, such as disarmament. And it has led to the re-emergence of certain features of the cold war we had thought were for ever disposed of and abandoned.
17. I do not intend to go into the details of this issue. Yet I cannot hide the disappointment my Government and the Greek people feel because the repeated efforts of the United States and other Governments, and of persons of international stature, to halt the conflict, have elicited no response from the other party involved.
18. We are convinced in Greece that the Viet-Namese dispute should be brought to the conference table as soon as possible, on the basis of the 1954 Geneva Agreements, so that a peaceful, just and equitable solution may be reached,
19. Greece, which not long ago experienced a similar type of armed subversion, directed and supported from outside, and which, with the valuable help of the United Nations and the United States, was able to safeguard its independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity — Greece, which has had bitter experience of the suffering such intervention causes, cannot but feel deep sympathy for the Viet-Namese people. That is another reason why we have followed and continue to follow the Secretary-General's efforts with particular concern and appreciation and why we lend him our full support.
20. It is not always easy to stop the detonation and firing of weapons with other weapons; it is much wiser and more humane to stop the use of arms by negotiation. This is what overwhelming world opinion demands, and we sincerely hope that those .opposed will soon recognize the disaster into which their continued stubbornness and fanaticism may plunge not only their own people, but the entire international community as well.
21. The Viet-Namese issue is one of those which force us to admit that the results the Organization has achieved thus far in the political sphere are a far cry from what the peoples on whose behalf the United Nations was established had the right to expect. But this very situation obliges us all, on behalf of mankind, which we are called on to serve, to express frankly and unequivocally our fervent desire for a just peace in keeping with the principles and ideals of our civilization.
22. Even if we were to accept the theory that the Viet-Namese question cannot easily be dealt with within the United Nations because certain parties to the dispute are not Members, there are several other problems which have been pending before the Organization for years without having been solved. This lack of constructive and effective action is most serious whenever pending problems have an impact or repercussions, direct or indirect, on international peace, I need mention only Southern Rhodesia and the reunification of Korea.
23. We cannot forget that there are nations such as Germany, which, for reasons I prefer not to analyse here, remain divided. The Greek Government sincerely and fervently hopes that these nations will be reunited as soon as possible, by peaceful and democratic means, in application of the sacred and inalienable principle of self-determination. The reunification of these nations would not only be a positive contribution to international peace and to the wellbeing of the peoples who bear the unfortunate consequences of division; it would also eliminate hotbeds of conflict that might easily lead to war. History has taught us that the division of States is itself a cause of war.
24. The Organization's failure to solve our political problems is closely linked to its inability to devise and put into operation machinery that would enable it effectively to fulfil its responsibility as guardian of international peace and security. Twenty-one years after its establishment, the United Nations seems to have only temporary, sometimes completely improvised, palliatives at its disposal with which to counter the direct threats to peace.
25. The responsibility of maintaining peace is, under the Charter, the joint responsibility of all Members of the United Nations. It would be a vain exercise, however, to seek a single expression, a single adequate joint demonstration, of this responsibility by practical means or measures. To mention just one aspect, the financial aspect, the Organization has undertaken peace-keeping operations, but those who have borne the burden do not by any means represent its entire membership.
26. I have no intention of going into the history of this problem. We are all aware that this situation nearly shook the United Nations to its foundations. Fortunately, reason finally prevailed and an interim arrangement was agreed upon. But a year has passed since then and the issue still has not been permanently settled. The voluntary contributions which were to be made to cover the United Nations financial deficit have come only from those countries which have regularly borne the costs of peace-keeping operations in the past.
27. A highly qualified Committee of Experts has thoroughly studied the United Nations financial situation. The Assembly will have the opportunity to study its report [A/6343] and the comments and recommendations contained therein. Another Committee, the Committee of Thirty-Three, has deliberated for over two years on the financing of peace-keeping operations. The Assembly will be able to profit from these discussions and from the conclusions which have been drawn from them. We thus have at hand all the necessary tools with which to seek a permanent solution to the problem of financing peacekeeping operations.
28. In so doing, we must always remember that the amounts paid for such operations are actually only an insurance premium for peace, a relatively tiny premium compared to the risk these operations over, a premium we all have a compelling interest in paying to avoid the terrible slaughter and ruin that would result from war.
29. It is equally essential to set up machinery to serve as an effective peace-keeping instrument. The United Nations should have done this long ago. It is now our duty towards the peoples whom we represent there to finish this work.
30. It is well known that Greece, while faithful to the principle of collective responsibility for keeping the peace, has invariably contributed within its limited means to all United Nations peace-keeping operations, foreover, we promptly made a voluntary contribution following last year's arrangement for covering the Organization's financial deficit. I need recall merely hat Greece contributed $4,450,000 towards financing the United Nations Peace-keeping Force in Cyprus. This amount represents over 8 per cent of the pledges to date and 7.5 per cent of the total expenditure for this Force. This contribution places Greece immediately after the United States and the United Kingdom, and on the same level as the Federal Republic of Germany.
31. In mentioning the need for the United Nations to establish a suitable peace-keeping machinery, we are no less concerned with another imperative duty of the Organization, that of attaining world disarmament.
32. It is becoming established practice for speakers at this rostrum to discuss disarmament and express hopes for its attainment. The General Assembly has been dealing with the problem for over 20 years. The broad scope of the issue and the significant advantages mankind would derive from the conclusion of as comprehensive an agreement on disarmament as possible are such that no delay or obstacle whatsoever should discourage us.
33. The recent past has proved that solutions are possible when the political will to find them exists. I am referring to the Moscow partial nuclear test-ban Treaty. This Treaty, which aroused such great hope in mankind, should not remain an isolated case. Although an agreement on general and complete disarmament, including an effective control system, may not yet be imminent, it still seems possible now to make substantial concrete progress on several points under discussion, particularly with regard to collateral measures,
34. That is what the world, what all peoples represented in the Assembly, expect from us. But this top- priority and urgent task devolves primarily upon those States which, because of their great military power, have special and greater responsibility to ensure peace and security. We appeal to the political will of these States and to the determination of their leaders. They may rest assured that we will cooperate with them promptly and constructively.
35. My statement in this general debate would be incomplete without a brief reference to an obligation, in our opinion specific, which is incumbent on the States Members of the United Nations under the Charter and the relevant General Assembly resolutions. This involves fostering as far as possible understanding and co-operation between States, naturally beginning with countries in the same geographic region.
36. Last year [1358th meeting] the Greek delegation reported to the Assembly that considerable progress had been achieved towards improving relations and broadening and strengthening the ties between Greece and its neighbours, I am happy to add today that more headway has since been made in the same direction. Greece and Romania have just concluded a series of agreements which offer new prospects not only for the complete re-establishment of the friendly ties which always joined the two nations, but also for close cooperation in various spheres of international activity.
37. Greece is firmly determined not to let the difference between political and social systems stand in the way of the establishment of normal and progressively closer ties with other States. Greece proved this at an early stage, in its relations with its two close neighbours in the Balkans, Yugoslavia and Bulgaria.
38. As to relations between Greece and Turkey, I am pleased to inform the Assembly that the serious problems which have arisen during the past few years in Greek-Turkish relations are now the subject of a thorough joint study. I shall not go into the details. But I feel I should elaborate somewhat on one of the Issues under discussion with our Turkish neighbours, inasmuch as the Assembly dealt with it at great length during its twentieth session.
39. I am referring to the question of Cyprus, on which, after long discussion, the General Assembly last year adopted a resolution [2077 (XX)] recommending, among other things, the continuation of the mediation work begun by the Security Council. Unfortunately, it has not been possible to resume mediation. New efforts could certainly be made in that direction, as the United Nations Mediator himself, Mr. Galo Plaza, suggested in his report of 26 March 1965, and as the Security Council's repeated recommendations to the parties involved have indicated. The Secretary-General made the same suggestion at the end of Section IV of the Introduction to his Annual Report on the Work of the Organization [A/6301/Add.1].
40. With this in mind, my Government established contact with Ankara and, after a preliminary exchange of views, the two Governments — and I quote a communique issued simultaneously in the two capitals on 18 May 1966:
"Inspired by a sincere desire to facilitate a peaceful and agreed settlement of the problem of Cyprus and to “improve their relations, ... have decided to proceed to contacts and an exchange of views on the question of Cyprus and on the Greek-Turkish relations as a whole".
41. Three weeks later, on 9 June 1966, following my two meetings with my Turkish colleague at Brussels, a second communique reported that we had agreed to begin a private discussion to help solve the Cyprus question without delay.
42. Those exchanges of views began some time ago with the consent of the Cyprus Government. They are continuing uninterrupted, regularly though somewhat slowly, because of the difficulties inherent in the Cyprus problem and because of other matters affecting the relations between the two countries. We are trying to help settle the Cyprus issue through these exchanges of views. We are convinced that our effort pays all necessary heed to the hopes and desires of the island's entire population — Greek Cypriots, Turkish Cypriots and others. And this effort is determined and defined by the fact that Cyprus is an independent country, a Member of the United Nations. Both Governments must find the basis for a just and equitable solution which is in keeping with the principles of the Charter and with the wishes of the Cypriot people and calculated to guarantee lasting peace in our region of south-east Europe and the eastern Mediterranean.
43. Needless to add, my Government entered these talks with the best of goodwill and good faith. I am confident that I can expect our Turkish colleagues to reciprocate these feelings and intentions. Under these circumstances, we venture to hope that our efforts will yield fruitful results.
44. In conclusion, I wish to stress that, as in the past, Greece, true to the ideals and principles which have inspired and guided it for centuries, will spare no effort in helping to safeguard peace and justice.