The practice of beginning sessions of the Assembly with a general debate should be recognized as affording the Governments represented here an opportunity to state early in the session their attitude on the most important items on the agenda; thus an idea may be obtained of the general outline of the proceedings of the most important organ of the United Nations, and the world, anxious to learn the views of the Assembly, can without delay, form an opinion concerning the objectives of the Member States of the Organization and the responsibilities each one of them is prepared to assume. Accordingly, and taking into account the pressure of time, I propose to outline briefly the Colombian delegation’s attitude to the main problems on the agenda.
149. There can be no doubt that the bloody drama being enacted in Korea takes first place amidst the problems which face the world and on that account must take priority over all other matters before the General Assembly. This is not only because, in that distant land, the blood of heroic servants of the United Nations is being shed, but also because, there, the prestige of our Organization is at stake and the effectiveness of aggression against law and the predominance of right over force are being weighed in the balance,
150. The position of Colombia in relation to such an important problem cannot be a matter for vacillation.
151. At the first part of the third session, our delegation stated that it would support the conclusions reached by the United Nations Commission on Korea that had gone to study on the spot the situation that had arisen there. We defined our position on the question then, even though we were not unaware of the proportions to which any conflict brought about by disregard of the Commission’s conclusions might grow.
152. The Government of Colombia has followed the invariable practice of respecting the decisions of organs of the United Nations and of obeying its decisions as expressed by the majority vote of the Member States. We believe that it is by the vote of the majority that the democracies can express their will and that, whatever may be the disadvantages which this principle may offer, there is no other way for peoples to attain self-government in accordance with their own freely- expressed will. I cannot but differ on this point with the views expressed here a few days ago by the head of the USSR delegation when he repudiated the moral weight of the majority vote of the Assembly. If the decision of the majority does not determine the course to be followed by states and peoples, then there remains but one alternative: to impose the will of the armed minority upon the unarmed majority. This course, far from leading to peace, leads to slavery.
153. Colombia, accepting, therefore, the Security Council’s decision to come to the aid of Korea, even by recourse to arms as well as the recommendation that all Member States of the Organization should co-operate in this effort, replied to the Secretary-General’s telegram of 14 July by stating that it was prepared faithfully to fulfil its international commitments, whatever sacrifices might be involved. Consequently, Colombia has recently placed at the disposal of the Unified Command of the United Nations a frigate, the officers, noncommissioned officers and men of which are ready to proceed to the theatre of war and are prepared to give up their lives at the side of their comrades from other countries in the cause of the United Nations. It is with a heavy heart that Colombia sees her sons departing; but at the same time it is with a feeling of satisfaction because they are going to discharge their duty.
154. Already in the opening meeting of this session of the Assembly, the question of the delegation of China was brought up and it was debated which of the two Governments, the People’s Republic or Nationalist China, should occupy a seat in our Organization. My delegation’s attitude to this important question is as follows: the Nationalist Government had been unanimously recognized, even by those who today oppose it, as the legitimate government of the Chinese people and no one ever questioned the legitimacy of the credentials of its delegation. Then there occurred a subversive movement which, with arms supplied by foreign countries, fought to overthrow that legitimate government and which, after a long and varied series of events, succeeded in winning the upper hand, although it cannot be said that the battle is finally over. What I should like to know is at what precise moment the legitimate government ceased to be the legitimate government and at what point the one which sought to overthrow it by force acquired a legal and moral right.
155. I have heard it said here that the fact that the Government of the People’s Republic is now in control of most of Chinese territory and imposes its decisions on the majority of the Chinese people, provides it with sufficient credentials as a legitimate government which should be recognized and respected by the international community, and that the Government of Nationalist China, which was legitimate until quite recently, ceased to be legitimate because today it is confined by force of arms to the territory of Formosa.
156. Nevertheless, I find that those who maintain this thesis have on many occasions applied different principles. To mention only a single case, I give the example of the present Government of Poland whose members; for a long time resided outside their country without even setting foot on Polish territory. Yet, that was the Government which was recognized as legitimate and which later imposed its authority by force of arms. Nor is it idle to recall that in the case of Spain there is a government which for many years has completely and peacefully ruled the entire territory of Spain and is obeyed by all of its inhabitants. Nevertheless the legitimacy of this Government is not recognized by the very people who here advocate the immediate recognition and admission of the People’s Republic of China.
157. We must not forget in this instance that the maintenance of peace is the primary objective of the United Nations and that the first duty of the Organization is to strive for peace. But the internal peace of states is an integral part of international peace and it does not seem to be conducive to the strengthening of internal peace to promote from within or outside this Organization revolutionary movements designed to overthrow legally constituted governments. To expel from the United Nations, without careful consideration, the delegation representing the government which heretofore was unanimously recognized as the legitimate government of China, and which is still struggling to maintain its authority, and to invite the representatives of the subversive movement would, in my opinion, be tantamount to inciting people to sedition everywhere in the world and thereby weakening the foundations of international peace.
158. In the case of Jerusalem, the position of the Colombian delegation is well known. As the representatives of an overwhelmingly Catholic people, we desire a regime which will offer complete safeguards for the Holy Places and ensure free access for the faithful of all religions. The General Assembly resolution providing for the internationalization of the Holy City is still in force and Colombia respects it. We hope that in its application an attempt will be made to find a solution which can be supported by the inhabitants of both nationalities. We are prepared to exert our efforts to that end.
159. Colombia has no links and no direct interest in the territories of the former Italian colonies. This fact has enabled my country to take an impartial attitude during the discussions of their future status and our sole preoccupation has been to ensure respect for the general principles for which my country has always striven.
160, When the government of Mussolini invaded Ethiopia, Colombia was one of the first countries to vote in favour of the sanctions ordered by the League of Nations, and although the great Powers later accepted the fait accompli of annexation, Colombia always refused to recognize it. The countries of America regard as unacceptable any annexation carried out without consultation of the people and against their will.
161, One year ago there was some doubt concerning the possibility of setting up an independent state in Libya within the brief period stipulated in General Assembly resolution 289 (IV). It now appears that despite the numerous problems which will have to be faced, it will be possible to convene in the coming year a constituent assembly, and that before 1 January 1952 Libya will enter the family of nations as a sovereign, free and independent state.
162. The report of the Advisory Council on Somaliland shows the wisdom of the General Assembly in making Italy responsible for that territory’s administration during the three years which were considered necessary for its preparation as an independent state.
163. It remains for the Assembly to solve the problem of Eritrea. Annexation to Ethiopia, carried out against the wishes of large sections of the population, would be a violation of principles on which we can brook no compromise. On the other hand, in view of the special characteristics of the territory and the division of opinion which has been reported by the United Nations Commission for Eritrea, it would be premature to consider the establishment of an independent state and dangerous to postpone a decision on the fate of so important a territory,
164. Perhaps a solution might be found in the proposal for federation which is supported in some quarters, but only provided that the statute of such a federation respect the sovereignty to which each member State of a federation is equally entitled. There can be no federation if the essential attributes of domestic sovereignty are vested in only one of the member States.
165. Colombia is particularly interested in the success of the programme of technical assistance to economically under-developed countries which was initiated, with wisdom and foresight, by President Truman in Point Four of his inaugural address. The struggle against poverty and the determination to raise the standard of living of those who have been less favoured by fortune are, in our opinion, essential prerequisites to the establishment of peace with justice, In my country, at the present time, a long-term programme is being initiated under the auspices of the United Nations and its technical organs, an undertaking which may be called the first experimental step in the comprehensive humanitarian programme of assistance to under-developed countries; if it is successfully completed, it will reflect immeasurable credit upon our Organization. My Government is resolved to collaborate to the limit of its resources in carrying out this important plan, in which the International Bank for Reconstruction and Development and a group of experts, headed by the distinguished economist Lauchlin Currie, have participated and taken an interest.
166. The representative of Chile [281st meeting] has already spoken at length on the development of Point Four of President Truman’s programme, a statement with which my delegation heartily concurs,
167. Finally, I should like to comment briefly on the trend of opinion which exists here to give greater flexibility to the action of the General Assembly in the solution of international disputes, particularly in cases where the Security Council is paralysed owing to the rigidity of its rules of procedure. My country feels that this is a wholesome tendency. It coincides with the views we have held since the San Francisco Conference; and we have often expressed the opinion that under its rules the Security Council would frequently be found lacking in effectiveness. Events have confirmed our prognostications, but we cannot agree that this deficiency will lead to the complete collapse of our Organization. We feel that the Charter should not be looked upon as a dead or Static instrument, but as one imbued with life and capable of development to enable the organs of the United Nations to carry out their functions and meet the exigencies which may arise.
168. I should like to conclude my remarks by expressing my delegation's heartfelt hope that this session will be a successful one, and that the great Powers will reach an understanding despite the differing principles which govern the lives of their peoples. They all, surely, seek the happiness of their peoples, but it is inconceivable that they should contemplate the destruction of man in order to attain that goal.